Most recent papers:

• Reclaiming A. D. Gordon's deep eco‐nationalism.
  Asaf Shamis.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 27, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nThis study seeks to add to the burgeoning literature on the relations between nationalism and environmentalism by examining the ideas of A. D. Gordon (1856–1922). Gordon is not well‐known outside the realm of Zionist scholarship. Nonetheless, a close re‐examination of his ideas reveals that Gordon offers a hybrid brand of deep eco‐national theory that frames traditional deep ecological themes within a general theory of nationalism. Whereas Gordon's theory introduces the ‘nation’ as a central notion to deep ecology thought, at the same time, it adds an ecological dimension rarely taken into account in theories of nationalism. This analysis further shows that although Gordon's pioneering eco‐national theory had high potential for bridging between the two disciplines, it eventually faded into obscurity like eco‐national ideas elsewhere. As Jewish national independence came into view, Gordon's distinctive eco‐nationalism was overshadowed by anthropocentric‐based Zionist politics.\n"]

  June 27, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12852   open full text
• Far right: The significance of an umbrella concept.
  Andrea L P Pirro.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 27, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nThis contribution makes the case for a shift in boundaries between the (populist) radical right and the extreme right, arguing for the systematic use of the term ‘far right’. The significance of a deliberately generic but fundamentally meaningful concept such as ‘far right’ is motivated by the growing links between illiberal‐democratic (‘radical right’) and anti‐democratic (‘extreme right’) collective actors. This begs considering the conceptual grounds for differentiation among far‐right collective actors, their underlying dynamics, and why it is important to look at what they do to tackle this phenomenon in practice—that is, to extrapolate their ideological essence and their varying allegiances to democracy. The complexity of far‐right politics questions the long‐standing conceptual distinctions internally defining it. The use of an umbrella concept may thus enhance precision in the discussion of this phenomenon, at the same time highlighting the unfolding of a new phase in nativist politics.\n"]

  June 27, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12860   open full text
• Defining Basque music: Charles Bordes' (1863–1909) musical regionalism and influence in the Basque Country and Paris.
  Asier Odriozola Otamendi.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 26, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nThis paper analyses the influence of the French composer and musicologist Charles Bordes (1863–1909) on the definition of ‘Basque music’ both in the peninsular Basque Country and in Paris. On the one hand, it studies Bordes' ideological background, his vision of traditional Basque music and the acceptance of his shared musicological legacy in Basque regionalist and nationalist circles. On the other hand, it pays particular attention to the reception of his ideas in the Parisian musical milieu through the analysis of the criticism aroused by the premieres of two Basque‐themed operas: Ramuntcho (1908) and Chiquito (1909). This article frames Bordes' activity within the regionalist movement in France. However, it also draws attention to the transnational and ambivalent nature of regionalism, especially in cross‐border spaces, where regionalist discourses could take divergent forms according to the different nationalist agendas with which they were associated.\n"]

  June 26, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12859   open full text
• The making of citizenship via tea production: State‐sponsored economic growth, nationalism and state in Turkey.
  Rahşan İnal, Cenk Saraçoğlu.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 21, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nThe conventional historiographical paradigm depicts the consolidation of nation‐state and nationalism in Turkey as a top‐down political project characterised by the domination of the ‘center’ over the ‘periphery’. In this narrative, the masses are portrayed as either passive recipients or silenced opponents of the nation‐state project. Based on a historical and contemporary analysis of the state‐sponsored tea production in Rize, this article contends that this perspective neglects the agency of the provincial population in the reproduction of the nation‐state and nationalism in Turkey and in influencing the decisions made by the state elite. The economic interventionist measures of the ruling authority to extend its nationalist hegemony across Anatolia also opened a field of action for rural/provincial populations to negotiate their interests with the state and thereby influence its policies. The main contours of this relationship have remained salient during the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AKP) period, and it needs to be taken into account to explain this party's large ideological appeal in the Black Sea region. This argument builds on a fieldwork conducted in Rize that included in‐depth interviews with local tea workers and farmers as well as extensive archival research.\n"]

