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Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy

Impact factor: 1.641 Print ISSN: 1529-7489 Online ISSN: 1530-2415 Publisher: Wiley Blackwell (Blackwell Publishing)

Subjects: Social Psychology, Social Issues

Most recent papers:

  • Outcome‐Based Perceptions of Morality and Support for Political Candidates.
    Caroline E. Drolet, Carolyn L. Hafer.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. October 22, 2018
    --- - |2 Abstract During the 2016 U.S. presidential election, Trump supporters expressed that they believed Trump was a moral candidate because of his past successes. Such statements are consistent with our argument that people judge others’ morality based on their success and failure‐related outcomes, even though these outcomes are usually associated with judgments of competence. Moreover, we argue that these outcome‐based perceptions of morality play a crucial role in responses to political candidates, independent of perceived competence. In three experiments, we manipulated a hypothetical candidate's outcomes (past successes vs. failures, or success in light of past misfortune vs. good fortune). We examined the effect of the manipulation on perceptions of the candidate's morality and competence, as well as support for the candidate (e.g., voting intentions). Across the three experiments, candidates’ outcomes affected not only perceptions of their competence, but also their morality. In turn, outcome‐based perceptions of competence and morality independently predicted candidate support. Our findings have implications for how people responded to the campaigns in the 2016 U.S. presidential election, especially the campaign run by Donald Trump. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, EarlyView.
    October 22, 2018   doi: 10.1111/asap.12166   open full text
  • Who Is for (or Against) the National Flag? Ideological and Identity‐Based Motivators of Attitudes.
    Nicole Satherley, Danny Osborne, Chris G. Sibley.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. October 18, 2018
    --- - |2 Abstract Although national flags arguably reflect a unified nation, support for a particular flag design may vary across ideological cleavages within the electorate. Here, we examined the impact of system‐challenging and system‐justifying ideologies, as well as political party support, on support for flag‐change in a large (N = 13,559) nationally representative sample of New Zealand adults. As hypothesized, system‐justifying ideologies (e.g., conservatism, right‐wing authoritarianism, historical negation, and symbolic exclusion) correlated negatively with flag change support, whereas system‐challenging ideologies (e.g., support for multiculturalism) correlated positively with support for change. Yet, consistent with an identity politics perspective, support for the National Party—the center‐right/conservative party in New Zealand whose leader advocated change—correlated positively (rather than negatively) with support for changing the flag. These results demonstrate the countervailing effects of system‐justifying and system‐challenging ideologies on support for change, and identify a boundary condition of conservatives’ opposition to change (namely, party support). - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, EarlyView.
    October 18, 2018   doi: 10.1111/asap.12169   open full text
  • Attitudes toward Food Insecurity in the United States.
    Carley Ward, Geoffrey Maruyama, Lara Jessen, Wei Song, Lori Kratchmer, Rob Zeaske.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. October 01, 2018
    --- - |2 Abstract According to a 2017 U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) survey, 12.3% of households face food insecurity (FI)—the economic and social condition of limited or uncertain access to adequate food. Given the pervasiveness of the problem, there is surprisingly little research examining how the general population perceives FI. Is FI expected in all societies? Is it a societal disgrace for individuals in the United States to go hungry? When it occurs, who is responsible? This research drew from existing surveys and practitioner expertise to develop a comprehensive instrument to assess attitudes toward FI. Data were collected in two studies to test a multidimensional model developed through examination and categorization of FI‐related items. We examined dimensionality of attitudes through exploratory (Study 1, N = 503) and then confirmatory (Study 2, N = 510) factor analysis of representative samples of Amazon Mechanical Turk (MTurk) participants. Seven dimensions were identified and related to reported contributions to food organizations and demographic characteristics (e.g., gender, age, and political orientation). Our findings help understanding of attitudes toward FI and can provide antipoverty organizations with information to shape policy, challenge inaccurate perceptions, and develop approaches to address FI. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, EarlyView.
    October 01, 2018   doi: 10.1111/asap.12168   open full text
  • A Crisis of Care.
    Georgeanna Wright.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. September 26, 2018
    --- - - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, EarlyView.
    September 26, 2018   doi: 10.1111/asap.12165   open full text
  • Toward a More Diverse Workforce.
    Phyllis A. Wentworth.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. September 14, 2018
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    September 14, 2018   doi: 10.1111/asap.12164   open full text
  • The Implications of Right‐Wing Authoritarianism for Non‐Muslims’ Aggression toward Muslims in the United States.
    Christopher L. Beck, E. Ashby Plant.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. August 09, 2018
    --- - |2 Abstract Following 9/11 and the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, anti‐Muslim antipathy dramatically escalated in the United States. We argue that a major contributor to this hostility is endorsement of Right‐Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) because people high in RWA tend to respond aggressively toward groups that they view as threatening particularly when they perceive that such aggression is supported by authority figures. We posit that Americans high in RWA view Muslims as threatening traditional American norms and perceive that the U.S. government is at war with Islam. Across three studies, we present consistent support for our hypothesis that RWA is associated with endorsing and engaging in hostile behavior toward Muslims. In addition, this hostility is mediated by the perception that Muslims threaten societal norms and that the government is actively at war with Islam (Study 3). The implications for the reduction of aggression toward Muslims and the impact of RWA on hostility toward other outgroups are discussed. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, EarlyView.
    August 09, 2018   doi: 10.1111/asap.12163   open full text
  • Addressing Food Insecurity in College: Mapping a Shared Conceptual Framework for Campus Pantries in Michigan.
    Harmony A. Reppond, Karen Thomas‐Brown, Natalie R. Sampson, Carmel E. Price.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. July 24, 2018
    --- - |2 Abstract The first known university food pantry started at Michigan State University in 1993. Since then, campus food pantries are more widespread, although little is known about them. The current study examined how college pantries best serve students and foster their success. Twenty‐eight food pantry directors and staff from across sixteen Michigan college campuses engaged in concept mapping, a technique used to examine the interrelationships among concepts understood by stakeholders. Analyses identified six concepts, examined importance of each concept as assigned by participants, and evaluated variation among institutions. Implications for findings and future research directions are discussed. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, EarlyView.
    July 24, 2018   doi: 10.1111/asap.12161   open full text
  • Looking across the Globe, Where Do Retail Jobs Lead to a Middle‐Class Life?
    Vanessa A. Edkins, Nicholas Moon.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. July 19, 2018
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    July 19, 2018   doi: 10.1111/asap.12162   open full text
  • Evolution of Social Identity Terms in Lay and Academic Sources: Implications for Research and Public Policy.
    Roxanne Moadel‐Attie, Sheri R. Levy, Bonita London, Rami Al‐Rfou.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. June 25, 2018
    --- - |2 Abstract Increasingly, individuals identify with two or more racial or cultural, yet are sometimes externally misclassified, contributing to experiences of invisibility within U.S. society. Using computational techniques, we examined the transmission of cultural identity terms through time, providing some evidence for the changing representation of social identity. We examined the usage patterns of identity terms with the prefixes (mono‐, bi‐, multi‐), modifying the social identity terms: culture, ethnicity, and race (e.g., comparing monocultural, monoethnic, and monoracial). For bicultural and multicultural terms, those with ‐racial suffixes were the earliest used terms, while those with ‐cultural and ‐ethnic suffixes gained more popularity in recent years. We examined the evolution of the higher frequency social identity terms in lay sources (the NY Times, Reddit), and found that interracial and multicultural were the most popular over time, peaking recently. We examined the potential time lag in the sequence of identity terms among academic (PsycINFO, NIH, and NSF Databases), lay (the NY Times), and mixed sources (Google Books N‐Grams), demonstrating that newer terms (e.g., multicultural) are first used and gain prevalence in lay sources, then mixed sources, and eventually academic sources. The implications of these findings for research, public policy, and psychosocial experiences of individuals are discussed. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, EarlyView.
    June 25, 2018   doi: 10.1111/asap.12158   open full text
  • Breaking Down the Language of Online Racism: A Comparison of the Psychological Dimensions of Communication in Racist, Anti‐Racist, and Non‐Activist Groups.
    Nicholas Faulkner, Ana‐Maria Bliuc.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. May 27, 2018
    --- - |2 Abstract The Internet represents a powerful tool for racist groups to build a sense of group consciousness and promote their cause. In the current study, we examined the language used by racist (n = 87), anti‐racist (n = 50), and nonactivist (n = 1379) groups when describing their self‐defining beliefs online. We used computerized linguistic analysis software to measure psychological indicators and antecedents of group consciousness and to examine the persuasive techniques used in online group communication. Racist and anti‐racist groups were similar on some linguistic indicators of group consciousness (e.g., use of words reflecting perceived injustice), but differed on others (e.g., use of words reflecting group identification). Linguistic indicators of antecedents of group consciousness (moral foundations and focus on religion) differed across groups, with racist groups focused more on purity, respect for authority, and religion, and less on fairness than anti‐racist groups. Racist groups also used less cognitively complex language than nonactivist groups (but similar levels to anti‐racist groups). Our results contribute to understanding how racist groups promote their self‐defining beliefs online, and identify several key factors that should be considered when designing policies to reduce racist groups’ growth and impact. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, EarlyView.
    May 27, 2018   doi: 10.1111/asap.12159   open full text
  • Framing Homeless Policy: Reducing Cash Aid as a Compassionate Solution.
    Harmony A. Reppond, Heather E. Bullock.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. April 19, 2018
    --- - |2 Abstract In 2002, Care Not Cash/Proposition N was introduced to respond to public concern over San Francisco's chronic homeless epidemic. The controversial initiative, which significantly reduced General Assistance (cash aid) to unhoused people, diverted funds to direct services such as shelter, food, medical assistance, and substance abuse programs. To investigate the underlying attitudes and beliefs that framed homelessness and the Care Not Cash policy in the months leading up to the citywide vote articles from the San Francisco Chronicle were analyzed. Of particular interest was assessing the prevalence of individualistic framing, constructions of dependency, and the problems Care Not Cash was presented as solving. Our analysis found that homelessness was framed as a threat to businesses, tourism, and residents of San Francisco and welfare as enabling deviant behavior (e.g., substance abuse) among people experiencing homelessness. Similar to federal welfare reform, Care Not Cash was portrayed as a compassionate solution that would both solve the problem of homelessness and address problematic behaviors associated with people who are unhoused (Stryker & Wald, 2009). Implications for economic justice are discussed. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, EarlyView.
    April 19, 2018   doi: 10.1111/asap.12156   open full text
  • Piecing Together the American Voting Puzzle: How Voters’ Personalities and Judgments of Issue Importance Mattered in the 2016 Presidential Election.
    Benjamin T. Blankenship, Özge Savaş, Jennifer K. Frederick, Abigail J. Stewart.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. April 04, 2018
    --- - |2 Abstract In the wake of the 2016 election, which surprised pundits and voters on both the left and the right, there has been renewed interest in understanding what predicts American voters’ choices. In this article, we investigate the roles of personality and issue importance in how people voted in the 2016 U.S. election. In this longitudinal study of 403 MTurk workers who voted in the election, we assessed the relations between personality (openness, social dominance orientation, and national identity importance) and issue importance (group rights and social justice, economic rights, and individual and national rights), and voting for Clinton or Trump. Our results indicate that both individual differences and issue importance as measured in July 2016 predicted votes in November. We also found that the links between personality and voting were mediated by issue importance. Implications for political psychology and the study of personality, campaign issues, and voting behavior are discussed. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, EarlyView.
    April 04, 2018   doi: 10.1111/asap.12157   open full text
  • Posttraumatic Stress During the Greek Economic Crisis: Is There Evidence for Mass Traumatization?
    Antignonos Sochos.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. March 23, 2018
    --- - |2 Abstract The aim of the study was to investigate levels of posttraumatic stress due to the recent economic crisis in a Greek community sample and identify particularly vulnerable demographic groups. A sample of 1,208 residents of a western Athens borough completed the Impact of Events Scale—Revised. According to the findings, almost 60% of respondents reported severe and 28% moderate symptoms. Individuals in employment presented similar levels as the unemployed, while caring for dependants, having lower educational attainment, and being female and older were associated with greater posttraumatic stress. The present findings suggest a high prevalence of posttraumatic stress in a community sample, indicating that policymakers in Greece, Europe, and worldwide need to take very seriously the growing evidence for the detrimental effects of austerity politics on both individual and collective well‐being. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, EarlyView.
    March 23, 2018   doi: 10.1111/asap.12155   open full text
  • What Does Trump Really Want?
    David G. Winter.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. March 15, 2018
    --- - |2 Abstract Donald Trump's 2017 inaugural address was scored with a content analysis measure of implicit motives. The results show that compared to other 20th and 21st century U.S. presidents, he scores very high in achievement and power motive imagery, but only about average in affiliation imagery. Based on previous research on presidents’ motive imagery, this profile suggests some predictions about the Trump presidency and possible problems for it. In political leaders, high achievement motivation often leads to frustration with the political process. Power motivation, while associated with rated greatness, is related to polarization of public opinion and war. The effects of motives are further channel by temperament and traits—in Trump's case, high extraversion and low agreeableness. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, EarlyView.
    March 15, 2018   doi: 10.1111/asap.12154   open full text
  • Do Votes Speak Louder than Motives? Moral Judgments and Tolerance in the 2016 Presidential Election.
    Sarah T. Huff, Michael P. Hall.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. March 12, 2018
    --- - |2 Abstract When judging a voter's decision, does that voter's reason for casting their vote influence moral and interpersonal judgments about them? In the context of the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election, past research suggests two competing predictions. First, people regularly account for an actor's intentions when forming judgments of the actor, indicating that judgments may vary according to a voter's motives. However, people are unlikely to see nuance among outgroups, especially amid divisive political partisanship, suggesting that judgments would ignore information about voters’ motives. In Study 1, results supported the first prediction, showing that both Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump supporters distinguished between different voting motives when making moral and interpersonal judgments of outgroup voters. In Studies 2 and 3, when some voters’ motives became more extreme, Clinton and Trump supporters again distinguished between voting motives for outgroup and ingroup voters, respectively, albeit in a different pattern of results. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, EarlyView.
    March 12, 2018   doi: 10.1111/asap.12153   open full text
  • Ain't She a Woman? How Warmth and Competence Stereotypes about Women and Female Politicians Contribute to the Warmth and Competence Traits Ascribed to Individual Female Politicians.
