This article analyses the relationship between employee collective voice, measured by union density and institutionalized forms of employee representation at enterprise level, and short-term sickness absence rates in 24 European countries over the period 1996–2010. It relies on individual-level data on sickness absence from the European Labour Force Survey combined with country-level data on employee collective voice. There is a small but significant and non-trivial, negative relationship between employee collective voice and short-term sickness absence. Regression analysis suggests that if union density had remained at the 1996 level, short-term sickness absence would have been, on average, 2.5 hours lower per year than in 2010.
This article examines union revitalization in Central and Eastern Europe, focusing on two countries: Hungary and Latvia. Trade unions have not only had to cope with a declining membership base, but have also had to respond to austerity programmes and government cuts in public sector employment. We argue that the inability of unions to provide a strong voice for alternative policies to the current neoliberal orthodoxy has been driven by a declining membership base, but also by weakened social dialogue mechanisms, limited industrial representation and an ageing membership profile, exacerbated by net outward migration in recent years. However, we find that unions in Latvia and Hungary have responded differently to these issues.
This article compares industrial relations in production sites in Slovakia and Russia owned by a single transnational automotive firm, Volkswagen. We analyse the empirical data using a working-class power approach. In Slovakia, associational and institutional power is well developed and influenced by the model of German work councils, but structural power is weakly exercised and unions rely on non-conflictual engagement with management. In Russia, structural working-class power remains strong, but the opportunities for transforming this into lasting associational, let alone institutional power, remain limited; thus, new unions make use of unconventional methods of protest to promote worker interests.
A growing literature has analysed capitalist institutions in Slovenia and Estonia, two countries often viewed as representing very different varieties of capitalism in Central and Eastern Europe. Slovenia has been unique in the region, given its highly centralized wage bargaining and the importance of corporatist institutions, notably the tripartite Economic and Social Council; it is thus an exception to the general pattern of weak unions and ‘illusory corporatism’ across the region. By contrast, Estonia is commonly viewed as a prime example of a liberal market economy, in which industrial relations are decentralized. This article analyses how these distinctive institutional configurations have shaped the two countries’ responses to the global economic crisis beginning in 2007–2008. It explores whether these institutions have undergone changes as a result of the crisis, and also seeks to identify lessons from this experience for the future prospects for corporatism and tripartism, and also for the revitalization of trade unions and progressive politics in Central and Eastern Europe more generally.
Economic transformation after 1989 and the global economic recession that began in 2008 have caused an increase in precarious work in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. As a result of refamilialization, precarious work acquired a specific form for women. We use the Czech Republic as an example in analysing a trend that is obvious throughout the Visegrád countries and apply the capabilities approach to understand the dynamics of precarious work in the lives of women with care responsibilities. Neither the objective characteristics of work nor its subjective assessment alone makes it possible to understand precarious work. The explanation lies in the (temporal) dynamics of the interconnection between the two: insecure jobs accepted by women with care responsibilities as a temporary strategy may turn into a trap excluding them from a stable job.
Over the last two decades, trade union membership in Central and Eastern Europe has been in continuous decline, and unions in the region are generally considered weak. However, little is known about the actual relevance of trade unions for individual workers in the post-socialist world. We explore the role that unions played in protecting their members from the negative effects of the global economic crisis. Using data for 21 post-socialist countries from the Life in Transition-2 survey, we find that union members were less likely than comparable non-members to lose their jobs during the crisis. This beneficial effect of union membership was particularly pronounced in countries which were hardest hit by the crisis. At the same time, union members were more likely to experience wage reductions, suggesting that unions were engaged in concession bargaining. Overall, our results challenge the common view that unions in the post-socialist countries are irrelevant.