  June 21, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12858   open full text
• The rise of the nation‐state during the Age of Revolution: Revisiting the debate on the roots of nations and nationalism.
  Eric Storm.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 20, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nRecent historical studies tend to confirm the antimodernist interpretation, emphasizing the strong premodern roots of nations and nationalism. However, a broad comparative analysis of the rise of the nation‐state during the Age of Revolution shows that earlier notions of nationhood did not have a significant role in the creation of nation‐states in Europe and the Americas. They were not the consequence of a glorious national revolt, but of a clash between the Old Regime and new ideals of political legitimacy. Many of these conflicts led to civil wars and the survival of the nation‐state was mostly determined by the geopolitical constellation. The boundaries of the nation were defined in terms of civilization, whereas language and culture were largely irrelevant. Within these new nation‐states, a universalist nationalization process began. In many instances, citizenship was awarded easier to foreigners than to “uncivilized” inhabitants, while Classical Antiquity was preferred over the national past.\n"]

  June 20, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12857   open full text
• Cântecul Gintei Latine: Vasile Alecsandri, ‘race’ connections and the Latinity of the Romanians (1850s–1870s).
  Francesca Zantedeschi.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 01, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 909-923, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article reconstructs Vasile Alecsandri's political and cultural activities at an international level, as he attempted to raise public awareness (particularly in France and Italy) for the Romanian national cause, namely, by staking claim to the ‘Latinity’ of Romanians. It takes account of the European historical and political context in which the process took place, against the cultural backdrop of a growing interest in Romania, its people and language, and the development of the pan‐Latin ideal (and of macro‐nationalisms in general). In 1878, Alecsandri participated in the Fêtes Latines in Montpellier, competing for the best ‘Song of the Latin race’, illustrating his ability to use all available communication channels to further the Romanian Latin cause and bolster pan‐Latinism.\n"]

  June 01, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12843   open full text
• Labour market institutions and immigration policy attitudes: The moderated impact of economic vulnerability.
  Elif Naz Kayran.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 01, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 1097-1116, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nPolitical debates about immigration provoke strong nationalistic pushback from citizens, constraining the policymaking capacity of states. This paper investigates to what extent labour market policies shape economically motivated preferential divides among European citizens. On the one hand, I concentrate on prospective job loss threats indicative of economic grievances and assess the impact of unemployment risk exposure on immigration policy attitudes. On the other hand, as the original contribution of the paper, I contend that, if such an economically motivated explanation holds, this relationship should vary based on the labour market institutions in each country. Multi‐level analyses of 16 European countries over a decade since 2002 reveal a remarkably robust relationship between unemployment risks and more restrictive immigration policy attitudes. Importantly, more protective employment regulations seem to have a dampening effect on the impact of job loss threats on immigration policy attitudes. Conversely, there are larger attitudinal divides between the risk‐exposed and the more secure workers in countries with generous and expansive unemployment compensation policies. Overall, the paper helps explain the cross‐national variation in economically motivated cleavages about immigration policy attitudes in Europe.\n"]

  June 01, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12844   open full text
• Liberalism, nationalism and religion: Multidimensional autonomy, trade‐offs and analogies.
  Jon Wittrock.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 01, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 1117-1130, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article aims to provide a conceptual framework for exploring the relations between liberal nationalism and religion. Combining multidimensional analyses of autonomy as well as religion, the article aims to provide a framework for considering, with greater precision, different potential versions of liberal nationalism, and which kinds of prioritisations and trade‐offs they would involve. Religion is approached in terms of Wittgensteinian family resemblances, referring to a host of overlapping narratives, norms, objects and practices. Autonomy is analysed in terms of collective and individual autonomy, and the latter is divided into four major dimensions: liberty (freedom from coercion) opportunity (available options) capacity (for making choices) and authenticity (the degree to which choices are genuine). These, furthermore, may be distributed differently across space and time: for example, liberty may be restricted in the present to preserve it over time. Liberal nationalism ultimately has to balance intrinsic and instrumental arguments, while respecting human rights.\n"]

  June 01, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12846   open full text
• Nation as conceptualised in Islamic Republic of Afghanistan.
  Zeynep Tuba Sungur.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 01, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 990-1005, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThe departing point of this study is to understand the implications of ‘nation‐building’ as a Western initiative in the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan (2004–2021) particularly in terms of the local conceptualisation of nation or millat. Based on this larger question, the goal of this study is to reveal the idea of nation as presented in the discourse of education constructed by the state of Afghanistan. To this end, the study employs three major primary resources: official state documents, school textbooks and expert interviews conducted at the Ministry of Education in Afghanistan. Pursuing a qualitative research methodology, the study uncovers four major elements that make up the idea of the ‘nation of Afghanistan’ or the millat‐e Afghanistan: (1) Islam, (2) watan (homeland), (3) qawm and (4) Afghaniyat (Afghanness). Reflecting a very specific understanding of nation that is peculiar to the context of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, this study concludes that the Western‐imposed form of nation has a local content which struggles hard to keep the idea of nation together.\n"]