    Elizabeth R. Brown, Curtis E. Phills, Dominic G. Mercurio IV, Matthew Olah, Candice J. Veilleux.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. March 07, 2018
    --- - |2 Abstract Hillary Clinton was the first woman nominated for President by a major political party in the United States. Like most women in politics, she faced negative evaluations, in part, due to the inconsistency between the traits typically associated with leaders (competence) versus women (warmth). Because understanding the categorization of an individual female politician is essential to the development of successful bias interventions, we examined the extent to which Hillary Clinton and a novel female politician were categorized as women versus female politicians. In three studies we investigated how the warmth and competence stereotypes associated with women and female politicians contributed to the warmth and competence traits associated with Hillary Clinton and a novel female political candidate. Consistent with a subtyping account, the warmth and competence stereotypes associated with female politicians, but not women, predicted Hillary Clinton's warmth and competence traits (Studies 1–3). However, consistent with a subgrouping account, the warmth and competence stereotypes associated with both women and female politicians predicted a novel female politician's warmth and competence traits (Study 3). Implications for bias reduction interventions are discussed. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, EarlyView.
    March 07, 2018   doi: 10.1111/asap.12151   open full text
  • Editorial: Improving Scientific Practices and Increasing Access.
    Christopher L. Aberson.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. March 05, 2018
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    March 05, 2018   doi: 10.1111/asap.12152   open full text
  • Economic Anxieties Undermine Support for Female (but Not Male) Political Candidates.
    Ryan F. Lei, Galen V. Bodenhausen.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. February 21, 2018
    --- - |2 Abstract Are female politicians disadvantaged by adverse economic conditions in ways their male counterparts are not? To examine this issue, we had participants read a news article about the current economic situation. The article emphasized either economic stability or volatility. Afterward, they evaluated an advertisement for either a female or a male candidate for the U.S. Senate. Exposure to news depicting economic instability caused devaluation of the female but not the male candidate. A second study provided a direct replication of this finding with a larger sample.  An omnibus analysis (N = 535) showed that this devaluation pattern occurred primarily among male participants. Study 2 also examined whether gender stereotypes play a role in this process.  Indeed, men's confidence in the female candidate's ability to handle stereotypically masculine issues decreased under economic instability and this tendency mediated their devaluation of the female candidate. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, EarlyView.
    February 21, 2018   doi: 10.1111/asap.12150   open full text
  • Gender‐Related Attitudes and Beliefs Predict White Women's Views of Candidates in the 2016 United States Presidential Election.
    Erin Pahlke, Rebecca S. Bigler, Meagan M. Patterson.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. February 19, 2018
    --- - |2 Abstract White women's general failure to vote for Hillary Clinton in the 2016 United States presidential election (only 43% of White women did so) was largely unexpected. We tested the hypothesis that White women's gender‐related attitudes and beliefs, including their (i) feminist identification, (ii) views of societal gender discrimination, (iii) personal experiences with gender discrimination, and (iv) beliefs about female role models, were related to their levels of support for Hillary Clinton and her opponents (Sanders, Trump). A sample of White women (N = 314; 18–75 years, M = 32.71, SD = 13.37) recruited during June and July of 2016 from MTurk and college campuses completed surveys of their gender‐related attitudes and beliefs, as well as political preferences. Results indicated that women's gender‐related attitudes and beliefs predicted their views of both Clinton and Trump, after accounting for political ideology. For example, feminist identification was positively related to support for Clinton. Additionally, stronger endorsement of the notion that societal gender discrimination persists in the United States predicted both more favorable ratings of Clinton and less favorable ratings of Trump. More frequent personal experiences with discrimination, in contrast, predicted weaker support for Clinton. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, EarlyView.
    February 19, 2018   doi: 10.1111/asap.12148   open full text
  • Linguistic Intergroup Bias About the 2016 U.S. Presidential Candidates As a Function of Political Ideology.
    Janet B. Ruscher, Caroline N. Tipler.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. February 19, 2018
    --- - |2 Abstract The present study investigated preference for linguistically biased characterization of events attributed to Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump during the 2016 Presidential election cycle. The linguistic intergroup bias (LIB) reflects abstract characterization of positive events attributed to ingroup members and negative events attributed to outgroup members; conversely, it also reflects concrete characterization of negative events attributed to outgroup members and positive events attributed to outgroup members. University students (N = 117) who preferred Hillary Clinton completed on‐line measures before and after the 2016 Presidential election, including liberal‐conservative ideology and measures of LIB. Participants showed clear preference for characterizations consistent with LIB (e.g., Clinton is intelligent; Trump is quick‐tempered). This pattern was more pronounced as strength of liberal ideology increased; it also was more pronounced immediately following the election than after time had passed. A smaller sample of Trump supporters also showed LIB favoring Trump. This study is the first to demonstrate that members of the electorate gravitate towards linguistic characterizations that favor their preferred political candidates and that this tendency is exacerbated by a relevant individual difference. Findings have implications for the continued polarization of the American electorate. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, EarlyView.
    February 19, 2018   doi: 10.1111/asap.12149   open full text
  • Ageism and Sexism in the 2016 United States Presidential Election.
    Ashley Lytle, Jamie Macdonald, Christina Dyar, Sheri R. Levy.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. February 19, 2018
    --- - |2 Abstract The 2016 U.S. Presidential Election provided a unique opportunity to examine how ageism and sexism may impact attitudes (perceived presidential qualities and endorsement of positive and negative age stereotypes) toward Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump. Community participants (N = 875) indicated their attitudes and voting intentions 3 weeks before the election. Endorsement of positive and negative age stereotypes and perceived presidential qualities for Clinton and Trump varied based on participants’ attitudes toward women, political stance (conservative/liberal), and demographic characteristics (racial/ethnic identification, education, gender identification). Individuals who perceived sexism to be more prevalent and perceived women as more competent in general had more positive attitudes toward Clinton, in contrast, only perceptions of lower prevalence of sexism (and not competence of women) predicted attitudes toward Trump. Individuals who perceived sexism as less prevalent viewed Clinton as less presidential and endorsed stronger negative age stereotypes for Clinton, while they viewed Trump as more presidential and endorsed stronger positive and weaker negative age stereotypes for Trump. Our findings suggest that both ageism and sexism present barriers for qualified women when pursuing positions of power. Implications for future research are discussed. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, EarlyView.
    February 19, 2018   doi: 10.1111/asap.12147   open full text
  • The State of American Protest: Shared Anger and Populism.
    Amber M. Gaffney, Justin D. Hackett, David E. Rast, Zachary P. Hohman, Alexandria Jaurique.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. January 11, 2018
    --- - |2 Abstract Social psychological models of group identity and collective action should be particularly adept at providing psychological explanations for growing rates of populism in the Western World. Because populism tends to arise in times of societal shifts that reflect both economic and cultural changes, populist attitudes are likely grounded in perceptions of intergroup relations and collective attitudes. We surveyed 95 demonstrators at the 2016 Republican National Convention and 108 demonstrators at the Democratic National Convention. Results support the idea that relative anger prototypicality, in this case, the extent to which people believe that their own anger toward politicians is representative of most Americans’ anger, predicts feelings of group‐based relative deprivation. Importantly, these feelings of deprivation mediate the relationship between prototypical anger and populist attitudes. These findings provide a unique picture of current political engagement, motivated by feelings of shared anger and collective feelings of lacking representation and voice. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, EarlyView.
    January 11, 2018   doi: 10.1111/asap.12145   open full text
  • Issue Information.

    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. December 26, 2017
    --- - - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, Volume 17, Issue 1, Page 1-4, December 2017.
    December 26, 2017   doi: 10.1111/asap.12125   open full text
  • Gender, Partisanship, and Issue Gaps.
    Mary‐Kate Lizotte.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. December 07, 2017
    --- - |2 Abstract A defining feature of American politics, including party identification, is the question of the proper role of government. Partisanship is a prevailing way that individuals organize their attitudes. Democrats should take the Democratic Party's positions, and Republicans should take the Republican Party's positions. Instead, people have conflicting considerations that shape their opinions. Given that gender is integral in structuring individuals’ positions in society, it is reasonable to expect that gender differences might produce intraparty differences. This article establishes a gender gap in scope of government that transcends partisanship. Using the cumulative American National Election Study Data 1994–2008, I find strong evidence that for a number of issue areas, women are more supportive of an activist government than men of the same party. Preferences regarding the scope of government provide a coherent explanation for these observed gaps. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, Volume 17, Issue 1, Page 379-405, December 2017.
    December 07, 2017   doi: 10.1111/asap.12144   open full text
  • Bad Apples? Attributions for Police Treatment of African Americans.
    Donald P. Haider‐Markel, Mark R. Joslyn.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. December 04, 2017
    --- - |2 Abstract Numerous recent encounters between police officers and Black citizens have resulted in the deaths of African American men and have drawn renewed public scrutiny of police practices. We examine the public's attributions about these encounters. Does the public perceive violent confrontations between police officers and Black citizens as a result of broader problems in police practices or simply as isolated incidents? We employ attribution theory and social identity theory to understand how social and political identities influence beliefs about police use of force against African Americans. We argue that racial and political identities predispose individuals to believe certain attributional perspectives over others. We test several hypotheses using individual level survey data from two national surveys. Our findings suggest that racial and political identities strongly shape attributions, and these patterns have implications for public trust in government institutions and the ability of police to operate effectively. We conclude with recommendations for police and policymakers. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, Volume 17, Issue 1, Page 358-378, December 2017.
    December 04, 2017   doi: 10.1111/asap.12146   open full text
  • You're Hired! Mortality Salience Increases Americans’ Support for Donald Trump.
    Florette Cohen, Sheldon Solomon, Daniel Kaplin.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. November 14, 2017
    --- - |2 Abstract Support for presidential candidate Donald Trump increased in the aftermath of the 2015 terrorist attacks in Paris, France, and San Bernardino, California, similar to Americans’ greater enthusiasm for President George W. Bush after the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the Pentagon and World Trade Center. According to terror management theory (Greenberg, Pyszczynski, & Solomon; Solomon, Greenberg, & Pyszczynski), people are prone to embrace charismatic politicians in times of historical upheaval to mitigate existential terror. Consistent with this view, previous research has demonstrated that reminders of death (relative to an aversive control condition) increased support for a charismatic leader in a hypothetical gubernatorial election, and support for President Bush and his policies in Iraq prior to the 2004 presidential election. The present Study 1 hypothesized and found that a death reminder increased support for Donald Trump. Study 2 found that while Hillary Clinton was viewed more favorably than Donald Trump in an aversive control condition, Mr. Trump was viewed more favorably in response to a death reminder while impressions of Mrs. Clinton were unaffected. Study 3 demonstrated that asking people to think about immigrants moving into their neighborhood increased the accessibility of implicit death thoughts. These findings suggest that electoral outcomes and public policy can be affected when existential concerns are aroused. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, Volume 17, Issue 1, Page 339-357, December 2017.
    November 14, 2017   doi: 10.1111/asap.12143   open full text
  • A Longitudinal Study of Health Care Resources, Family Support, and Mental Health Outcomes Among Suicidal Adolescents.
    Mary LeCloux, Peter Maramaldi, Kristie A. Thomas, Peter Maramaldi, Kristie A. Thomas, Elizabeth A. Wharff.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. November 06, 2017
    --- - |2 Abstract To inform current public policy regarding suicide prevention, this study examined the longitudinal relationships between four resources (public insurance, primary care services, school‐based mental health treatment, and family support) and depression and suicidality in a nationally representative sample of suicidal adolescents (n = 1,355). Longitudinal regression analyses were conducted using data from three waves of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health (Add Health). Parental support at Wave I was predictive of lower levels of depression across all three waves, but not significantly associated with the suicide‐specific outcomes. While type of insurance was not significantly associated with any of the outcomes, receipt of public assistance was associated with a higher likelihood of suicidal ideation and higher levels of depression at all three waves. Neither receipt of a routine physical nor access to school‐based mental health treatment were associated with any of the outcomes. Intervention points for future policy that are discussed include the following: integrating family interventions into current screening and referral protocols, targeted screening and outreach for those youth and young adults receiving public assistance, the inclusion of integrated behavioral health in primary care settings, and the inclusion of suicide‐specific evidence‐based treatments in the school setting. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, Volume 17, Issue 1, Page 319-338, December 2017.
    November 06, 2017   doi: 10.1111/asap.12139   open full text
  • Haynes, C., Merolla, J., & Ramakrishnan, S. K. (2016). Framing Immigrants: News Coverage, Public Opinion, and Policy. New York: Russell Sage. ISBN 978‐0‐87154‐533‐6 (270 pp., $32.50).
    Christina Gerken.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. November 01, 2017
    --- - - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, Volume 17, Issue 1, Page 413-415, December 2017.
    November 01, 2017   doi: 10.1111/asap.12137   open full text
  • Mechanisms of Moral Disengagement and Prisoner Abuse.
    Joanna Weill, Craig Haney.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. September 18, 2017
    --- - |2 Abstract Bandura's research and theory on the mechanisms of moral disengagement demonstrate the various ways that persons distance themselves from their mistreatment of others to avoid or circumvent ethical constraints that should and otherwise would govern their behavior. This article examines the serious problem of prisoner abuse through the lens of moral disengagement theory to understand in part why such abuse occurs and persists. This application of moral disengagement theory underscores the importance of addressing these social psychological dynamics in any program of prison reform and the need for further research in a setting that traditionally has resisted in‐depth empirical examination. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, Volume 17, Issue 1, Page 286-318, December 2017.
    September 18, 2017   doi: 10.1111/asap.12142   open full text
  • Political Identity, Type of Victim, and Hate Crime‐Related Beliefs as Predictors of Views Concerning Hate Crime Penalty Enhancement Laws.
    Robert J. Cramer, Kelsey L. Laxton, Joseph F. Chandler, Andre Kehn, Brittany P. Bate, John W. Clark.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. September 01, 2017
    --- - |2 Abstract Little empirical work exists examining predictors of support or opposition of hate crime penalty enhancement laws despite such laws remaining a socially and politically contentious issue. Grounded in legal and philosophical arguments concerning hate crime laws, we tested political identity, victim minority status, and hate crime‐related beliefs as predictors of perceptions concerning penalty enhancement laws for bias‐motivated crime. Jury‐eligible Texas community members (n = 382) participating in a community survey of social and legal attitudes took part in the present study. Participants read a vignette of a hate‐motivated homicide that varied victim type (African American, gay, transgender) and answered questions regarding demographics, political identity, and hate crime penalty enhancement support. Qualitatively coded hate crime‐related beliefs yielded the following categories: legal arguments, moral statements, victim‐related beliefs, offender‐related beliefs, and an “other” category. Political identity, legal arguments, victim‐related and offender‐related beliefs all predicted views of penalty enhancement laws in logistic regression analyses. Exploratory mediation tests identified two pathways: (1) political conservatism–legal arguments–penalty enhancement opposition, and (2) political liberalism–offender beliefs–penalty enhancement support. Implications concerning social justice, public policy, trial consultation practice, and future research are discussed. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, Volume 17, Issue 1, Page 262-285, December 2017.