There is evidence of an emerging Europe-wide ‘insider–outsider’ divide. In parallel to the patterns of dualization within national industrial relations systems, ‘core’ European countries retain relatively low unemployment and contractual security, while ‘peripheral’ countries are increasingly marked by high levels of unemployment and contractual insecurity. I contend that such a system is in the interests of insiders in core countries. As a consequence of the capacity of bargaining regimes in core countries to achieve superior competitiveness, and the tendency for workers in these countries to be relatively indifferent to austerity, divergent outcomes result within the eurozone. In conclusion, I reflect on implications for dualization theory and EU cohesion.
In Ireland and Southern European countries, social pacts were widely seen as a mechanism to mobilize broad support for weak governments to legitimate difficult reforms in the context of monetary integration. I retrace the politics of these pacts in Ireland and Italy to argue that it was less the condition of ‘weak government’ that enabled the negotiation of tripartite pacts, than the intervention of a ‘strong executive’: the prime minister’s office. Social pacts were pursued as a political strategy to enhance prime ministerial executive autonomy. In the aftermath of the euro crisis, this means of enhancing executive autonomy has been replaced by the negotiation of grand coalition governments, with the exclusion of unions; but this continues the trend towards the prime ministerialization of politics.
Most workers look forward to better jobs across their careers, but in an age of rising inequality and insecurity at work, some are willing to accept an inferior job in order to avoid joblessness. We use the Work Orientations III survey from the 2005 International Social Survey Programme to explore such ‘downward flexibility’ and develop several multi-level models specified for 19 OECD countries to test hypotheses and explore macro- and individual-level variations. Workers in liberal ‘labour market regimes’ are more tolerant of downward adaptations, in line with evidence that these regimes produce strongly institutionalized norms of flexibility. Tolerance of a worse job is also higher among those with weak labour market positions (low-income respondents, women and young people). Further macro-level analysis suggests that the ‘model’ country with the most downwardly flexible workers would be rich and unequal, with weak unions and low levels of social protection and industrial rights.
What factors determine the involvement of employee representatives in continuing vocational training? This article uses data from the European Company Survey 2009 to examine firm-level and country-level characteristics in 27 European Union (EU) countries. Multilevel logistic regressions indicate that employee representatives increase the probability of companies providing training needs assessments and time off for training. This association is stronger for disadvantaged groups of employees (low-skilled or temporary employees) if the representatives receive support from encompassing collective agreements, strong trade unions or regular training.
This article examines the responses of the industrial relations actors to the economic crisis in Ireland and the impact on collective bargaining. The data were collected at national, sectoral and workplace levels. We find the existence of both change and continuity, with increased diversity in collective bargaining in manufacturing, including a distinct shift to enterprise bargaining shaped by the capacity of management and local union representatives to adapt to wider pressures. We consider the implications for government, employers and unions.
Approaches to union ‘renewal’ or ‘revitalization’ developed in the USA have influenced debates in other countries on responses to the loss of membership. The ‘organizing model’ was first disseminated to other Anglophone countries (Australia, Canada, Ireland, New Zealand and the United Kingdom) but was subsequently discussed and adopted in a number of continental European countries. This article analyses the transnational circulation of the organizing approach, focusing on its reception in Germany and France and examining the actors and channels of circulation, before exploring the extent to which the ‘organizing model’ has been received, reformulated and adopted.
In the case of Italy, many of the more common assumptions about the impact of the crisis on employment relations do not fit. We briefly outline the main traditional features of joint regulation and labour market policy in Italy and then illustrate how the crisis erupted in a situation already marked by major defects. We go on to discuss the social partners’ positions and practices showing how the crisis influenced social dialogue and collective bargaining in a complex way. They largely maintained their previous organizational strength and continued to play a central role in the regulation of labour; yet, a significant, unexpected change was the more autonomous role assumed by the state. In the medium term, this may eventually result in a deep transformation of the whole labour relations system.
This article examines the changes to employment regulation in Portugal during the sovereign debt crisis and assesses their impact on collective bargaining in manufacturing. The changes were wide-ranging and had a negative immediate impact on the process and outcome of bargaining. While this is consistent with the experience of other EU member states in similar circumstances, the changes in Portugal continued the pre-crisis path of reform. Despite significant corrosion and weakening of collective bargaining, there were also signs of resilience. Nevertheless, prospects for a renewed regulatory role for collective bargaining still appear uncertain. We offer some explanations for the distinctive experience in Portugal.