  June 01, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12842   open full text
• “Lumps of exasperation”: Editorial coverage of 60th anniversary of Nigeria's independence.
  Ogemdi Uchenna Eze.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 01, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 1006-1021, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThis study examined how selected Nigerian newspaper editorials covered the commemoration of its 60th independence anniversary. Frame theory provided the theoretical lens with which to make sense of the data. Drawing from van Dijk's (1992) model of editorial analysis, which focuses on Definition, Evaluation and Recommendation, this research investigated how Nigeria's journey as an independent nation in the last 60 years was framed in the editorials. The study found that there were divergent views as to whether there was a reason to celebrate or not. Defective structure, insecurity and poor leadership emerged as major problems to Nigeria's development. Consequently, these editorials framed restructuring, provision of security and rejigging of the recruitment process for political officeholders as solutions to the identified problems. The study indicated that these papers glossed over Nigerian Civil War experience, thus denying the younger generation the lessons of this important historical event.\n"]

  June 01, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12836   open full text
• How hybrid? Interethnic relationships within the self of Jewish Liberals in Tsarist Russia.
  Taro Tsurumi.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 01, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 877-893, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nEthnic/national hybridity can be defined as a combination of plural ethnic/national aspects within an individual's self. This article proposes five such types: fused, dissonant, alternating, contradictory and reciprocal. Among them, the least focused type—reciprocal—can be represented by Russian Jewish Liberals who were Russified but active in both Russian and Jewish milieus from the late 19th century until the early 1920s (after the Russian Revolution, exiled in Western Europe). In such people's selves, the Jewish and Russian aspects reinforced each other. They believed that Russia and Russians provided a stage on which Jews could fulfil their potential, such as economic roles as intermediaries, proliferators of Western knowledge and defenders of the legal order, any of which, in their view, Russia and Russians needed, and feel pride in their Jewishness. Thus, they tried to defend Russia in times of crisis. Comparison with other Russian Jewish trends such as Jews in the Mensheviks and Russian Zionism suggests that such Liberals would be an extreme case but that the Late Imperial Russian multiethnic/national milieu would have been likely to generate such a trend.\n"]

  June 01, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12816   open full text
• Populism and nationalism revisited: A comparative study of the Spanish and Portuguese New Left.
  Filipe Carreira Silva, Luca Manucci, David Veloso Larraz.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 01, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 941-953, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nCurrent definitions of populism are insufficiently determinate. They fail to distinguish between populism and nationalism. We propose to remedy this problem by advancing a new definition of populism as the logic of democratic resentment. We apply this new definition to a comparison between Spain's Podemos and Portugal's Left Bloc (BE), which we classify as social carriers of populism. We make two contributions to the literature. First, our findings dispute existing characterisations of the Portuguese case, which fail to distinguish between populist and nationalist claim‐making. Second, our analysis undermines depictions of Podemos as the consummate populist party in Iberia: In 2015, the little studied BE was a stronger populist carrier than Podemos. The analytical framework underpinning this conclusion offers a more refined approach to populism than the alternatives and sets a higher standard for empirical replication.\n"]

  June 01, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12817   open full text
• The new discourses of nation: The origins of nationalism in late eighteenth‐century Hungary (Part 1).
  Gábor Almási, Lav Šubarić.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 01, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 894-908, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThe main thesis of this article is that nationalist political discourses emerged in Hungary more suddenly, radically and earlier than previously thought. An underlying assumption is that nationalism may be best understood through an analysis of political discourses. The sudden appeal of these kinds of political discourses demands explanation. How did the discourses of nation overwrite earlier discourses? How did they gain social, political and cultural legitimacy? How were they related to the Enlightenment? In answering these questions, we first point to the ambiguity and fluidity of new concepts and terms, such as nation, language, fatherland, patriot and foreigner. These key concepts of nationalist discourses provided innovative and independent sources of political legitimation. They enabled the frameworks of political life and thought to be re‐established. They made for an easy entry into politics because they were rooted in familiar, earlier political discourses. However, for the success of nationalism as a political paradigm, the new discourses of nation also had to make attractive ideological offers and project positive visions of the future. These offers, as we will show, were built on an appeal to ‘public happiness’. They bound together Magyarisation and nationalism and grew from an ideology into a political programme.\n"]