    September 01, 2017   doi: 10.1111/asap.12140   open full text
  • Elevating Positivity toward STEM Pathways through Communal Experience: The Key Role of Beliefs that STEM Affords Other‐Oriented Goals.
    Mia Steinberg, Amanda B. Diekman.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. August 23, 2017
    --- - |2 Abstract The goal congruity framework posits that there are consensual beliefs that science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM) fields are not perceived to afford valued goals such as working with or helping others relative to fields such as law and medicine. In three studies, we examine whether experiences engaging with others in the context of STEM would lead to beliefs that STEM fulfills communal goals, and in turn to heightened interest in those fields. In Study 1, we provide evidence that direct experiences such as collaboration, mentorship, and volunteering in the context of STEM predicted greater beliefs that STEM fields allowed communal opportunities, even when controlling for other facets of experience. In Study 2, we replicate and extend these findings with an experimental design, and found that both short‐term and long‐term communal experience contributed to greater communal affordances and to more positive STEM attitudes. Study 3 demonstrated the effects of communal experience in a naturalistic setting, among a group of high school students. The belief that STEM fields afford communal opportunities robustly predicts positivity toward STEM, and understanding the sources of these beliefs is thus an important question that can inform educational and organizational policy. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, Volume 17, Issue 1, Page 235-261, December 2017.
    August 23, 2017   doi: 10.1111/asap.12135   open full text
  • The Best Practice in Researcher Employer Collaboration: A Study about Employer Practices around Disability.
    Xin Xuan Che, Weiwei Liu.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. August 10, 2017
    --- - - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, Volume 17, Issue 1, Page 409-412, December 2017.
    August 10, 2017   doi: 10.1111/asap.12138   open full text
  • Awakening, Efficacy, and Action: A Qualitative Inquiry of a Social Justice‐Infused, Science Education Program.
    Saliha Kozan, David L. Blustein, Michael Barnett, Catherine Wong, Alice Connors‐Kellgren, James Haley, Amie Patchen, Chad Olle, Matthew A. Diemer, Ava Floyd, R. P. Benjamin Tan, Deborah Wan.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. August 10, 2017
    --- - |2 Abstract This article describes an innovative application of a social justice‐infused pedagogy to an out‐of‐school program for urban high school students. Using an interdisciplinary framework, the program featured a coherent synthesis of science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM) education, highlighting environmental and food justice perspectives; social justice education; and career and college planning. We used qualitative content analysis to analyze two separate interviews with six female and three male students of color ranging in age from 15 to 18 with an average age of 16.1 (SD=1.26) across an approximately 10‐month time span. Utilizing a model of critical consciousness development as our organizing framework, we explored the students’ understanding of environmental and food justice issues. Participants indicated that they were actively engaged in learning about food and environmental justice, exploring STEM careers, and investigating the various ways that social justice is manifested in their lives. Implications for social justice and STEM education interventions as well as broader public policies are discussed. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, Volume 17, Issue 1, Page 205-234, December 2017.
    August 10, 2017   doi: 10.1111/asap.12136   open full text
  • Psychology and the Supreme Court.
    Jason A. Cantone, Emery G. Lee.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. August 01, 2017
    --- - - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, Volume 17, Issue 1, Page 406-408, December 2017.
    August 01, 2017   doi: 10.1111/asap.12134   open full text
  • What You Ask Is What You Get: Citizens’ Support for Military Action, But Not Diplomacy, Depends on Question Framing.
    Bernhard Leidner, Jeremy Ginges.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. July 30, 2017
    --- - |2 Abstract Drawing on past research on judgment and decision making, as well as preference reversal, we investigated the impact of question framing on support for military versus diplomatic conflict resolution strategies. In three studies with two heterogeneous samples from the United States and one representative sample from Israel, preferences for military action were substantially stronger when asked in isolation (i.e., “yes/no” [support/reject]) rather than in conjunction with the alternative of diplomacy (i.e., “either‐or” [military or diplomacy]), sometimes even causing a complete reversal from majority support for military action to majority support for diplomacy. These findings point to problems in public opinion polls and scientific research on military support (usually presenting no alternatives), and address issues important for psychology, political science, sociology, and survey methodology. In a real world context, our findings have important implications for governmental decisions on conflict resolution strategies and the implementation of policies based on public opinion. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, Volume 17, Issue 1, Page 184-204, December 2017.
    July 30, 2017   doi: 10.1111/asap.12133   open full text
  • Privilege and Marginality: How Group Identification and Personality Predict Right‐ and Left‐Wing Political Activism.
    Benjamin T. Blankenship, Jennifer K. Frederick, Özge Savaş, Abigail J. Stewart, Samantha Montgomery.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. July 25, 2017
    --- - |2 Abstract In two studies, we examine how different processes might underlie the political mobilization of individuals with marginalized versus privileged identities for left‐wing activism (LWA) versus right‐wing activism (RWA). In the first study, with a sample of 244 midlife women, we tested the hypotheses that endorsement of system justification beliefs and social identities were direct predictors of political activism, and that system justification beliefs moderated the mobilization of social identities for activism on both the left and the right. We found that system justification predicted RWA only among those who felt close to privileged groups; the parallel reverse effect did not hold for LWA, though rejection of system‐justifying beliefs was an important direct predictor. In Study 2, we replicated many of these findings with a sample of 113 college students. In addition, we tested and confirmed the hypothesis that LWA is predicted by openness to experience and is unrelated to RWA, but not that openness plays a stronger role among those with marginalized identities. These two studies together support our overall hypothesis that different personality processes are involved with political mobilization of privileged and marginalized individuals on the right and the left. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, Volume 17, Issue 1, Page 161-183, December 2017.
    July 25, 2017   doi: 10.1111/asap.12132   open full text
  • When Cooperation and Compromise Fail: Distrusting and Denigrating the Moral Character of Those Who Disagree.
    Jamie S. Hughes.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. February 24, 2017
    --- - |2 Abstract People tend to view adversaries with dissimilar opinions as irrational, biased, and negatively motivated. However, when adversaries show honest attempts to compromise evaluations should become more positive. Unfortunately, the evidence presented here does not support this idea. Across five studies using different attitudinal issues perceivers believed dissimilar attitude targets were negatively motivated, untrustworthy, and less moral compared to similar attitude targets. Further, moral character judgments mediated the relationship between attitude target and trust. Fortunately, the strong association between motives and morality provided an opportunity to intervene. Those explicitly told that an attitude target held positive rather than negative long‐term motives evaluated those with dissimilar and similar attitudes positively. Discussion focuses on the importance of these findings for theory and public policy. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, Volume 17, Issue 1, Page 132-160, December 2017.
    February 24, 2017   doi: 10.1111/asap.12131   open full text
  • Racial Resentment, Hurricane Sandy, and the Spillover of Racial Attitudes into Evaluations of Government Organizations.
    Geoffrey Sheagley, Philip Chen, Christina Farhart.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. February 23, 2017
    --- - |2 Abstract This study explores the relationship between individuals’ racial attitudes, exposure to information cuing them to think about President Obama, and evaluations of the government's response to Hurricane Sandy. Using a split ballot experiment embedded in a large internet panel fielded during the 2012 presidential election, we show that respondents’ evaluations of President Obama's response to Hurricane Sandy were based on their racial attitudes. We next examined the possibility for racial attitudes to “spill over” into how people evaluate governmental institutions and organizations associated with President Obama. We found evidence that respondents who were cued to think about President Obama and were impacted by Hurricane Sandy were more likely to base their evaluations of the Federal Emergency Management Agency's response to the disaster on their racial attitudes. In short, linking President Obama to Hurricane Sandy led people to ground their evaluations of an organization tasked with coordinating the response to Hurricane Sandy in their racial attitudes. Our research suggests that racial attitudes are important predictors of how individuals perceive President Obama's effectiveness as well as the efficacy of related government organizations. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, Volume 17, Issue 1, Page 105-131, December 2017.
    February 23, 2017   doi: 10.1111/asap.12130   open full text
  • Can Legislation Prohibiting Weight Discrimination Improve Psychological Well‐Being? A Preliminary Investigation.
    Rebecca L. Pearl, Rebecca M. Puhl, John F. Dovidio.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. January 25, 2017
    --- - |2 Abstract Weight‐based discrimination is pervasive and increases vulnerability to poor mental health among targeted individuals. Legislation prohibiting weight discrimination has been proposed as an avenue for reducing social injustice. The present research examines how mere knowledge of such legislation may improve the psychological well‐being of individuals who have experienced unfair treatment due to weight. In an experiment administered online, 214 adults with overweight/obesity read a vignette exemplifying weight discrimination and were randomly assigned to one of two conditions, in which they were informed that weight discrimination was illegal or legal, and then responded to questionnaires assessing internalized weight bias, affect, perceived pervasiveness of weight discrimination, and support for anti‐discrimination legislation. Analysis of covariance revealed that participants with obesity in the Illegal condition exhibited lower levels of internalized weight bias than did participants in the Legal condition. Participants in the Illegal condition also exhibited less negative affect and more positive affect than did those in the Legal condition. No significant effects of condition on perceived pervasiveness of weight discrimination or legislation support emerged. Findings suggest that mere knowledge of legislation prohibiting weight discrimination has the potential to reduce weight bias internalization and improve affective responses among individuals with obesity. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, Volume 17, Issue 1, Page 84-104, December 2017.
    January 25, 2017   doi: 10.1111/asap.12128   open full text
  • U.S. Children's Stereotypes and Prejudicial Attitudes toward Arab Muslims.
    Christia Spears Brown, Hadeel Ali, Ellen A. Stone, Jennifer A. Jewell.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. January 18, 2017
    --- - |2 Abstract The current study examined whether children in elementary school in the United States held stereotypes and prejudicial attitudes about Arab Muslims relative to other groups. Children (n = 136), ages 6–11 (55 boys, 81 girls), were read three counterbalanced vignettes about different immigrant families who moved to the United States: one family from the Middle East with clothing markers indicating they are Muslim (e.g., hijab), one family from the Middle East without clothing markers indicating religion, and one White family from Ireland. Children's responses indicated stereotypes associating the Arab Muslim male target as more anti‐American and hostile and the Arab Muslim female target as more oppressed than others, both consistent with prevalent media stereotypes. Children's positive and negative affective intergroup attitudes were also measured, along with their attitudes about who can be an “American,” with children showing both a positivity and negativity bias against Arab Muslims. Children who had some contact with Muslims or were familiar with Islam felt more positively toward Arab Muslims than less informed children. In addition, if children perceived Arab Muslims to be prototypical “Americans,” and identified as very American themselves, they also held positive attitudes toward Arab Muslims. Implications for prejudice reduction interventions are discussed. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, Volume 17, Issue 1, Page 60-83, December 2017.
    January 18, 2017   doi: 10.1111/asap.12129   open full text
  • Sacralizing Liberals and Fair‐Minded Conservatives: Ideological Symmetry in the Moral Motives in the Culture War.
    Jeremy A. Frimer, Caitlin E. Tell, Matt Motyl.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. December 27, 2016
    --- - |2 Abstract Political arguments may endure seemingly into perpetuity because the conflicted combatants view the issues in different ways, with one side decrying unfairness and the other side decrying attacks on the sacrosanct. We tested whether both conservatives and liberals rely on protecting the sacrosanct when justifying their attitudes on some contentious moral issues. In four studies, we examine how liberals and conservatives justify their political attitudes on the issues of same‐sex marriage and the Keystone XL oil pipeline. Liberals supported same‐sex marriage rights primarily in the name of fairness and equality; conservatives primarily opposed same‐sex marriage rights as a matter of protecting the sanctity of traditional marriage. Symmetrically, liberals primarily opposed the development of the Keystone XL oil pipeline as a matter of protecting the sanctity of the Earth; conservatives supported the development of the pipeline as a matter of promoting fairness (e.g., corporate rights; as well as citing economic and foreign policy implications). Like conservatives, liberals also bring sacred thinking to moral issues. The culture war is mired in stalemate partly because each side considers some matters to be sacrosanct, and other matters as suitable for revision in the name of fairness. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, Volume 17, Issue 1, Page 33-59, December 2017.
    December 27, 2016   doi: 10.1111/asap.12127   open full text
  • Stereotypes of Sex Offenders’ Romantic Partners Predict Intent to Discriminate.
    Tyler J. Plogher, Margaret C. Stevenson, Evan W. McCracken.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. November 03, 2016
    Registered sex offenders’ family members perceive themselves to be the direct targets of public scrutiny, ostracism, harassment, and employment discrimination. Study 1 offers a preliminary exploration of the stereotypes of registered sex offenders’ romantic partners. Participants’ open‐ended responses were coded and subjected to inter‐rater reliability, using a coding scheme that was both exploratory in nature, while also informed by theory and research. Partially supporting our hypotheses, participants primarily perceived sex offenders’ romantic partners as fearful, vulnerable, deviant, and mentally ill, but also as good, forgiving people who want to help reform the offender. In Study 2, we developed an attitudes toward sex offenders’ partners scale, designed to measure participants’ endorsement of stereotypes about offenders’ partners. As predicted, endorsement of negative stereotypes about offenders’ romantic partners (i.e., that they are deviant and predatory, as well as fearful and vulnerable) predicted greater support for sex offender legislation and less support for hiring offenders’ partners across a variety of employment contexts. Moreover, political conservatives were more likely than liberals to discriminate against offenders’ partners in job hiring contexts—an effect statistically explained by conservatives’ endorsement of negative stereotypes about offenders’ partners.
    November 03, 2016   doi: 10.1111/asap.12126   open full text
  • Cultural Differences in the Role of Economic Competitiveness in Prejudice toward Immigrants and Foreign Workers.
    Hyeyoung Shin, John F. Dovidio.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. October 21, 2016
    --- - |2 Abstract This study investigated cultural differences in the role of economic competitiveness in prejudice toward immigrants and foreign workers between Northern European‐heritage and East Asian cultures. Because economic competitiveness and achievement are associated with core cultural values in Northern European‐heritage cultures, we hypothesized that economic competitiveness would be associated with prejudice toward immigrants and foreign workers more strongly in Northern European‐heritage than in East Asian cultures. Results based on nationally representative samples drawn from the World Values Survey revealed that prejudice toward immigrants and foreign workers was generally higher in East Asian (South Korea and China) than in Northern European‐heritage (Norway and the United States) cultures. However, as predicted, a stronger association was found between economic competitiveness and prejudice toward immigrants and foreign workers in Northern European‐heritage than East Asian cultures, controlling for sociodemographic backgrounds of participants (gender, age, education, and income), ecological diversity of each country, values of uniqueness and conformity, attitude toward ethnic diversity, and racism. These findings support the hypothesis that the central values of a culture shape the nature of prejudice within it, including prejudice toward immigrants and foreign workers, and highlight the importance of understanding the cultural dynamics of prejudice. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, Volume 17, Issue 1, Page 7-32, December 2017.