Romanian labour law was changed radically in 2011, causing a rapid demolition of the multi-layered collective bargaining system, despite the existence of relatively strong unions. This article examines the foundation of new employers’ prerogatives, and whether they have been willing and able to use them in manufacturing sectors and companies where unions have a strong hold. It focuses on extreme cases of change and continuity in setting the terms and conditions of employment after 2008. Employers have been able to use the new legal provisions to worsen employment conditions, but there is variation across companies depending on employers’ attitudes, developments in collective bargaining in other large companies in the area and unions’ capacity to mobilize. This analysis facilitates a better understanding of the consequences of downgrading individual and collective employment rights.
This article focuses on changes in collective bargaining in Spain during the current phase of austerity. We evaluate how the decentralization and transformation of collective bargaining have affected industrial relations and forms of work and suggest that the policy reforms have led to a deterioration in working conditions and a weakening in collective regulation and trade unions. However, we emphasize the contradictory outcomes, which appear to be drawing the state into new more direct roles, bringing new actors (such as legal firms) into the deregulation of employment. This situation also raises a range of concerns among managers and employers at the repoliticization of industrial relations and generates further challenges to the ability of management and unions to sustain consensual forms of social dialogue.
Under external pressure, the Greek system of industrial relations has undergone radical regulatory changes since 2010. These have led to a significant contraction of higher level bargaining and a process of disorganized decentralization, bringing the collective bargaining system to a brink of collapse. Emerging demands on the part of both employers and unions to preserve multi-level bargaining, together with greater support on the part of the state, could halt or even reverse some of these trends. But the scope for success of such efforts depends on how far ‘regulated austerity’ continues to dominate European policy.
This article introduces seven national studies which examine the impact of austerity measures on collective bargaining in manufacturing in the European Union (EU) countries most affected by the crisis. We explore the changing dynamics in the relationships between domestic actors in the period leading up to the crisis and the influence of supranational actors thereafter. Austerity measures have undermined the structure, process, content and outcomes of collective bargaining, though the nature and degree of changes are conditioned by path-dependent factors of each national system.
Since the world crisis hit Slovenia, the reconfiguration of the industrial relations system has mainly been exogenously determined. Public debt and the related dependence on supranational institutions and financial (bond) markets have been strongly correlated with the unilateral imposition of these institutions’ demands and pressures. Despite the mounting pressures, the formal structure of industrial relations has not undergone major changes, but within this structure there are clear signs of major changes in power relations and in the logic and quality of the industrial relations system.
Both Greece and Ireland have long suffered high youth unemployment rates and have been pressured to restructure their employment and social systems under the European Employment Strategy. Problems were aggravated by the harsh conditions imposed by the Troika following bail-outs. Yet there was significant divergence in youth employment outcomes between Greece and Ireland despite a convergence of policies. In Ireland, tighter conditionality of benefits and stronger ‘activation’ were already on the agenda of the social actors, so their implementation was not forcefully contested. In Greece, the lack of effective social protection made it difficult for successive governments to build support for flexibilization, and the escalating insecurity of young Greeks and their families gave rise to social unrest and political instability. This contrast leads to a reappraisal of the convergence–divergence debate.
This article investigates employees’ attitudes towards job protection legislation and attitudinal differences between employees with different levels of job security. National surveys from three Nordic countries, using different measures of insider–outsider positions in the labour market, do not support the assumption that outsiders (those with insecure jobs) prefer laxer job protection legislation. On the contrary, workers in secure jobs seem more likely to prefer laxer regulation.