  June 01, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12827   open full text
• A tale of two empires: Models of political community in British and French colonies.
  Matthew Lange, Tay Jeong, Charlotte Gaudreau.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 01, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 972-989, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nSince colonial times, many have argued that British and French colonial rule differed in fundamental ways, and recent works exploring colonial legacies build on these claims to suggest that different forms of rule promoted contrasting postcolonial outcomes. Yet many historians and sociologists argue that claims of interimperial differences are inaccurate, overlook important similarities among British and French colonies, and overstate the influence of colonialism. In this article, we test these opposing positions through a multimethod analysis that focuses on the colonial models of political community. Through a statistical analysis of different colonial policies, we provide evidence that the general British model of political community was relatively pluralist whereas the French colonial model was usually highly integrative. And through a comparative‐historical analysis, we offer insight into the different origins of both: The French colonial model was influenced by the dominant model in France and metropolitan political concerns, whereas anticolonialism in India contributed to the rise and proliferation of the more pluralist British model.\n"]

  June 01, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12814   open full text
• Textualising the ethno‐religious sovereign, history, ethnicity and nationalism in the Perso‐Islamic textbooks.
  Kamal Soleimani, Davoud Osmanzadeh.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 01, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 1022-1039, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThis paper is a study of the Islamic Republic of Iran's 1st‐ to 12th‐grade textbooks. This paper examines issues of language, race, ethnicity and religious nationalism in textbooks to cast light on how the state in Iran has striven to Perso‐Shi'ify the polity through its education system. The official textbooks depict the sovereign community (Persians) as the sole agent of history. The state considers alternative (unofficial) narratives treasonous. This is an in‐depth study of how Iran's state‐sanctioned textbooks, their situatedness and the contextual knowledge gained from them offer revealing points of interpretation, illuminating the foundation of the existing structural ethnolinguistic dividing lines, and shows that Islamism, as the governing bounded logic implanted in textbooks, lends solidity to racial theories and historiographies. This study sporadically discusses the views and experiences of a number of Kurdish schoolteachers with whom we could conduct in‐depth interviews.\n"]

  June 01, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12705   open full text
• Standing for Europe: Citizens' perceptions of European symbols as evidence of a “banal Europeanism”?
  François Foret, Noemi Trino.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 01, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 954-971, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article analyses the perception of the symbols of the European Union (EU) by citizens. Relying on a survey of a representative sample of the population in eight countries (France, Germany, Hungary, Italy, Poland, Romania, Spain and the United Kingdom) carried out in December 2020, it investigates to which extent these symbols are considered as good representations of the EU and differences related to political, cultural, social and economic belongings. Empirically, our findings show a large acknowledgement of these symbols in congruence with general attitudes towards the EU. Theoretically, it offers some evidence of the existence of a “banal Europeanism” taking ‐ to a certain extent ‐ European symbolism as granted in contrast with its politicisation in elite discursive struggles.\n"]

  June 01, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12848   open full text
• Nations as justified substate authorities.
  Michael Da Silva.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 01, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 806-824, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nMany classic and contemporary works on the moral status of ‘nations’ examine whether nations have unique features that require providing them with a distinctive status. Yet identifying features that can ground distinct national rights to secession or co‐national partiality, for two prominent examples, remains exceedingly difficult. Many accordingly question whether there is anything morally ‘special’ about nations. This work seeks to address this concern by refocusing analysis of nations' role in political morality. It defends analysing nations' moral status by focusing on a more prosaic issue motivated by other nationalist demands, namely, whether substate nations can justifiably possess power(s) to make decisions about particular subjects for co‐nationals within an encompassing state unfettered by that state's direct involvement. It argues that nations are ‘special’ if they can justifiably possess such ‘substate authority’, even if nothing requires that nations possess it. It then identifies and motivates five criteria for justified substate national authority. These criteria explain how, when and why substate nations can hold particular, identifiable powers within states when other groups cannot. It thereby identifies an important role for nations in political morality. The work concludes by demonstrating how it helps further three ongoing debates about the moral status of nations.\n"]