    October 21, 2016   doi: 10.1111/asap.12124   open full text
  • Polyculturalism among Undergraduates at Diverse Universities: Associations through Intergroup Anxiety with Academic and Alcohol Outcomes.
    Lisa Rosenthal, Sheri R. Levy, Bonita London, Melissa A. Lewis.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. June 17, 2016
    U.S. universities are increasingly racially/ethnically diverse. Simultaneously, undergraduate graduation rates and alcohol use remain important concerns. Understanding factors that contribute to success and well‐being among students in these diverse college settings is critical to informing educational policy and programming. Polyculturalism is the belief that different racial/ethnic groups have always interacted, exchanged, and influenced each other, and it has been associated with more positive intergroup attitudes and greater comfort with diversity. Across four studies (three cross‐sectional, one longitudinal) with racially/ethnically diverse undergraduates at two diverse institutions in the Northeastern United States, controlling for potentially confounding variables (year in college, age, race/ethnicity, nativity, high school GPA, current GPA, endorsement of multiculturalism and colorblindness, self‐esteem, ethnic identification, general social anxiety, and mood across time points), greater endorsement of polyculturalism was associated with greater academic self‐efficacy, greater sense of belonging, less use of alcohol to cope with intergroup anxiety, and fewer adverse alcohol‐related consequences; further, lower intergroup anxiety mediated those associations. Results suggest studying polyculturalism and intergroup anxiety may contribute to our understanding of undergraduate outcomes at diverse institutions. Future work might explore how educational policy and programming can incorporate polyculturalism to promote engagement and well‐being of undergraduates at these diverse institutions.
    June 17, 2016   doi: 10.1111/asap.12121   open full text
  • Decolonizing Empowerment: Implications for Sustainable Well‐Being.
    Tuğçe Kurtiş, Glenn Adams, Sara Estrada‐Villalta.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. June 16, 2016
    Dutt, Grabe, and Castro's (2015) research on implications of market participation for Maasai women's empowerment provides an important basis for rethinking liberatory standards of psychological science and international gender development. Drawing upon their research, we apply a decolonial feminist psychology analysis to the topic of empowerment. This perspective suggests that neoliberal interventions to promote empowerment and well‐being in Majority‐World spaces (i) may cause harm by depriving people of environmentally afforded connection and (ii) reproduce historical and ongoing forms of (neo)colonial domination in ways that are inconsistent with the broader empowerment of humanity in general.
    June 16, 2016   doi: 10.1111/asap.12120   open full text
  • Goal Framing in Public Issue and Action Decisions.
    Katherine D. Arbuthnott, Andrea Scerbe.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. June 03, 2016
    Loss aversion is observed both in psychological research and life: Individuals will work harder to avoid losing something than to gain the same thing. Most previous research examining the impact of gain versus loss framing has used personal economic or health decisions, such as preferred investments or health treatments. The present study examined whether goal framing also influences decisions about public resources such as economic development and environmental protection. After reading descriptions of the gains or losses associated with one of these issues, participants rated their concern and support for public actions related to several economic, environmental, and social actions. Results indicated loss aversion: Ratings were higher when losses associated with failing to adopt development or protection programs were emphasized. Thus, decision biases associated with goal framing may apply to decisions about public as well as personal resources. The implications of these findings for policy and communications professions are discussed.
    June 03, 2016   doi: 10.1111/asap.12119   open full text
  • Do You See What I See? The Consequences of Objectification in Work Settings for Experiencers and Third Party Predictors.
    Sarah J. Gervais, Richard L. Wiener, Jill Allen, Katlyn S. Farnum, Katherine Kimble.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. May 25, 2016
    Sexual objectification is a significant problem that permeates all areas of women's lives including the workplace. This research examines the impact of sexual objectification on women in work settings by integrating objectification, sexual harassment, and affective forecasting theories. We used a laboratory analogue that included undergraduate women who actually experienced objectification during a work interview (i.e., experiencers) and third‐party predictors (including female and male undergraduates as well as female and male community workers) who anticipated the effects of objectification (i.e., predictors). We measured actual and anticipated emotions, performance, and sexual harassment following objectification. We found that both mild and severe objectification caused weaker positive affect, stronger negative affect, worse work performance, and higher sexual harassment judgments, but these effects were primarily driven by predictors anticipating worse outcomes following objectification compared to what experiencers actually reported. We also found that experiencers’ responses to objectification were moderated by benevolent sexism with women lower in benevolent sexism responding more similarly to predictors relative to women higher in benevolent sexism. Both experiencers and predictors evaluated interviewers who engaged in objectification equally negatively. Finally, we explored differences between predictors who were female and male undergraduate students versus community workers and found that these parties anticipated different consequences, depending on worker status and gender. Implications for sexual objectification, sexual harassment, and affective forecasting theories as well as practical implications for policy and law are discussed.
    May 25, 2016   doi: 10.1111/asap.12118   open full text
  • The Relationship between Weight‐Based Prejudice and Attitudes towards Obesity‐Reducing Public Policies.
    Michael B. Berg, Linda Lin, Sara M. Hollar, Samantha N. Walker, Lauren E. Erickson.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. May 05, 2016
    A variety of public policies have been proposed to counteract obesity. Many factors, such as the desire to promote better health, may affect the support for such policies. However, given the pervasiveness of weight‐based prejudice in the United States, it is likely that antifat bias may influence policy attitudes as well. We predicted that higher levels of weight‐based prejudice would be positively associated with attitudes towards obesity‐reducing policies and would be associated specifically with support for policies that are more punitive in nature. In two separate studies, participants were surveyed about their level of support for various public health polices and their explicit antifat prejudice attitudes, along with other relevant attitudinal and demographic information. Study 1 established that weight‐based prejudice was significantly associated with support for more punitive policies even when controlling for other related factors. Study 2 extended this result to show that the link between antifat attitudes and support for punitive policies was foremost about targeting overweight individuals as opposed to targeting unhealthy behavior. These findings highlight the need for thoughtful consideration of how best to separate out the prejudicial motive to punish from the need to promote health when choosing, garnering support for, and implementing obesity‐related policies.
    May 05, 2016   doi: 10.1111/asap.12113   open full text
  • Stereotype Content Model, Causal Models, and Allegations of Age Discrimination: Should the Law Change?
    Katlyn S. Farnum, Richard L. Wiener.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. May 02, 2016
    In 2009, the Supreme Court decided, in Gross v. FBL, that the law governing age discrimination should be interpreted in a stricter manner than before. After Gross, age discrimination claims are tried under but for causality in which the plaintiff's age must be the direct cause of the adverse action, as opposed to mixed motive causality allowable under Title VII, in which age would only have to be a motivating factor. Previous research has shown that but for instructions lead to more pro‐defendant verdicts, regardless of case strength, as compared to mixed motive instructions. This study reports on a simulated jury experiment that sought to uncover the influence of stereotypes concerning older workers on juror verdicts in an age discrimination case. Older worker stereotypes were assessed using the Stereotype Content Model's warmth and competence dimensions. In line with previous research, participants were more likely to find for the defendant under but for instructions, as compared to mixed motive. Further, mock jurors’ stereotypes predicted their verdicts, but only under the but for instructions, suggesting that jurors rely on stereotypes when they are limited in the case facts they can consider. Implications for policy changes and future research directions are discussed.
    May 02, 2016   doi: 10.1111/asap.12112   open full text
  • What Is Good Isn't Always Fair: On the Unintended Effects of Framing Diversity as Good.
    Sophie Trawalter, Sara Driskell, Martin N. Davidson.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. December 14, 2015
    Many proponents of diversity stress that diversity is good—good for universities to further their educational missions and good for businesses, for hiring talent and generating financial returns to shareholders. In this work, we examined costs of framing diversity as good for organizations vs. fair; specifically, we examined whether framing diversity as good for organizations broadens people's definitions of diversity and increases racial bias. In Study 1, White participants preferred the “diversity as good for organizations” frame and believed it to be effective at promoting diversity. In Studies 2–5, White participants presented with the “diversity is good for organizations” frame broadened their definitions of diversity (Studies 2–5) and deprioritized a qualified Black applicant (Studies 4 and 5). Participants low in resources were especially likely to deprioritize the Black applicant (Study 5). This latter finding led us to investigate the motivated nature of diversity frames. In a final study, we found that participants whose resources were threatened favored the “diversity is good for organizations” frame and devalued the “diversity is fair” frame (Study 6). These studies demonstrate that a well‐intentioned plea to promote diversity (“diversity is good for organizations”) has costs; it can lead to the deprioritization of qualified Black applicants.
    December 14, 2015   doi: 10.1111/asap.12103   open full text
  • Meanings of Intimacy after Obergefell v. Hodges: Reflections on Policy Change and Reply to Commentary.
    David M. Frost.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. December 10, 2015
    In this reply to the commentary on Frost and Gola (2015), I address three primary substantive themes raised across the authors’ responses, with particular attention to research on intimacy in same‐sex couples’ lives after the U.S. Supreme Court Decision in Obergefell v. Hodges: (a) the complexities inherent to between‐group comparisons of members of same‐sex and heterosexual couples; (b) the continued relevance of stigma in the relational experiences of same‐sex couples; and (c) the potential role of attachment in same‐sex couples’ experiences of stigma and intimacy.
    December 10, 2015   doi: 10.1111/asap.12105   open full text
  • Too Rich For Diversity: Socioeconomic Status Influences Multifaceted Person Perception of Latino Targets.
    Danielle M. Young, Diana T. Sanchez, Leigh S. Wilton.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. December 03, 2015
    Understanding racial categorization processes has implications for how affirmative action policies are implemented. Two studies examined how socioeconomic status (SES) functions to predict support for application of affirmative action and other perceptions of Latino targets. SES emerged as a powerful predictor, over and above the influence of ancestry, on person perception (minority categorization, sociocultural cues) and support for affirmative action among both White (Studies 1 and 2) and minority (Study 2) perceivers. In conjunction with ancestry, SES influenced sociocultural impressions, such as perceptions of discrimination (Study 1 and Study 2) and cultural practices (Study 2), which informed support for implementation of affirmative action policies. Furthermore, the joint influence of SES and ancestry on affirmative action policies persisted even when controlling for general attitudes towards affirmative action (Study 2). Results suggest that SES is an important factor in person perception, and that perceptions of discrimination play a strong role in how “deserving” a target is of affirmative action.
    December 03, 2015   doi: 10.1111/asap.12104   open full text
  • Exploring Links between Women's Business Ownership and Empowerment among Maasai Women in Tanzania.
    Anjali Dutt, Shelly Grabe, Marina Castro.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. December 03, 2015
    Despite increasing interest and effort to support women's empowerment globally, women remain a severely disadvantaged group in nearly every country throughout the globe. In the current study, we examine the relationship between women's participation in financial markets and different indices of empowerment. Questionnaires were administered to three groups of Maasai women (N = 224) living in rural, northern Tanzania: women who were members of cooperatively owned business groups, women who owned businesses independently via microcredit loans, and women who did not own businesses. Group difference tests revealed that cooperative business owners reported higher levels of agency than independent owners, and lower levels of partner control and greater involvement in financial decision making than nonbusiness owners. Independent owners reported greater involvement in financial decision making, and lower levels of agency than nonowners. Additionally, results from structural equation models demonstrated that participation in cooperatives, versus independent or nonbusiness ownership, was associated with fewer experiences of domestic violence and enhanced psychological well‐being via the effects of partner control, agency, and financial decision making. Policy implications regarding the importance of considering cultural norms and what may be required to facilitate a transformative context for women are discussed.
    December 03, 2015   doi: 10.1111/asap.12091   open full text
  • Epistemic Factors in Selective Exposure and Political Misperceptions on the Right and Left.
    Patrick C. Meirick, Elena Bessarabova.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. November 25, 2015
    Selective news media exposure and political misperceptions have potentially troubling implications for democracy. In an online survey (N = 486) conducted in the context of the 2012 U.S. presidential election, we drew on a motivated reasoning framework to examine how rational and experiential engagement and need for closure were related to selective exposure and misperceptions. Because previous research has focused on conservative media and misperceptions that serve Republican causes, we also looked at how conservative and liberal media exposure were related to Republican‐ and Democratic‐serving misperceptions among the overall sample as well as respondents of each party. Rational engagement had positive relationships with media use and (surprisingly) selective exposure among Democrats. It also was negatively related with Republican‐serving misperceptions. Experiential engagement, on the other hand, had no relationships with media use but was positively related to Republican‐serving misperceptions. Need for closure was positively related to Republican‐serving misperceptions, but not after control variables were added. Finally, exposure to either kind of partisan media both discouraged misperceptions that served the opposing party and promoted misperceptions that served their own party, although the extent to which it did so appeared to vary depending on the partisanship of the media and of the audience. Implications of these findings for theory and policy are discussed.
    November 25, 2015   doi: 10.1111/asap.12101   open full text
  • Firearm Availability and Violent Death: The Need for a Culture Change in Attitudes toward Guns.
    Wolfgang Stroebe.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. November 23, 2015
    There are two conflicting positions toward gun ownership in the United States. Proponents of stricter gun control argue that guns are responsible for 32,000 gun‐related deaths each year and that the introduction of stricter gun control laws would reduce this death toll. Gun rights advocates argue that the general availability of guns reduces homicide rates, due to deterrence and because guns are effective means of self‐defense. Based on a review of the evidence, I draw the following conclusions: Gun prevalence is positively related to homicide rates. There is no evidence for a protective effect of gun ownership. In fact, gun owners have a greater likelihood of being murdered. Furthermore, gun ownership is associated with an increased risk of serious injuries, accidental death, and death from suicide. The evidence on the effectiveness of gun control measures has not been encouraging, partly because the influential gun lobby has successfully prevented the introduction of more effective measures. A federal registration system for all firearms would address many limitations of present gun control measures. To mobilize public opinion, a culture change in attitudes toward firearms is needed.
    November 23, 2015   doi: 10.1111/asap.12100   open full text
  • Relevance to Psychology of Beliefs about Socialism: Some New Research Questions.
    Bernice Lott.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. November 10, 2015
    This article aims to stimulate discussion about the potential relevance of the concept of socialism for what we study and the questions we ask. The economic systems of capitalism and socialism are seldom considered subjects of interest in psychology. At this particular time, however, especially in the United States, the relevance of these systems for our theories and research on human behavior, health, and human welfare seem particularly relevant and potentially significant. I argue that discussions of socialism should be helpful in expanding the context of our concerns in psychology and the identification of important new variables. The growing crisis of inequality in the United States is the major impetus for this argument.
    November 10, 2015   doi: 10.1111/asap.12092   open full text
  • Perceived Discrimination and Social Relationship Functioning among Sexual Minorities: Structural Stigma as a Moderating Factor.