Large-scale exit from the labour market began in the 1970s in many OECD countries. The literature indicates that individual early retirement decisions are facilitated by generous and accessible ‘pathways’ into retirement in the public pension system, unemployment insurance or disability benefits. It is unclear, however, why early exit became so much more prevalent in some countries than in others and why such differences remain, despite a recent shift back towards higher employment rates and ‘active ageing’. We test a logic of sectoral cost-shifting politics involving cross-class alliances in the tradable sector, against a more traditional class-based logic of welfare state policy-making. Quantitative analysis of employment outcomes in 21 countries shows that the political economy of early exit clearly rests on the sectoral politics of cost-shifting.
This article analyses how multinational companies based in Switzerland deal with the European Works Council directive. As a consequence of voluntaristic regulations, at both European and Swiss levels, the quality of the practices of information and consultation varies highly, largely depending on company-specific constellations. Our case studies show that Swiss employees play significant roles in European Works Councils, but few benefit clearly and directly from this new institution. Only in rare cases where both managers and key employee representatives have developed a sense of ownership has a truly transnational social dialogue at company level led to tangible results.
This article examines trade union responses to the economic crisis in Ireland. The ‘Irish story’ is primarily one of union accommodation and cooperation. Conflict was present, but was sporadic and generally sectional in nature, and did not reach the scale of mass mobilization witnessed in the other European countries that received financial aid from the Troika. Why was Ireland different? This is explained by the nature of the contextual challenge, unions’ ideological inheritance, their organizational capacity and the opportunity structures available.
This article explores the involvement of organized social actors (trade unions and business groups) in the reform of public pension systems in Greece and Turkey. Most early studies of the reform of welfare policies perceived benefits in a consensual policy process, but more recent neoliberal literature has been critical of the political involvement of trade unions. On the basis of interviews with actors involved in the reform process in Greece and Turkey, I conclude that the effectiveness of social pacts is contingent on the financial, political and organizational resources available to the actors involved.
Industrial relations scholars have argued that east-west labour migration may benefit trade unions in Central and Eastern Europe. By focusing on the distributional aspect of wage policies adopted by two competing Romanian trade unions in the healthcare sector, this article challenges the assumption of a virtuous link between migration, labour shortages and collective wage increases. We show that migration may also displace collective and egalitarian wage policies in favour of individual and marketized ones that put workers in competition with one another. Thus, the question is not so much whether migration leads to wage increases in sending countries, but whether trade unions’ wage demands in response to outward migration consolidate collective solidarity and coordination in wage policy-making or support its individualization and commodification.
This article contributes to the growing debate on minimum wage coordination at European Union (EU) level. We consider the introduction of a hypothetical EU-wide minimum set at 60 percent of the median wage in each European country; we compare the diverse minimum wage-setting systems across Europe and discuss how they could be affected by such policy. The institutional impact of this European common threshold would be larger in those countries where minimum wages are currently collectively agreed by social partners than in those countries where they are set by statutory regulation. But according to our statistical analysis, such EU-wide minimum wage would affect a larger proportion of the workforce in those countries with statutory minimum wages, since they tend to have a larger low-paid segment of employment.
This article examines the first European Works Council (EWC) to be established in the Italian banking sector, at UniCredit. It focuses on the interaction between Italian, German and Austrian delegations of employee representatives and on the perspectives and practices that reflect their different cultural and institutional backgrounds in industrial relations. Much of the literature suggests that employee representatives from the home country of a multinational company are likely to mould EWC structures in accordance with their own national backgrounds and have greater confidence in dealing with central management in EWC meetings. Our findings partly substantiate this argument, but also suggest that minority delegations, when they have the benefit of strong national institutional arrangements and less fragmented union patterns, are more likely to be cohesive and experienced and therefore are able to challenge management and sometimes win significant arguments over strategy.
Job quality in the contracted-out public services is still influenced by the public authorities. As customers buying goods and services from private providers, they become with employer and employee representatives a more or less visible ‘third party’ in the determination of employment conditions. This article explores collective actors’ strategies and negotiations in this triangular configuration. It develops an analytical framework, based on a discussion of recent legislative trends, then presents empirical findings from two recent comparative projects. These suggest that the extent to which public procurement can help to ensure decent work depends very much on the interaction with sectoral and national employment regimes; it requires complementary institutions to turn public procurement into a ‘market-embedding’ tool.