    David Matthew Doyle, Lisa Molix.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. November 06, 2015
    Work on structural stigma shows how public policy affects health outcomes for members of devalued groups, including sexual minorities. In the current research, structural stigma is proposed as a moderating variable that strengthens deleterious associations between perceived discrimination and social relationship functioning. Hypotheses were tested in two cross‐sectional studies, including both online (N = 214; Study 1) and community (N = 94; Study 2) samples of sexual minority men and women residing throughout the United States. Structural stigma was coded from policy related to sexual minority rights within each state. Confirming hypotheses, support for the moderating role of structural stigma was found via multilevel models across studies. Specifically, associations between perceived discrimination and friendship strain, loneliness (Study 1) and familial strain (Study 2) were increased for those who resided in states with greater levels of structural stigma and attenuated for those who resided in states with lesser levels. In Study 1, these results were robust to state‐level covariates (conservatism and religiosity), but conservatism emerged as a significant moderator in lieu of structural stigma in Study 2. Results are discussed in the context of the shifting landscape of public policy related to sexual minority rights within the United States.
    November 06, 2015   doi: 10.1111/asap.12098   open full text
  • The Prototypicality of Genocide: Implications for International Intervention.
    Lucas B. Mazur, Johanna Ray Vollhardt.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. November 06, 2015
    In many cases of mass violence and genocide there is ambiguity and uncertainty as to whether and how external bystanders (i.e., third parties) should respond. How does the way we construe genocide influence our evaluations of particular cases of mass violence and our willingness to intervene? In five studies, using content analyses and experiments, prototype theory is applied to this important social issue. Studies 1 and 2 examine the prototype structure of genocide; finding among a student and a community sample that some features are perceived as more central to genocide than others. Studies 3 and 4 show the effects of this prototype on the cognitive processing of the category. Study 5 investigates how this prototype structure affects evaluations of mass violence and support for political and military intervention. Taken together, these studies suggest that socially shared prototypes of genocide matter: The more a case of mass violence is represented in accordance with this prototype, the more people remember and respond to it, for example, by supporting policies aimed at preventing and halting mass violence. These findings have important policy implications for how cases of mass violence are framed and discussed in the public and political sphere.
    November 06, 2015   doi: 10.1111/asap.12099   open full text
  • “You Can't Give a Syringe with Unity”: Rwandan Responses to the Government's Single Recategorization Policies.
    Sigrun Marie Moss, Johanna Ray Vollhardt.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. November 06, 2015
    Rwanda's postgenocide government has implemented policies that resemble social psychological models of single recategorization, banning references to ethnic groups and replacing these with a superordinate, Rwandan identity. While social psychological research suggests problems with this approach, little is known about how people make sense of recategorization in the aftermath of ethnic conflict and genocide. The present interview study investigates the responses of 56 Rwandans to these single recategorization policies. Despite strong societal pressures, a variety of positions were apparent—showing how people actively construe categories, and the complexity of single recategorization in real‐world settings. The findings suggest several novel insights and policy implications, including the need for context‐specific approaches, utilitarian reasons for single recategorization, the role of malleability of identities in promoting social recategorization, and the potential use of recategorization models as transitional measures in postconflict societies.
    November 06, 2015   doi: 10.1111/asap.12097   open full text
  • SPSSI Research Summary on Media Violence.
    Craig A. Anderson, Brad J. Bushman, Edward Donnerstein, Tom A. Hummer, Wayne Warburton.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. November 04, 2015
    Media use among children has increased sharply in recent years, due, in part, to a significant increase in multimedia portable devices. On average, U.S. children aged 8–18 spend more than 7 hours a day engaging with media. Governments, professional bodies, and citizens have become increasingly concerned about the social and personal impact of media with violent themes and depictions. This has been driven, in part, by a series of tragic mass killings in which it appears that media violence exposure may have been a contributing risk factor. Public health and child development professionals are increasingly convinced by converging scientific findings linking media violence exposure to increased aggression. Hundreds of scientific studies involving hundreds of thousands of participants and a wide range of empirical methods have investigated the effects of exposure to violent media. The studies show that: In experimental studies, even brief exposure to media can cause desensitization to real‐world violence, increases in aggressive thoughts, feelings, and behaviors, and decreases in empathy and helping behavior. Short‐term effects of media violence and basic psychological processes produce cumulative effects over time, as explained by well‐established theories and research and social, developmental, and cognitive processes. Indeed, habitual exposure to media violence produces relatively stable changes in personality traits, such as trait aggression. Longitudinal research—studies that follow individuals over time—rule out plausible alternate explanations to these findings (for example, that the association between media violence and aggressive behavior is entirely the result of inherently aggressive people chasing more violent media). Media violence exposure is linked with physically hurting others, using words to hurt others, and deliberately damaging the relationships of others. Links have been found between violent media exposure and “real‐world” violent behaviors such as assault, intimate partner violence, robbery, and gang fighting. A growing body of evidence suggests that media with helping and presocial messages can lead to increases in empathy and helping behaviors, and decreases in aggressive behaviors. Changing a child's media diet from aggressive/violent to presocial, educational, and age‐appropriate can reduce aggression, increase presocial behavior, and improve educational outcomes. There is some consensus that a moderate amount of recreational screen time for school children is 1–2 hours per day, and that when screen media are coviewed by and discussed with parents and teachers, children are somewhat less harmed by violent media. Media violence is only one of many risk factors for aggression, but it is one that policy makers, professionals, and parents can address at little cost. Policy makers and media producers would benefit from working cooperatively with media psychologists who have backgrounds in social, developmental, cognitive, and/or personality psychology to produce evidence‐informed policies and media products. Policy makers should consider: (1) revising classification systems to be both evidence‐based and parent‐friendly, (2) including carefully constructed media literacy content in school curricula, and (3) creating a public education campaign on the impact of media violence.
    November 04, 2015   doi: 10.1111/asap.12093   open full text
  • Foreward to the Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues’ Research Summary on Media Violence.
    Gabriel Twose.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. October 30, 2015
    There is no abstract available for this paper.
    October 30, 2015   doi: 10.1111/asap.12094   open full text
  • The Impact of Self‐Categorizing as “Homeless” on Well‐Being and Service Use.
    Zoe C. Walter, Jolanda Jetten, Cameron Parsell, Genevieve A. Dingle.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. October 29, 2015
    Gaining entry to homeless services typically requires individuals to self‐identify as homeless, however, this label may be at odds with how individuals see themselves. Furthermore, because of the considerable stigma attached to homelessness, individuals’ self‐categorization has potentially important implications for their well‐being and for whether they engage with homeless services in order to obtain housing and psychosocial outcomes. We examined this question qualitatively and quantitatively with an Australian sample of 114 residents of homeless accommodation centers. Results showed that self‐categorization as “homeless” was accepted by 55% of respondents and rejected by 31%. Fourteen percent of participants expressed ambivalence about self‐categorizing as homeless. Respondents who rejected the “homeless” label reported greater personal well‐being and lower negative mood symptoms than people who accepted the label, independent of the duration of their homelessness. Self‐categorization was not, however, related to service use. We conclude that an understanding of how individuals self‐categorize and negotiate externally imposed labels is an important factor in explaining their well‐being while in homeless accommodation services. Implications for public policy and service providers are discussed.
    October 29, 2015   doi: 10.1111/asap.12089   open full text
  • Right‐Wing Authoritarianism and Social Dominance Orientation Predict Outsiders’ Responses to an External Group Conflict: Implications for Identification, Anger, and Collective Action.
    Alexander K. Saeri, Aarti Iyer, Winnifred R. Louis.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. September 11, 2015
    Members of groups in conflict may take collective action: actions to improve conditions for their group as a whole. The psychological antecedents of collective action for groups that are party to conflict and inequality are well‐established. Comparatively little is known about how uninvolved outsiders respond to an external intergroup conflict. We investigate how personal ideological orientations of Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) and Right‐Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) shape outsiders’ willingness to take collective action in support of groups engaged in external conflict. In Study 1, U.S. residents read about conflicts between disadvantaged citizens and an advantaged government in Greece and Russia. In Study 2, U.S. residents read about a similar conflict in a fictional country, Silaria. Path analyses revealed that SDO and RWA shaped psychological appraisals of the conflict contexts, which predicted intentions to take collective action on behalf of either group. SDO and RWA were positively associated with advantaged group identification and anger at a disadvantaged group, and negatively associated with disadvantaged group identification and anger at an advantaged group. Group identification and anger predicted subsequent collective action intentions on behalf of either group. The sensitivity of outsiders’ appraisals to ideological orientations suggests strategies for both advantaged and disadvantaged groups to recruit outsiders as allies in group conflict.
    September 11, 2015   doi: 10.1111/asap.12081   open full text
  • Still a Nation of Immigrants? Effects of Constructions of National History on Attitudes toward Immigrants.
    Nida Bikmen.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. September 09, 2015
    In the United States, the phrase “nation of immigrants” is used to both promote and restrict immigration. Those who use the phrase to promote immigration point to the similarities between current and previous generations of immigrants, whereas those who use it to restrict immigration emphasize the differences between the two generations. The present study examined the effects of the different versions of this historical narrative (similarity‐focused vs. difference‐focused) on 210 U.S. residents’ attitudes toward immigrants during the recent debate about immigration reform. Exposure to the similarity‐focused nation of immigrants reduced perceptions of threat from Mexican immigrants but did not affect the already low level of perceived threat from Russian immigrants. The similarity‐focused version of nation of immigrants exerted an indirect effect on perceived threat from both groups by inducing a sense of identity continuity, which reduced collective angst about the future of the people of the United States. The findings suggest that pro‐immigration policy makers clearly articulate the meaning of nation of immigrants rather than use it as a cliché as the phrase has the potential to induce inclusive attitudes.
    September 09, 2015   doi: 10.1111/asap.12080   open full text
  • Understanding AmeriCorps Service: Perspectives from Psychological Theory and Research on Volunteerism.
    Alexander Maki, Patrick C. Dwyer, Mark Snyder.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. August 29, 2015
    Although national service programs such as AmeriCorps share many characteristics with volunteerism (such as sustained, prosocial action aimed at community improvement), little research has examined how theory and research relevant to volunteer behavior might help understand such service programs. We used psychological theory from the volunteerism literature to test hypotheses about how the constructs of altruistic personality, role identity, and service motivations relate to AmeriCorps satisfaction, intentions, and behavior. In a longitudinal study of 188 AmeriCorps members, personality, identity, and motivation were all associated with important service experiences and outcomes. Specifically, whereas overall motivation was related to both satisfaction and intentions, altruistic personality and AmeriCorps identity were only related to intentions. Additionally, distinct service motivations were related to specific service experiences and outcomes. Finally, AmeriCorps members who felt that their motivations were satisfied during service tended to more frequently engage in additional voluntary service‐related behaviors. We discuss implications of these findings for understanding AmeriCorps service, and for potentially improving public policy initiatives concerning AmeriCorps.
    August 29, 2015   doi: 10.1111/asap.12079   open full text
  • Identity and Sustainability: Localized Sense of Community Increases Environmental Engagement.
    Donelson R. Forsyth, Mark Vugt, Garrett Schlein, Paul A. Story.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. June 30, 2015
    Drawing on social, community, and place identity theories, we predicted that individuals whose identities are based, at least in part, on the place where they reside would be more likely to engage in environmentally responsible behaviors, or ERBs. Study 1 tested this hypothesis by assessing residents’ localized community identification and their willingness to take steps to protect and enhance local streams and waterways. Study 2 experimentally manipulated residents’ sense of community. Both studies confirmed that (a) increases in one's sense of community were associated with increases in willingness to protect water resources and (b) pro‐environment behavioral intentions were stronger when identity was more localized (neighborhood‐based rather than regionally based). These findings support a nested conception of placed‐based community identity, which could inform strategies to encourage pro‐environmental water conservation and resource management.
    June 30, 2015   doi: 10.1111/asap.12076   open full text
  • Using Moral Foundations to Predict Voting Behavior: Regression Models from the 2012 U.S. Presidential Election.
    Andrew S. Franks, Kyle C. Scherr.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. May 25, 2015
    The current research examined the ability of moral foundations to predict candidate choice in the 2012 U.S. Presidential Election across three studies. Results indicated that endorsement of moral foundations predicted voting outcomes beyond that predicted by important demographic variables that are traditionally included in election forecasts and research. When moral foundations were collapsed into two variables (individualizing and binding foundations), increased endorsement of the individualizing foundations consistently predicted support for Barack Obama, and increased endorsement of the binding foundations consistently predicted support for Mitt Romney. The most reliable unique predictor of candidate choice among the five separate foundations was purity, which strongly motivated support for Mitt Romney. Additionally, increased endorsement of the fairness foundation uniquely predicted support for Barack Obama. The effects observed across the three studies demonstrate a direct relationship between moral foundations endorsements and candidate choice. Implications for those using moral appeals in their political influence strategies are discussed.
    May 25, 2015   doi: 10.1111/asap.12074   open full text
  • Meanings of Intimacy: A Comparison of Members of Heterosexual and Same‐Sex Couples.
    David M. Frost, Kelly A. Gola.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. May 13, 2015
    Arguments for restricting access to legal marriage for same‐sex couples are commonly based in claims about differences between heterosexual and same‐sex couples regarding the social and psychological meaning of marriage. This mixed methods study examined meanings of intimacy and relational experience in a purposive North American sample of members of long‐term heterosexual and same‐sex couples (N = 150) in order to examine the validity of meaning‐based justifications for restricted access to legal marriage. Guided autobiographical techniques elicited narrative accounts of four significant events in participants’ relationships. Directed Content Analyses revealed no detectable differences between members of heterosexual and same‐sex couples in multiple qualitative and quantitative indicators of the meaning of intimacy. Members of same‐sex couples, however, evidenced experiences of stigmatization more frequently than heterosexuals. By integrating theoretical and methodological approaches across psychological and sociological traditions within a mixed methods study, the present findings usefully inform ongoing policy debates regarding the legalization of same‐sex marriage.
    May 13, 2015   doi: 10.1111/asap.12072   open full text
  • The Woman Next to Me: Pairing Powerful and Objectifying Representations of Women.
    Deborah Schooler.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. April 22, 2015
    Previous research has documented negative effects of exposure to sexually objectifying media and positive effects of viewing women with more power and agency. The current study evaluates the effects of pairing these two types of representations of women on gender attitudes. Experimental stimuli were based on actual images from a student newspaper, where a statement from the new, female university president ran on the front page adjacent to a sexually objectifying ad. The experiment used a 2 (type of article) X 2 (type of ad) X 2 (gender) design to evaluate the independent and combined effects of viewing the statement from the president and the objectifying ad. Exposure to the objectifying ad was related to more attributional bias and marginally more stereotype production but was not related to hostile or benevolent sexism. Men who saw the objectifying ad alongside the president's statement rated the president as significantly less competent than other groups. Implications for the professional advancement of women are discussed, including the importance of context for media attention paid to female political figures.
    April 22, 2015   doi: 10.1111/asap.12070   open full text
  • Disgust Sensitivity Predicts Punitive Treatment of Juvenile Sex Offenders: The Role of Empathy, Dehumanization, and Fear.
    Margaret C. Stevenson, Sarah E. Malik, Rebecca R. Totton, Rebecca D. Reeves.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. December 11, 2014
    We explore the possibility that disgust sensitivity predicts attitudes toward a stigmatized, yet vulnerable population: juvenile sex offenders. Participants were 125 undergraduates (66% women, M age = 19) who read a case depicting a 17‐year‐old boy convicted of aggravated child molestation for receiving oral sex from an intoxicated 15‐year‐old girl. Participants subsequently indicated the degree to which they supported registering the juvenile offender as a sex offender and completed a series of case judgments (i.e., belief the defendant is a threat, the dehumanizing belief the defendant is a superpredator, and defendant empathy). Finally, participants provided demographic information and completed the Disgust Sensitivity Scale. In line with our hypotheses, as disgust sensitivity increased, support for juvenile sex offender registration also increased. Yet, this relationship was explained by various mediating factors. Specifically, a series of models tested via path analysis showed that as disgust sensitivity increased, participants’ were more likely to dehumanize the offender as a “superpredator” and experience diminished empathy. In turn, dehumanization and diminished empathy predicted the belief the defendant is a threat to society, which predicted greater registration support.
    December 11, 2014   doi: 10.1111/asap.12068   open full text
  • Impressions of Immigration: Comparisons between Immigrant and Nonimmigrant Children's Immigration Beliefs.
    Christia Spears Brown, Christine A. Lee.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. November 26, 2014
    Immigration is a frequently debated topic in American politics and media, yet little work examined children's understanding of this issue. In order to explore how children's understanding of immigration may differ based on their immigration experience, 261 elementary school‐aged children (M = 9 years; SD = 1 year, 1 month) answered open‐ended questions regarding why people move to the United States and why it should be legal or not. The sample consisted of 196 immigrants (first and second generation Latino/a immigrants) and 65 nonimmigrants (non‐Latino/a children living in America for at least three generations). Children also rated possible explanations for societal antiimmigration attitudes. As predicted, Latino/a immigrant children explained immigration as a means of attaining concrete benefits for immigrants, such as improved education or jobs. They also referenced reuniting with family members in the U.S. Nonimmigrant children focused more on immigrants seeking American freedoms, reflecting the school‐based curriculum explaining early European immigration to the U.S. Results reflect how differing experiences with immigration (direct or indirect) may influence perceptions towards immigration.
    November 26, 2014   doi: 10.1111/asap.12067   open full text
  • Motivations for Punishing Someone Who Violates HIV Nondisclosure Laws: Basic Research and Policy Implications.
    Alex Woody, Abby L. Braitman, Valerian J. Derlega, Barbara A. Winstead, Brittany Neilson.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. November 26, 2014
    Many U.S. states have HIV nondisclosure laws that require HIV‐positive persons to disclose their HIV status to new sexual partners. Mandating HIV disclosure before sexual activity occurs is intended to deter unsafe sexual behavior and to reduce the risk of HIV transmission. HIV nondisclosure laws are also intended to punish HIV‐positive persons who violate these laws. Vignettes were used to examine if participants are motivated to punish someone who violates these HIV nondisclosure laws. In three studies, we found that retribution but not general deterrence was used to recommend punishment, especially when HIV nondisclosure was associated with harm being done to sexual partners. We also found that preventing the law violator from reoffending played a role in recommending punishment, especially if the law violation was associated with considerable harm. On the other hand, the expression of an apology to sexual partners was associated with less severe punishment, based on the assessment that there was a relatively low risk of the HIV law violator repeating this crime and, therefore, lower importance for removing him from society. The findings suggest that persuading the general public and legislators to end the criminalization of HIV nondisclosure will be an uphill battle.
    November 26, 2014   doi: 10.1111/asap.12065   open full text
  • Predicting Problems on Campus: An Analysis of College Student Veterans.
    Marta Elliott.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. November 17, 2014
    There is no abstract available for this paper.
    November 17, 2014   doi: 10.1111/asap.12066   open full text
  • Motivated and Displaced Revenge: Remembering 9/11 Suppresses Opposition to Military Intervention in Syria (for Some).
    Anthony N. Washburn, Linda J. Skitka.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. September 08, 2014
    We conducted an experimental test of the displaced international punishment hypothesis by testing whether reminding people about 9/11 would increase support for U.S. military intervention in Syria. A community sample of Americans were reminded of 9/11, the terrorist attacks in London in 2005, or were given no reminder before being asked their support for military intervention in Syria. Results indicated that there was a significant suppression effect of desired revenge for the 9/11 attacks on support for military intervention for liberals and moderates, but not conservatives. Liberal and moderate participants reminded of 9/11 supported military intervention because reminders of 9/11 primed strong desires for vengeance. These findings suggest that reminding people of a severe offense to their country triggers a desire for revenge, which increases the desire to punish a target symbolically similar to the original perpetrator, but only when doing so is politically expedient.
    September 08, 2014   doi: 10.1111/asap.12062   open full text
  • The Not‐So‐Common‐Wealth of Australia: Evidence for a Cross‐Cultural Desire for a More Equal Distribution of Wealth.
    Michael I. Norton, David T. Neal, Cassandra L. Govan, Dan Ariely, Elise Holland.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. April 16, 2014
    Recent evidence suggests that Americans underestimate wealth inequality in the United States and favor a more equal wealth distribution (Norton & Ariely, ). Does this pattern reflect ideological dynamics unique to the United States, or is the phenomenon evident in other developed economies—such as Australia? We assessed Australians’ perceived and ideal wealth distributions and compared them to the actual wealth distribution. Although the United States and Australia differ in the degree of actual wealth inequality and in cultural narratives around economic mobility, the Australian data closely replicated the United States findings. Misperceptions of wealth inequality as well as preferences for more equal distributions may be common across developed economies. In addition, beliefs about wealth distribution only weakly predicted support for raising the minimum wage, suggesting that attitudes toward inequality may not translate into preferences for redistributive policies.
    April 16, 2014   doi: 10.1111/asap.12058   open full text
  • The Boom and the Bust: Can Theories from Social Psychology and Related Disciplines Account for One Country's Economic Crisis?
    Hulda Thórisdóttir, Karen Erla Karólínudóttir.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. February 12, 2014
    The Icelandic economy collapsed dramatically in the fall of 2008, making the country one of the first victims of the sharp economic downturn that hit most of the West. The Icelandic crisis may serve as an especially illuminating case study of the psychology of economic booms and busts. We offer an analysis of the buildup and aftermath of the economic crisis in Iceland using theories and findings from social psychology and related disciplines. During the buildup, at the national level we focus on strong national identity, high levels of trust, and system justification. At the group level, we discuss homogeneity of bank employees, group identity, and organizational culture. At the individual level the focus is on motivated reasoning and cognitive heuristics. During the aftermath at the national level, the primary focus is on collective action and the ascent of women into power. At the individual level we discuss changes in values, and report on a study in which we examined people's perceptions of what caused the crisis and how it relates to political ideology. We conclude by considering several behaviors not accounted for in our analysis and some policy implications that can be gleaned from the analysis.
    February 12, 2014   doi: 10.1111/asap.12051   open full text
  • How Does Macroeconomic Change Affect Social Identity (and Vice Versa?): Insights from the European Context.
    Dominic Abrams, Milica Vasiljevic.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. February 04, 2014
    Economic strategies are largely driven by political and economic considerations. However, we contend that social psychological processes, particularly involving social identity, play an important role and should also be a focus for policy strategies. We review evidence on how changes in the macroeconomy can impact social identities, and vice versa. Drawing on social psychological theories of identity and categorization, and using the current European context as a main example, we consider how large scale events (both positive and negative) affect the economy and how this articulates with people's identities. The review considers how consumerism, consumption patterns, and consumer confidence relate to changes in identity. It also considers the consequences of macroeconomic change for social cohesion. We describe a novel model that sets out the likely opportunities and challenges for individuals, groups, and society, in the context of future macroeconomic scenarios: recession, stagnation, and growth. The review highlights the bidirectional nature of the relationship between the economy and social identity, and calls for policy makers to consider social psychological perspectives when developing economic strategies.
    February 04, 2014   doi: 10.1111/asap.12052   open full text
  • Framing and Women's Support for Government Spending on Breast Cancer Research and Treatment Programs.
    Erin C. Cassese, Rebecca Hannagan.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. January 30, 2014
    In this study, we use an experiment to evaluate how the framing of breast cancer threat shapes women's preferences for government spending on breast cancer research and treatment programs. The results indicate that framing breast cancer in terms of mortality elicits feelings of anxiety, which in turn heightens support for government spending on behalf of women. Despite the salience of breast cancer as a women's health issue, this relationship does not hold for the full sample of women. Instead, we observe a great deal of heterogeneity in reactions to the issue frames based on two individual‐level factors: (1) women's perceptions of their own personal risk for developing the disease and (2) the extent to which women have a general tendency to experience and express anxiety—what psychologists refer to as their level of trait anxiety. These two lines of inquiry—personality traits as moderators of framing effects and emotion as a consequence of framing—have previously been investigated somewhat independently. In this article, we integrate the two In order to gain insight into the complexity of the psychological processes that underlie public opinion toward women's health. The results highlight the need for political rhetoric to underscore personal risk in order to mobilize support for spending on breast cancer research and treatment among women.
    January 30, 2014   doi: 10.1111/asap.12048   open full text
  • Turning Virtual Public Spaces into Laboratories: Thoughts on Conducting Online Field Studies Using Social Network Sites.
    Ilka H. Gleibs.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. January 22, 2014
    This article deals with the topic of ethics in large‐scale online studies on social network sides. “Big data” and large‐scale online field studies are a relatively new phenomenon and clear ethical guidelines for social science research are still lacking. In this article, I focus on the ethical question of getting informed consent when we collect data from social network sites (SNS). I argue that data from SNS are not per se public and research based on these data should not be exempt from the ethical standard that informed consent must be obtained from participants. Based on the concept of privacy in context (Nissenbaum, ), I further propose that this is because the norms of distribution and appropriateness are violated when researchers manipulate online contexts and collect data without consent. Finally, I make suggestions for existing and possible future practices for large‐scale online studies.
    January 22, 2014   doi: 10.1111/asap.12036   open full text
  • Trusting Communities and Bigger In‐Groups: Social Capital, Interracial Contact Climate, and Common In‐Group Categorization.
    Emily L. Fisher.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. January 22, 2014
    Contact with members of different groups can reduce prejudice and encourage people to recategorize members of other social categories. This research examines individual‐level social capital—one's experience with trust, reciprocity norms, and engagement within a given community—as a construct that predicts contact climate and recategorization. People who have high levels of social capital within a community are more likely to perceive a positive interracial contact climate. High social capital and a favorable contact climate can encourage people to focus on their shared identity as members of that community. Two studies support the claim that social capital predicts intergroup processes. Study 1 tests a cross‐sectional mediation model linking individual‐level social capital to perceptions of the contact climate, common in‐group categorization, and racial out‐group attitudes. Study 2 presents longitudinal data demonstrating that social capital's cross‐lagged effects on contact climate, categorization, and racial out‐group attitudes are stronger than their reverse effects. Implications for diversity research and community applications are discussed.
    January 22, 2014   doi: 10.1111/asap.12043   open full text
  • The National Debt in the 2012 U.S. Presidential Election.
    Alycia Chin, Taya R. Cohen.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. January 22, 2014
    We investigate how attitudes and beliefs about the national debt were related to morality, warmth, and competence judgments of the Obama administration and voting intentions the week before the 2012 presidential election. Even after controlling for political ideology, we found that attitudes toward the debt predicted judgments and voting intentions. Additionally, ideology and beliefs about the extent to which increases in the national debt were under the Obama administration's control moderated the relationship between debt attitudes and judgments, and between debt attitudes and voting intentions. Liberals and conservatives who thought the Obama administration had control over the debt judged the administration as less moral and less competent, and reported weaker intentions to vote for Obama, when they had more negative debt attitudes. Liberals who thought the administration had little control over the debt, however, judged the administration positively and intended to vote for Obama regardless of debt attitudes.
    January 22, 2014   doi: 10.1111/asap.12046   open full text
  • Online Collective Behaviors in China: Dimensions and Motivations.
    Lin Qiu, Han Lin, Chi‐yue Chiu, Pan Liu.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. January 22, 2014
    Despite the rising prevalence of online collective behaviors in Mainland China, there is a dearth of research on their categorization and underlying motivations. To fill this gap, we applied grounded theory to identify the major categories of online collective behaviors in China, and conducted a survey study to understand their underlying motivations. Results show Chinese online collective behaviors may take the form of hard, violent confrontations (e.g., burst‐the‐bar attacks), or soft actions (e.g., discussions and voting). In addition, some of these behaviors are geared toward restoration of justice in the social, moral, and political domains (justice‐driven behaviors). Others are directed toward sanctioning counter‐normative behaviors, or “getting even” with aggression against the in‐group (intolerance‐motivated behaviors). Individuals who intend to participate in justice‐driven online collective behaviors perceive the social problems in China to be serious and to need to be addressed collectively. In contrast, individuals who participate in intolerance‐motivated online collective behaviors are those who experience social estrangement. The intention to engage in both types of online collective behaviors increases with the amount of offline social influence.
    January 22, 2014   doi: 10.1111/asap.12049   open full text
  • Academic Self‐Efficacy and Performance of Underrepresented STEM Majors: Gender, Ethnic, and Social Class Patterns.
    David MacPhee, Samantha Farro, Silvia Sara Canetto.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. December 05, 2013
    This longitudinal study examined academic self‐efficacy and performance among Science/Technology/Engineering/Math (STEM) majors who are underrepresented in STEM education and occupations; i.e., women, specific ethnic minorities, and low‐socioeconomic status (SES) individuals. Performance on academic tests and self‐perceptions of academic skills were assessed at admission and graduation from a STEM mentoring program. At admission, women perceived themselves as academically weaker than men despite similar academic performance. However, by graduation, women's academic self‐efficacy was equivalent to men's. In addition, students with double STEM‐minority statuses, by ethnicity and SES, had lower academic self‐efficacy and performance than d id students with single STEM‐minority status. Exploratory analyses of change over time by ethnic/SES groups showed varying patterns of change that depended on the outcome variable. This study's finding of an increase in academic self‐efficacy for women and students with STEM‐minority status by both ethnicity and SES at graduation from a mentoring program is perhaps an indication of the positive impact of mentoring. The mixed findings at program completion for students with single versus double STEM‐minority status call for attention to the complex relationship between social disadvantage, academic self‐efficacy, and academic performance.