We compare sickness absence policies in the Netherlands, Denmark and Ireland, examining whether and how the institutional logic of ‘activation’ that is paramount in Europe is understood and given shape in each country. They differ in their support for the underlying ideas of ‘activation’, and especially vary in the design of their governance systems, as can be seen in the allocation of responsibilities, the description of return-to-work routines and the use of regulative instruments. We contribute to institutional theory by demonstrating the important but often neglected role of national governance systems in the macro–micro linkage between institutional logics and organizational and individual behaviour. Since sickness absence is a major cause of workforce inactivity, the practical relevance of this study is the comparative reflection on recent policy developments to improve sickness absence management.
The importance of worker well-being is widely embraced both in theory and policy, but there are numerous perspectives on what it is, how to measure it, whether it needs improving and if so, how to improve it. We argue that a more complete approach to worker well-being needs to consider workers as full citizens who derive and experience both public and private benefits and costs from working. A broad framework on the meanings of work is used to expand the boundaries of worker well-being to reflect the broad importance of work in human life.
The viability of coordinated, multi-employer bargaining arrangements as a cornerstone of labour market regulation in Western Europe has come under further threat following the crisis. Already, pressure for decentralization had corroded the capacity of sector agreements to specify universal standards applicable at company level. Procedural mechanisms articulating the two levels had become looser and more open-ended. This process has intensified in Northern European countries, whilst in Southern Europe, under pressure from the European institutions, a frontal assault on multi-employer bargaining arrangements is now underway. Reinforced European economic governance intensifies the need for coordination of bargaining across borders, but the capacity for achieving this is significantly reduced by the erosion of capacities for effective coordination within national bargaining systems.
Restricted public pension schemes and cuts in earnings-related pensions have increased the role of pension funds. However, it is unclear from previous studies how far financial market crises affect pension funds mediated by trade unions and employee participation. This article draws on institutionalist arguments to link different mechanisms of coordination of market economies to differences in pension systems, corporate and pension fund governance, investment strategies and thus the vulnerability of pension funds to financial market risks. There is higher vulnerability to financial market crises in liberal market economies with weak trade union influence and high equity exposure.
Most studies of flexicurity have focused on formal institutions within distinctive national labour market systems. However, the level and types of flexibility and security in a national labour market are to an important extent influenced by company-level processes, relationships and policies; thus a micro-perspective should be integrated into the study of flexibility and security. This article advances understanding of the influences of decentralized rule-making and its links with the macro level by drawing on case study research in four multinational companies, each with subsidiaries in Germany, Belgium, Italy and the UK. It reveals major differences in terms of flexibility and security between companies operating in the same country, and major similarities between the subsidiaries of the same multinational. Product market characteristics affect local autonomy to define human resource policies; national institutions and local circumstances then affect the capabilities of trade unions and works councils to negotiate local flexibility-security trade-offs.
This article explores how the diversity of minimum wage systems affects earnings inequalities within European countries. It relies on the combination of harmonized microdata from household surveys, data on national statutory minimum wages and coverage rates and information on minimum rates compiled from more than 1100 sectoral-level agreements across Europe. The analysis covers 18 countries over the period 2007–2009. Empirical results confirm the intuition of many practitioners that the combination of sectoral minima and high collective bargaining coverage can be regarded as a functional equivalent of a binding statutory minimum wage, at least for earnings inequalities. Regression results suggest indeed that both a national statutory minimum and, in countries with sectoral minima, higher collective bargaining coverage is significantly associated with lower levels of (overall and inter-industry) wage inequalities and a smaller fraction of workers paid below prevailing minima. Several robustness checks confirm these findings.