    December 05, 2013   doi: 10.1111/asap.12033   open full text
  • Intergroup Ideology and Environmental Inequality.
    Lynne M. Jackson, Lisa M. Bitacola, Leslie M. Janes, Victoria M. Esses.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. December 05, 2013
    Three studies showed that social dominance orientation could contribute to environmental inequality through its association with environmental and economic ideologies, pursuit of ingroup interest, and relative indifference toward groups with low economic standing. Study 1 showed that social dominance orientation is correlated with a lack of concern for the natural environment and with the endorsement of free‐market ideology. In Study 2, people higher in social dominance orientation endorsed a polluting industry that hurt a foreign population when the industry benefited their ingroup. Study 3 demonstrated that, given a choice of locations to site an environmentally problematic industry, people higher in social dominance orientation chose to direct the dangerous environmental footprint toward economically vulnerable foreign populations, and this was because of their relative lack of concern for human justice.
    December 05, 2013   doi: 10.1111/asap.12035   open full text
  • How Do Teachers Talk About Economic Inequality? The Complexity of Teaching at a Socioeconomically Integrated Elementary School.
    Elizabeth S. White, Rashmita S. Mistry, Kirby A. Chow.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. August 02, 2013
    This study examined elementary school teachers’ experiences at a socioeconomically integrated school. Specifically we focused on the ways that teachers address privilege and promote friendships among economically diverse students and the challenges they face in doing so. Open‐ended interviews were conducted with teachers (N = 25) in prekindergarten through sixth grades. Results indicated that while socioeconomic status (SES) was the most frequently mentioned domain of student difference, teachers were unsure about how to effectively address SES in the classroom. Some teachers reported working (unsuccessfully) to mask SES differences among students, though this became increasingly difficult in the upper elementary grades. Additionally, teachers described challenges associated with having an economically heterogeneous student body including parents’ differential power and involvement at the school and the lack of geographic proximity among students. Findings highlight the need for clear and specific classroom‐ and school‐based strategies to better address SES differences among students in socioeconomically integrated school settings. Implications for teacher practice are discussed.
    August 02, 2013   doi: 10.1111/asap.12024   open full text
  • Beliefs Predicting Peace, Beliefs Predicting War: Jewish Americans and the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict.
    Ella Ben Hagai, Eileen L. Zurbriggen, Phillip L. Hammack, Megan Ziman.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. July 29, 2013
    Jewish Americans’ opinions on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict influence both the Israeli and the U.S. governments. Consequently, the Jewish American diaspora can act to promote or inhibit the peace process between Israelis and Palestinians. Several different sociopsychological beliefs have been postulated to lead individuals to support the perpetuation of conflict. Among these beliefs are a sense of collective victimhood, dehumanization and delegitimization of the other side, a zero‐sum view on the conflict, and a monolithic narrative about the conflict. In this exploratory study we examined the role of these beliefs in predicting Jewish Americans’ rejection or support of compromise solutions to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. A survey study of 176 Jewish Americans shows that a monolithic view on the conflict, dehumanizing and delegitimizing of the other side, and a zero‐sum view on the conflict played an important role in predicting opposition to compromise solutions for the Palestinian–Israeli conflict. Beliefs about collective victimhood did not predict support for compromise solutions. Findings are discussed in terms of the centrality of narrative misrecognition in preventing agreement to concessions toward the other side.
    July 29, 2013   doi: 10.1111/asap.12023   open full text
  • Gender Differences in Attitudes Toward Police Use of Tasers Following the Dziekanski Case.
    David R. Mandel.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. July 22, 2013
    Prior research has shown that men and women respond differently on a variety of behavioral, attitudinal, and affective measures related to agentic and communal interpersonal orientation, yet research on such measures seldom disaggregates findings by gender. The present study examined how gender moderated a range of affective and cognitive responses to an important social and policy issue—police use of Tasers. The study followed the Dziekanski case in which an émigré to Canada died after being repeatedly stunned with a Taser by police officers. Compared to men, women were significantly more opposed to police Taser use, they were likelier to blame police for Dziekanski's death, and they reported stronger emotional responses to the case. The findings extend support for the view that men and women exhibit different patterns of response to situations that evoke communal values, and they highlight the importance of theoretical guidance in disaggregating responses in opinion research.
    July 22, 2013   doi: 10.1111/asap.12022   open full text
  • A Dual‐Process Motivational Model of Social and Economic Policy Attitudes.
    Ryan Perry, Chris G. Sibley.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. June 26, 2013
    The dual process model (DPM) of ideology and prejudice suggests that right‐wing authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation (SDO) should differentially predict support for social versus economic policies. We test a differential prediction hypothesis in which support for social policies should be predicted by RWA, and support for economic policies should be predicted by SDO. We further test a dual mediation hypothesis suggesting that RWA and SDO differentially mediate the indirect effects of distinct combinations of personality traits and social worldviews on these policy attitudes. The hypothesized model provided a reasonable fit in a large New Zealand sample (N = 6,886). Policy attitudes thus consist of at least two dimensions: social versus economic. Individual differences in these attitudes are differentially predicted by RWA and SDO—in much the same way as generalized intergroup attitudes and prejudice.
    June 26, 2013   doi: 10.1111/asap.12019   open full text
  • Prisoner Disenfranchisement: Prisoner and Public Views of an Invisible Punishment.
    Mandeep K. Dhami, Paula A. Cruise.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. May 14, 2013
    A prison sentence is often geared toward punishment of offenders, reduction of crime, and/or protection of the public. However, in many jurisdictions, those in prison may suffer from collateral or “invisible” consequences such as denial of their voting rights. Despite the growing global social and legal debates on prisoner disenfranchisement policy, there have been few empirical studies of this issue. We explored and compared a sample of the prisoners’ and the public's views of prisoner disenfranchisement policy in the United Kingdom. Although the public were more likely than prisoners to consider voting as important, they were less aware of prisoner disenfranchisement. A high proportion of prisoners said they would vote in prison, however, only a third had voted in the past (outside prison). Prisoners and the public held different attitudes toward prisoner disenfranchisement, and the public were more likely to view this policy as fair. Prisoners were more likely to believe that their vote could influence elections, and this best predicted their intentions to vote. These findings are further considered in relation to political party affiliation, prisoner populations, and offense types. We identify future directions for research on prisoner disenfranchisement.
    May 14, 2013   doi: 10.1111/asap.12007   open full text
  • A Model of Climate Belief Profiles: How Much Does It Matter If People Question Human Causation?
    Chris G. Sibley, Tim Kurz.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. May 14, 2013
    Despite the weight of scientific evidence presented in recent assessment reports of the IPCC, there remains some skepticism among the public that the climate is changing and whether such change is caused by human activity. We modeled climate change belief profiles using Latent Class Analysis in a New Zealand national probability sample (N = 6,072). Roughly 50% of New Zealanders believed that climate change was real and caused by humans, with 30% undecided. The majority of New Zealanders believe that climate change is real and likely caused by humans, with one in six remaining skeptical. We identified two types of climate skeptics, those who did not believe in climate change (7%), and those who believed climate change was real but not caused by humans (10%). Beliefs about the reality of climate change were more predictive than beliefs about human cause of support for carbon emissions policy and self‐reported proenvironmental behavior. Our model indicates that persuading people about the reality of climate change will predict greater incremental variance in behavior and policy attitudes than persuading people of its human cause; although persuading people of both will be still more effective due to the synergistic interaction of these dual beliefs.
    May 14, 2013   doi: 10.1111/asap.12008   open full text
  • The Age Structure of Contemporary Homelessness: Evidence and Implications For Public Policy.
    Dennis P. Culhane, Stephen Metraux, Thomas Byrne, Magdi Stino, Jay Bainbridge.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. January 16, 2013
    Amidst concern about the implications of an aging U.S. population, recent evidence suggests that there is a unique aging trend among the homeless population. Building on this, we use data from New York City and from the last three decennial Census enumerations to assess how the age composition of the homeless population—both single adults and adults in families—has changed over time. Findings show diverging trends in aging patterns for single adults and adults in families over the past 20 years. Among single adults, the bulk of the sheltered population is comprised of persons born during the latter part of the baby boom era whose high risk for homelessness has continued as they have aged. Specifically, the age group in this population facing the highest risk for homelessness was 34–36 (born 1954–1956) in 1990; 37–42 (born 1958–1963) in 2000; and 49–51 (born 1959–1961) in 2010. In contrast, among adults in sheltered families, there is no indication of any progressive aging of the family household heads. The modal age across the study period remains at 21–23 years of age. We consider implications for the health care and social welfare systems, and policy responses to homelessness.
    January 16, 2013   doi: 10.1111/asap.12004   open full text
  • Witnesses to History: Children's Views of Race and the 2008 United States Presidential Election.
    Meagan M. Patterson, Erin Pahlke, Rebecca S. Bigler.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. January 02, 2013
    The 2008 presidential election presented a unique opportunity to examine children's attention to racial issues in politics. We conducted interviews with 6‐ to 11‐year‐old children (70 boys, 60 girls; 29 African Americans, 58 European Americans, 43 Latinos) within 3 weeks prior to and after the election. Interview questions concerned knowledge, preferences, and perceptions of others’ attitudes concerning the election, views of the implications of the election for race relations, and personal aspirations to become president. Results indicated that children were highly knowledgeable about Obama's status as the first African American president. Most children felt positively about the presence of an African American candidate for president, although a few children showed clear racial prejudice. Overall, children expected others to show racial ingroup preferences but simultaneously endorsed the optimistic view that Obama's race was a slight asset in his bid for the presidency. Older children were somewhat more likely to view Obama's race as negatively impacting his chances of being elected than younger children. African American and Latino children were more interested in becoming president than European American children; aspiration rates did not change from pre‐ to post‐election.
    January 02, 2013   doi: 10.1111/j.1530-2415.2012.01303.x   open full text
  • I Feel Your Pain: The Moderating Effect of Care Recipient Health on the Relationship between Work Hours and Care Recipient and Caregiver Psychological Outcomes.
    Carol T. Kulik, Christina Cregan, Hugh T. J. Bainbridge.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. January 02, 2013
    Public policy based on a pro‐work philosophy has encouraged the employment of people with disabilities.  Using a national sample of 170 care recipient–caregiver cohabiting dyads, we investigated a model linking the care recipient's weekly work hours (0–45) to the psychological outcomes experienced by the care recipient and his or her caregiver.  For care recipients in poor health, longer work hours were associated with a lower sense of accomplishment. Further, the negative psychological outcomes experienced by the care recipient were associated with greater caregiver stress. These results suggest that public policy concerning the employment of people with disabilities should be evaluated within the context of the caregiving relationship.  Efforts to engage people with disabilities in employment should be accompanied by strategies to remove workplace stressors that negatively impact care recipients in poor health.
    January 02, 2013   doi: 10.1111/j.1530-2415.2012.01304.x   open full text
  • Best Practices in Conceptualizing and Measuring Social Class in Psychological Research.
    Matthew A. Diemer, Rashmita S. Mistry, Martha E. Wadsworth, Irene López, Faye Reimers.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. December 26, 2012
    An extensive body of research has documented the relation between social class, as indexed by socioeconomic status (SES) and subjective social status (SSS), and a host of outcomes, including physical and mental health, academic achievement, and educational attainment. Yet, there remains ambiguity regarding how best to conceptualize and measure social class. This article clarifies definitional and measurement issues related to the assessment of SES and SSS, addresses their importance and relevance for psychological research, and reviews best practices with regard to measurement and assessment. We conclude by discussing the integration of social class with other markers of social position to promote the advancement of psychological science.
    December 26, 2012   doi: 10.1111/asap.12001   open full text
  • What's Race Got to Do with It? Responses to Consumer Discrimination.
    Sophia R. Evett, Anne‐Marie G. Hakstian, Jerome D. Williams, Geraldine R. Henderson.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. November 26, 2012
    Consumer discrimination occurs when sales clerks and other store employees, including security personnel, treat customers differently because of their race or ethnicity. The goal of the present research was to examine how participants perceived a case of consumer discrimination and what actions they felt the victim should take. Based on Robinson's theory of perceptual segregation, we examined whether the perceptions and responses of white participants differed from those of people of color. We also drew on the liberation psychology tenets of conscientization and de‐ideologization with particular emphasis on taking the perspective of the oppressed, by measuring participants’ level of perceived societal discrimination. These two individual difference variables (participant race and perceived societal discrimination) significantly predicted participants’ perceptions of the situation and their emotional responses, which, in turn, mediated how they thought the customer should respond.
    November 26, 2012   doi: 10.1111/j.1530-2415.2012.01297.x   open full text
  • Developing Cooperative Communities to Reduce Stigma about Mental Disorders.
    Alison Gee, Craig McGarty.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. November 05, 2012
    This article explores the theoretical and practical considerations of developing cooperative communities to reduce the stigma of mental disorders and achieve meaningful structural and systemic change. A cooperative community is conceptualized as an alliance of people from differing backgrounds who work together to achieve a positive social change desired by all members of the community but not necessarily for the material benefit of all. In defining the social psychological processes involved in the development of a cooperative community—comprising (1) people with mental disorders, (2) members of the broader public, and (3) health professionals—we reconcile the evidence of disparate psychological theories of stigma and prejudice reduction, intergroup relations, identity formation and social change to show that techniques drawn from each of those theories are required to create positive change and effectively address the stigma of mental disorders. We then explore practical considerations for developing cooperative communities in the mental health sector and consider future directions for health and public policy in this area.
    November 05, 2012   doi: 10.1111/j.1530-2415.2012.01296.x   open full text
  • Author Response to: The Attitude–Action Gap: Toward a Better Understanding of “How Much is Enough?”.
    Tom Bowerman, Ezra M. Markowitz.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. August 13, 2012
    In our target article (Markowitz & Bowerman 2011), we reported findings from a series of surveys suggesting that a large majority of Americans possess positive attitudes towards reducing consumption, with implications for individual and policy actions. Commentators Katherine Arbuthnott, Keith Brown, and Susan Clayton draw attention to both strengths and weaknesses in our target manuscript and raise important points about the role of consumption‐related attitudes and norms in shaping behavior and policy. As readers following this prior discussion are aware, our initial research centered around a consistent finding regarding Oregonians’ attitudes towards consumption: across a series of state‐wide surveys and in‐depth interviews, we found that the vast majority of Oregonians agreed that “Our country would be better off if we all consumed less.” At the same time, we found decidedly mixed support regarding the translation of such “de‐consumption” beliefs into actual behavior and policy preferences. All three of the commentators appear to share our own guarded optimism regarding the potential implications of these findings for confronting issues related to over‐consumption (e.g., climate change). We are largely in agreement with the various points and critiques each raises and herein aim to offer an actionable response.