This article discusses three theoretical approaches to the study of coordinated collective bargaining, each positing different causal mechanisms: rational choice, rationalist institutionalism and discursive institutionalism. Each approach involves a different view of the exercise of power and distributional consequences. The three approaches are applied to the critical cases of Sweden and Denmark. The conclusion drawn is that coordination is not purely cooperative, and that cooperation is itself conditioned by power relations. Thus power must be placed at the heart of coordination studies.
We use micro-level analysis of developments in the steel sector in Poland, Romania and Slovakia to examine the effects of multinational corporations on trade unions in Central and Eastern Europe. We argue that unions’ weakness can be attributed to their strategies during the restructuring and privatization processes of post-communist transition. Tactics used for union regeneration in the West are less appropriate in the East, but revival may be possible because the power of transnational capital forces unions to focus their efforts on articulating workers’ interests. We examine the emerging system of industrial relations in the sector and explore the development of capabilities needed to overcome post-communist legacies.
This article distinguishes between two logics of union renewal: accommodation and transformation. It examines the functioning and potential of these logics in two industrial unions in Germany and Canada, exploring factors that influence decisions to give priority to one renewal logic. The findings suggest that the two logics can coexist, and that unions are able to alternate between them. Of particular relevance in comparative perspective are some similarities and differences in the renewal processes and strategies pursued by the two unions.
This article analyses European Social Survey data for 22 countries. We assess the relationship between feelings of employment and income insecurity (dual-insecurity) among workers and national flexicurity policies in the areas of lifelong learning, active labour market policy, modern social security systems and flexible and reliable contractual arrangements. We find that dual-insecurity feelings are lower in countries that score better on most flexicurity polices, but these effects are in all cases outweighed by levels of GDP per capita. Thus feelings of insecurity are reduced more by the affluence of a country than by its social policies. However, affluence is strongly correlated with the policy efforts designed to reduce insecurity, especially active labour market policies and lifelong learning, two policy areas that are threatened with cuts as a result of austerity.
How do works councils and employee board-level representation affect company performance? Research on employee participation provides mixed and sometimes contradictory findings. This article argues that the performance effects of employee participation depend on the business cycle. Specifically, the conservative impact of employee participation on strategy may be associated with lower company value in good times, but may also provide a buffer against a loss of value in bad times. This argument is supported by data from 726 European firms in the period surrounding the financial crash of 2006–2008.
Trade unions are commonly weak in small- and medium-sized enterprises, which constitute a majority of European firms and are often family-owned. We investigate the influence of family ownership on employee membership, perceptions and experience with unions in Danish and Italian firms in the textile and clothing sector. Family ownership reduces union membership; and within family firms, the number of family members employed is negatively associated with unionization rates and employee perceptions of unions.
This article presents an empirical analysis of the factors associated with trends in labour standards, in EU accession countries, using a new dataset of labour rights. It focuses on ratification of the ILO’s fundamental conventions, EU monitoring and ILO monitoring. It describes the similarities and differences between the two monitoring schemes and evaluates their roles in shaping labour rights. Generalized estimating equation analysis shows that EU monitoring is positively associated with improved labour rights while ILO monitoring is not. The results further indicate that ratification of ILO fundamental Conventions is positively associated with labour rights protection. The article returns to the notion of external governance to suggest possible explanations for these findings.
This article analyses the rise and consolidation of neoliberalism in the European Union and highlights the neoliberalization of its social and employment policies with reference to member states and accession candidates. It focuses on two different cases in terms of status, Greece and Turkey, and scrutinizes their historical specificities and class formations in a comparative manner. The aim is to demonstrate that transformations in their economic policies and labour market structures are compatible with a neoliberal strategy. From this analysis, it emerges that Turkey’s social and employment policies are more closely aligned with those of the European Union, and neoliberalism is more firmly consolidated, than in Greece. This is confirmed by evidence of the asymmetry in the impact of the economic crisis on the Greek and Turkish economies, and contrasts in the scope of recovery policies.