    August 13, 2012   doi: 10.1111/j.1530-2415.2012.01294.x   open full text
  • Attitudes Toward Same‐Sex Marriage: An Essentialist Approach.
    Melanie L. Duncan, Markus Kemmelmeier.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. August 06, 2012
    The present research examines the implications of psychological essentialism for attitudes toward same‐sex marriage (SSM), a hotly contested policy issue. Based on the literature on psychological essentialism, we tested the novel proposition that negative SSM attitudes are the result of essentialist thinking about the institution of marriage itself, the idea that marriage is universal, unique as a human union, invariant, and not the result of human agency. Two studies (n = 351 and n = 117) confirm these predictions, but also demonstrate the essentialist conceptions of marriage are more potent predictors of SSM attitudes than essentialist conceptions of homosexuality. Additional analyses indicated that essentialist conceptions of homosexuality and marriage did mediate the effects of religiosity and political orientation on SSM attitudes. The discussion focuses on the implications for the ongoing policy debate.
    August 06, 2012   doi: 10.1111/j.1530-2415.2012.01290.x   open full text
  • Hope for the Future in Mitigating Climate Change? On Statistically Modeling Self‐Sacrifice in the Face of Global Warming.
    James H. Liu, Chris G. Sibley.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. July 31, 2012
    Two sets of concerns were expressed in commentary about Liu & Sibley's (2012) article on self‐sacrifice in the face of global warming. Statistical issues can be addressed with a better understanding of Multilevel Random Coefficient Models. We hold that in accord with the theory of planned behavior, it is more likely that beliefs about the importance of global warming predict intentions for willingness to make sacrifices rather than the reverse, and that given this presumed causal direction, the strength of this effect is moderated by cross‐national differences on the human development index. Conceptually, we agree that measuring pro‐environmental action in accord with self‐interest and/or requiring greater effort but not self‐sacrifice would provide a more complete picture.
    July 31, 2012   doi: 10.1111/j.1530-2415.2012.01292.x   open full text
  • The Fewer the Merrier?: Assessing Stigma Surrounding Consensually Non‐monogamous Romantic Relationships.
    Terri D. Conley, Amy C. Moors, Jes L. Matsick, Ali Ziegler.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. June 04, 2012
    In the context of recent debates about same‐sex marriage, consensually nonmonogamous (CNM) relationships have recently begun making their way into media discussions. In the current research, we investigated whether stigma is attached to these nonnormative romantic relationships and, conversely, whether halo effects surround monogamous relationships. In Study 1 we analyzed open‐ended responses to the question “what are the benefits of monogamy?”. The most commonly mentioned benefits included the promotion of commitment and health (especially the prevention of sexually transmitted infections [STIs]). In Study 2, descriptions of CNM relationships were strongly stigmatized and a substantial halo effect surrounded monogamous relationships. Specifically, monogamous relationships were rated more positively than CNM relationships on every dimension (both relationship‐relevant and arbitrary relationship‐irrelevant factors) that we examined and across diverse social groups, including CNM individuals themselves. In Study 3, we conducted a person perception study in which participants provided their impressions of a monogamous or a CNM relationship. The monogamous couple was rated overwhelmingly more favorably than the CNM relationship. Finally, in Study 4, we replicated the findings with a set of traits that were generated with regard to relationships in general (rather than monogamous relationships, specifically) and with a broader set of arbitrary traits. Across all studies, the results consistently demonstrated stigma surrounding CNM and a halo effect surrounding monogamy. Implications for future research examining similarities and differences between monogamous and CNM relationships are discussed.
    June 04, 2012   doi: 10.1111/j.1530-2415.2012.01286.x   open full text
  • Birther Nation: Political Conservatism is Associated with Explicit and Implicit Beliefs that President Barack Obama is Foreign.
    Jarret T. Crawford, Anuschka Bhatia.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. March 13, 2012
    Despite an abundance of evidence to the contrary, a substantial number of Americans believed that President Barack Obama was not born in the United States, even almost two years into his administration (CNN, 2010, July). Both anecdotal and polling evidence at the time suggested that Republicans and political conservatives were more likely to hold these inaccurate beliefs. This study demonstrated that across a variety of operationalizations of political orientation, both explicit and implicit beliefs that President Obama was foreign were related to political conservatism. Potential sources of these beliefs are considered.
    March 13, 2012   doi: 10.1111/j.1530-2415.2011.01279.x   open full text
  • Just World Beliefs, Expert Psychological Testimony, and Verdicts: A Mediational Model.
    Tessa L. Dover, Miriam Matthews, Daniel A. Krauss, Shana Levin.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. March 06, 2012
    This study assessed the role of expert testimony and just world beliefs (JWB) in decisions made in a sexually violent predator (SVP) trial. Three participant samples (student, juror, and community; total N = 534) completed items measuring JWB and watched a 1‐hour videotaped trial simulation that featured a psychologist offering different types of expert testimony in a SVP hearing. After the opening statements and at the end of the trial presentation, participants made commitment decisions and rated their confidence in their decision. They also rated the expert testimony on influence, credibility, scientificness, and confidence. Results indicated that favorable attitudes toward the expert mediated the relationship between JWB and commitment decisions. This relationship did not differ depending on type of expert testimony (clinical vs. actuarial) proffered. The legal and policy implications of the findings are discussed.
    March 06, 2012   doi: 10.1111/j.1530-2415.2011.01278.x   open full text
  • Contentment to Resentment: Variation in Stereotype Content Across Status Systems.
    Julian A. Oldmeadow, Susan T. Fiske.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. January 30, 2012
    This article describes an integration of the stereotype content model with social identity theory in which we theorize links between the legitimacy and stability of status relations between groups on the one hand, and stereotypes of warmth and competence on the other hand. Warmth stereotypes associate with the perceived morality of inequalities, so we reason that high and low status groups are more differentiated in warmth in illegitimate status systems. Also, stereotypes of competence explain status differences so that differences in stereotypical competence may be more pronounced when status is stable rather than unstable. Across two experiments, high and low status groups were more sharply differentiated in warmth in illegitimate than legitimate status systems, as predicted. The effect of stability on competence was less clear, as groups were clearly differentiated in competence in all status systems. Implications for the roles of warmth and competence stereotypes in social change are discussed.
    January 30, 2012   doi: 10.1111/j.1530-2415.2011.01277.x   open full text
  • Hope for the Future? Understanding Self‐Sacrifice Among Young Citizens of the World in the Face of Global Warming.
    James H. Liu, Chris G. Sibley.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. November 07, 2011
    The failure of the 2009 Copenhagen Summit to produce a greenhouse gas emissions accord highlights the fact that consensus and expertise regarding the physical science of climate change exceeds the political science of changing human factors. We examined whether national differences in economic factors shape the extent to which perceptions of global warming are linked to self‐reported intentions to make self‐sacrifices to help protect the environment (N = 6,651 university students) in developing and developed nations (N = 34 nations). Perceptions of the importance of global warming predicted self‐reported willingness to make sacrifices to help protect the environment, and this association was more pronounced in nations with a higher Human Development Index (HDI). There may be hope for the future, to the extent that young people in developed countries are prepared to match their convictions and intentions to sacrifice for the environment with action.
    November 07, 2011   doi: 10.1111/j.1530-2415.2011.01275.x   open full text
  • Who Helps Natural‐Disaster Victims? Assessment of Trait and Situational Predictors.
    Zdravko Marjanovic, C. Ward Struthers, Esther R. Greenglass.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. August 08, 2011
    This investigation examined whether trait variables (empathy, global social responsibility) and perceived human responsibility predict and interact to predict people's helping of natural‐disaster victims. In Study 1, participants completed a questionnaire and read one of two bogus earthquake reports which portrayed victims as either prepared or unprepared for a foreseeable earthquake. In Study 2, participants completed a questionnaire about the victims of Hurricane Katrina. Across studies, helping was best elicited from high‐empathy individuals who attributed responsibility for disasters to human actions (e.g., government), not natural phenomena (e.g., hurricane). Trait variables correlated with helping when assessed individually, but accounted for little unique variance in helping in multiple regression analyses. Judgment of human responsibility predicted helping when participants were familiar with the target disaster (Study 2) but did not predict helping when the disaster was unfamiliar (Study 1). Theoretical implications for researchers and practical implications for aid agencies are discussed.
    August 08, 2011   doi: 10.1111/j.1530-2415.2011.01262.x   open full text
  • Testing Theories of Radicalization in Polls of U.S. Muslims.
    Clark McCauley.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. August 01, 2011
    Four national polls of Muslim Americans conducted between 2001 and 2007 were reviewed to find items tapping possible sources of sympathy and justification for jihadist violence: anti‐Muslim discrimination, radical Islam, and economic and political grievance. These items were correlated with items representing three elements of the global‐jihad frame: seeing the war on terrorism as a war on Islam or “insincere,” justifying suicide attacks in defense of Islam, and favorable views of Al Qaeda. The three elements of the global‐jihad frame were no more than weakly related to one another and had different predictors. Discussion suggests that the U.S. “war of ideas” may need to target separately the different elements of the global‐jihad frame.
    August 01, 2011   doi: 10.1111/j.1530-2415.2011.01261.x   open full text
  • Immigration Reform and the Potential for Psychosocial Trauma: The Missing Link of Lived Human Experience.
    Lisa Lopez Levers, Debra Hyatt‐Burkhart.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. July 07, 2011
    Immigration reform has come to the forefront of the political arena again, most recently sparked by the controversy surrounding Arizona Senate Bill (ASB) 1070. Mostly missing from these discussions is a focus on the impact upon lived human conditions that may result from such legislative reform. This article examines the literature regarding the stress and potential psychosocial trauma that may be associated with immigration and the acculturation process, with an emphasis on the effects of the ASB 1070. The article concludes by identifying relevant implications for research.
    July 07, 2011   doi: 10.1111/j.1530-2415.2011.01254.x   open full text
  • Lowell Immigrant Communities in the Climate of Deportations.
    Jana Sládková, Sandra M. García Mangado, Johana Reyes Quinteros.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. July 05, 2011
    In the climate of increased anti‐immigrant sentiment, deportations of immigrants from the United States are on the upsurge. This article begins with a review of current immigration laws enabling detentions and deportations of undocumented immigrants, as well as permanent legal residents with a prior criminal conviction. It then explores how immigrants and refugees interact with this national climate in Lowell, Massachusetts, a traditional immigrant city in the Northeast of the United States. The Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) actions have clearly had an impact on Lowell. Our findings indicate that fear and mistrust of local authorities is driving behavior of immigrants, who are reluctant to seek medical services or to report violence to the police, whom they suspect of collaborating with ICE.
    July 05, 2011   doi: 10.1111/j.1530-2415.2011.01253.x   open full text
  • Improving Relations Between Residents and Immigrants.
    Walter G. Stephan.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. May 05, 2011
    In this article, I argue that the psychological basis of many of the problems associated with immigration can be traced to tangible threats, cultural threats, fears of change, and the negative attitudes and misperceptions that flow from these threats and fears. Concrete suggestions are made for policies at the societal and individual levels that can counteract these problems. In addition, specific programs are suggested to improve relations between residents and immigrants. The article ends with a discussion of some of the psychological processes that underlie improvements in intergroup relations.
    May 05, 2011   doi: 10.1111/j.1530-2415.2011.01252.x   open full text
  • The Devil Knows Best: Experimental Effects of a Televised Soap Opera on Latino Attitudes Toward Government and Support for the 2010 U.S. Census.
    Matthew D. Trujillo, Elizabeth Levy Paluck.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. April 28, 2011
    Can a soap opera influence political attitudes and engagement among U.S. Latinos, particularly those perceiving a threat from immigration legislation? The extended contact hypothesis predicts that ingroup fictional characters can encourage positive affect and attitudes toward real‐world groups and issues with which they are associated. We tested the impact of a Telemundo soap opera, Más Sabe El Diablo, which portrayed a Latino character's involvement with the 2010 Census. During the census‐collection period and directly following the passage of Arizona's Senate Bill 1070 immigration act, we randomly assigned Latino participants in Arizona, Texas, and New Jersey to view (1) pro‐census scenes or (2) control scenes featuring the character but not the census. Compared to control viewers, census viewers expressed more positive attitudes and less negative affect toward the U.S. government and more behavioral support for the census (wearing pro‐census stickers and taking informational flyers). Affinity for the character was associated with stronger effects. The soap opera did not positively influence Arizona participants who were directly affected by SB 1070.
    April 28, 2011   doi: 10.1111/j.1530-2415.2011.01249.x   open full text
  • Can Racial Profiling Be Avoided Under Arizona Immigration Law? Lessons Learned From Subtle Bias Research and Anti‐Discrimination Law.
    Jason A. Nier, Samuel L. Gaertner, Charles L. Nier, John F. Dovidio.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. April 26, 2011
    Arizona Senate Bill 1070 requires law‐enforcement officers to verify the citizenship of individuals they stop when they have a “reasonable suspicion” that someone may be unlawfully present in the United States. Critics of the law fear it will encourage racial profiling. Defenders of the law point out that the statute explicitly forbids most forms of racial profiling. By drawing on the lessons learned in the domain of antidiscrimination law, we discuss how social psychological research can inform this debate and illuminate challenges associated with fair enforcement of the statute. We conclude that the Arizona law, paired with a lack of comprehensive training and ineffective testing procedures for detecting discrimination, will likely result in many Latinos being illegally targeted on the basis of their race. While certain actions, such as effective training and oversight, may help mitigate discrimination, these safeguards are not likely to completely eliminate biased outcomes.
    April 26, 2011   doi: 10.1111/j.1530-2415.2011.01248.x   open full text
  • How Much Is Enough? Examining the Public's Beliefs About Consumption.
    Ezra M. Markowitz, Tom Bowerman.
    Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. February 05, 2011
    Relatively little public opinion research has explored beliefs about consumption. This lack of research is surprising given the increasing attention paid by many commentators to the relationship between consumption and ecological sustainability. Reporting on data collected from a series of five statewide surveys of Oregonians conducted between 2008 and 2009, we find that a strong majority (74–88%) of the Oregon public supports reducing consumption and believes doing so would improve societal and individual well‐being. These findings appear to challenge conventional wisdom about our collective and never‐ending need for consumption of material goods. Our results reveal broad agreement on the consumption issue across traditional ideological divides. We also conducted in‐depth qualitative interviews, which allowed us to explore what “consumption” means to Oregonians and why people think our country would be better off if we reduced consumption. Our findings suggest that populist attitudes toward reducing consumption may fill a role that policymakers avoid for a variety of reasons. We discuss the relevance of consumption beliefs to public policy aimed at reducing greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, as well as directions for future research.
    February 05, 2011   doi: 10.1111/j.1530-2415.2011.01230.x   open full text