This study uses data from a continuous employee web-survey to investigate the trade-off between wage and workforce adjustments and the role of industrial relations in firm-level responses to the economic crisis in Germany and the Netherlands. Workforce adjustments seemed to be a continuous organizational strategy, but wage adjustments were less often reported. We found no large-scale evidence of wage concessions being traded-off for job protection in the two countries. Collective bargaining ensured that wage-setting was more robust than employment protection: employees covered by collective agreements reported workforce adjustments more often than wage adjustments. Low-educated and low-wage employees reported basic wage reductions more often: the economic crisis increased wage inequality. Labour hoarding was reported predominantly by young, male employees with a permanent, full-time contract.
This article seeks to explain variations in trade union approaches to membership recruitment in Central and Eastern Europe, focusing on the automotive and retail sectors in Estonia, Poland, Romania and Slovenia. The analysis accounts for cross-country and sectoral differences in organizing approaches by reference to the role of institutional contexts, union organizational resources and trade unionists’ social agency.
Even before the end of the one-party system, both Hungary and Slovenia experienced systematic internal market reforms. After the abrupt political transition there has been a complete shift to a market economy. In Hungary, this had clear features of a neoliberal transformation; but in Slovenia an alternative path was taken, involving neo-corporatism with its Keynesian welfare correlates. Yet during the last decade, a new wave of radical neoliberal change has occurred in both countries. In this article, I compare the transformations in both countries, in order to identify the conditions underlying the neoliberal turn in each.
Are International Framework Agreements potential mechanisms of cross-border labour regulation? For some scholars they are no more than ‘window-dressing’, for others they are effective instruments of transnational regulation. We argue that their effectiveness depends on their interconnection with other mechanisms of labour regulation. Drawing on a broad review of research and our own empirical data, we conclude that different institutional frameworks, different dominant actor groups and configurations, and also different modes of regulation and bargaining, lead to varying and sometimes contrasting outcomes.
In this article we examine the industrial relations practices of three large European food retailers when they transfer the hypermarket format to other countries. We ask, first, how industrial relations in hypermarkets differ from those in other food retailing outlets. Second, we examine how far the approach characteristic of each company’s country-of-origin (Germany, France and the UK) shapes the practices adopted elsewhere. Third, we ask how they respond to the specific industrial relations systems of each host country (Turkey, Poland, Ireland and Spain).
This article discusses the introduction of women’s quotas in the Austrian confederation ÖGB and the German union ver.di, drawing on interviews with union officials, documentary analysis and statistical data. In both cases, quotas increased women’s representation as lay delegates and full-time officials, and also affected union identity and image, equality bargaining and political activity. Overall, women’s quotas in unions had a positive effect both on women’s representation and on organizational outcomes, indicating that more generally, changes in union governance can contribute to revitalization.
This article applies sociological neo-institutionalism to help understand transnational trade union wage policy. We review existing approaches to the role of trade unions as organizational actors in wage bargaining coordination and contrast these with the concepts of organizational fields and institutional work. Besides structural and associational power, transnational institutions are also able to increase the ability and willingness of unions to act transnationally. We draw empirical evidences from existing studies on European wage bargaining coordination in metalworking.
This article uses two parallel large-scale surveys in Ireland and Spain to test explanations of the variation in the autonomy of foreign subsidiaries of multinational companies over industrial relations policies, in particular regarding trade union engagement and employee consultation. We bring together three strands of literature: home- and host-country effects, organizational context and international human resources structures. Our results call attention to the significance of institutional effects, along with mode of entry of the subsidiary and the trajectory of new investments.
Information and communication technologies can provide an important contribution to revitalizing trade unions, since the internet is faster, cheaper and more far-reaching than traditional communication methods. We propose a typology for analysing trade union websites, and apply this by comparing two national cases. The empirical research is limited to the websites of Portuguese and British civil service trade unions. We find that British unions take more advantage of the internet than those in Portugal; not only do they enable interactivity but above all promote the website as a space for sociability. We believe this typology opens up enhanced capacity to monitor, diachronically and synchronically, the relationship between trade unions and the internet.
Unions reduce aggregate pay inequality. Where industrial, or encompassing, unionism predominates, movements have generally coherently pursued inter-enterprise or inter-occupational compression. However, pay compressions have generally been rather unstructured where unionism is segmented by enterprise or the craft-general divide. Analysis of labour productivity growth in manufacturing across 14 OECD countries between 1965 and 1995 shows that an emphasis on aggregate pay compression hampers productivity growth under encompassing unionism, but under segmented unionism promotes it.
Reforms inspired by the ‘new public management’ approach have changed the provision of hospital healthcare and challenged established arrangements for governing the workforce. We identify four main reform processes in three countries, and examine their impact on collective bargaining and administrative and statutory mechanisms of workforce governance. Although the extent and nature of reforms play a role in the changes to workforce governance, political choices and the interests and responses of organized employers and trade unions intervene to shape outcomes.
There has been an increasing tendency to promote systems of extra-judicial intervention in resolving collective conflicts in Southern European countries. However, it seems that it has been difficult for these initiatives to displace traditional judicial avenues of settlement. We consider various efforts to promote extra-judicial settlement, and identify the greater success enjoyed by the Spanish system of settlement in providing an alternative to labour courts. Explanatory factors include its distinctive design features, social partner unity and deficiencies in the judicial system. Spanish experience suggests a need to reassess assumptions about the obstacles to extra-judicial collective conflict resolution in Southern Europe.
This article examines the impact of financialization on European systems on industrial relations. It assesses two aspects: the growing power of bond markets and the increasing tendency for firms to threaten to ‘offshore’ operations. Such processes are rooted in the very logic of financialization and have caustic effects on the integrity of European industrial relations regimes. The article concludes that the threat to European systems of industrial relations is likely to be enduring.
The pay of metalworking apprentices is high in Britain, middling in Germany and low in Switzerland. We analyse these differences using fieldwork evidence and survey data, drawing on both economic and institutionalist theories. Several institutional attributes influence apprentice pay, partly by affecting supply and demand in markets for training places. Institutional support for apprenticeship training appears to involve important complementarities in both Germany and Switzerland, in contrast to Britain’s less coherent and more market-driven approach.
This article surveys recent data and empirical literature on (trends in) unionization and its determinants in advanced countries. There are some robust stylized facts, for instance that unionization is positively related to public sector employment, establishment size, and the business cycle. Union-administered unemployment insurance and union presence at the workplace also play a positive role. However, some seemingly obvious explanations for union decline – such as economic globalization and changes in economic structure and workforce composition – do not seem to have impeded union membership everywhere; nor has the decentralization of collective bargaining. It also remains an open question whether changes in social values and employee attitudes towards unions have affected unionization negatively.
This article discusses how the actors in the internationally exposed sectors of four Nordic economies responded to the economic crisis of 2008. Though Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden are commonly viewed as similar countries, there are important variations in the regulation of workers’ rights and the available measures of labour market adjustment such as short-time working and temporary lay-offs. We find that such differences produced significant differences in adjustment patterns, in the cooperation and influence of trade unions during these processes and in institutional adaptation.
This article explores the exceptional characteristics of female employment in Portugal, drawing on comparative and historical analysis to reveal the emergence of a dual-earner family model. This involved low-wage full-time work for both men and women, while the traditional gender culture was largely maintained. Case study findings from two female-dominated industries (hospitality and clothing manufacturing) show how gender inequality within the full-time employment model is produced and implemented at industry level. We discuss the role of trade unions and employers in shaping these employment practices and in negotiating adjustments in the light of increasing competitive pressures. The article concludes by identifying the implications for theoretical conceptualizations of gender and employment.
This article examines the gap between the unionization rate of local and migrant workers in 14 Western European countries. The analysis reveals that the lower unionization rate of migrant workers can be attributed only in part to the impact of labour market segregation. Moreover, the gap between the unionization rate of local and migrant workers varies substantially across countries. We find that this gap is larger in those countries in which unions enjoy organizational security either in the form of state financing or a single dominant confederation.