  June 01, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12850   open full text
• In favour of a Basque state. A paradigm shift?
  Arkaitz Fullaondo, Julen Zabalo.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 01, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 924-940, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThere have been changes in how support is rallied for the secessionist process in the Basque Country this century. We can appreciate a new scheme based on factors relating to welfare along with the traditional scheme based, above all, on factors relating to identity. How important is each of them? By using the statistical technique of logistic regression, we have been able to look deeper into the variables that explain being favourably disposed to a Basque state, as well as those that explain a change in stance, based on a variety of dimensions. The results indicate, on the one hand, that there is currently no one factor to explain a favourable position towards a Basque state. What's more, in the future, the stances on a Basque state are likely to shift more easily, depending on the interests and sentiments at any given moment.\n"]

  June 01, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12711   open full text
• Ethnic representational priorities and political engagement in deeply divided societies.
  William O'Brochta.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 01, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 777-787, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nWhen do individuals in deeply divided societies participate in political activities aimed at increasing ethnic representation in cabinet ministries? I develop a cost–benefit framework to explain political engagement based on individuals' ethnic group membership and preferences for descriptive and substantive representation in cabinet ministries. Drawing on an original survey in North Macedonia, I find that ethnic Macedonians who value substantive representation are more likely to attend public meetings compared to Macedonians who value descriptive representation but that the opposite is true for ethnic Albanians. I also consider how willingness to attend public meetings changes when individuals value both descriptive and substantive representation. The results suggest that policy makers cannot assume that all members of the public have the same motivations for arguing for increased representation.\n"]

  June 01, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12820   open full text
• The making of sects: Boundary making and the sectarianisation of the Syrian uprising, 2011–2013.
  Basileus Zeno.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 01, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 1040-1060, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\n‘Sectarianism’ has been frequently used by politicians, activists, journalists and even some academics to explain causes and dynamics of the Syrian uprising and the subsequent civil war. However, this state of affairs contrasts sharply with the kinds of symbols and rhetoric used by the predominantly peaceful protesters who took to the streets in Syria in 2011. Drawing on interpretivist approach and thick‐description, this article traces how local and supralocal activists' reactions to the regime's violence and its master narrative culminated in the activation and politicisation of the category of ‘sect’ as a residual sociality. I argue that the increasing visibility of sectarian frameworks and the demobilisation of non‐sectarian actors were parts of boundary‐making strategies pursued by local and supralocal actors who capitalised on regime violence and regional sectarian framing and sought to have a monopoly over the symbolic representation of the uprising. The effectiveness of the sectarianisation process was contingent on the escalation of violence, the militarisation and internationalisation of the uprising, and the transnationalisation of sectarian networks. Taking Syria as a case study, this article demonstrates how conflicts, or violence, become ‘ethnic’ or ‘sectarian‐coded’ and how macro social phenomenon influences microlevel behaviour, perspectives and strategies of boundary making.\n"]

  June 01, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12825   open full text
• What does it mean to be Eurasian in South East Asia, Malaysia?
  Sharon Regina Vega, Sivamurugan Pandian, Nur Hafeeza Ahmad Pazil.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 01, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 1080-1096, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article explores the definitions of Eurasian identity utilising the authority‐defined, everyday‐defined, and national identity concepts by Shamsul Amri. The authority‐defined explains the influence of authority figures such as the British administration during the colonial era and the Malaysian government during the postcolonial era via established bumiputera‐based policies that have impacted the Eurasian community, alongside the Eurasian Associations in Malaysia, which acts as an authority in preserving and curating Eurasian culture and identity. The everyday‐defined concept focuses on personal experiences of Eurasians, specifically on the hybridity of culture, religion and language that shifts as newer generations emerge. Findings show that Eurasians defined according to the authority‐defined concept is based on the governmental documentation such as their birth certificate whereas the everyday‐defined concept is based on ancestral lineage and peranakan heritage that has been established by Malaysian society.\n"]

  June 01, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12815   open full text
• Minority nations v. constitutional architectures: A critical appraisal of unitary and federal models of the modern state.
  Félix Mathieu.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 01, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 825-840, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nAre the constitutional orders framed on a federal architecture more welcoming vis‐à‐vis the presence of minority nations within their midst than are the ones inspired by a unitarian logic? From an ideal‐typical perspective, to what degree unitary and federal models of the modern state are indeed meeting or conflicting with minority nations' most typical claim to be formally recognised and to possess the institutional anchorage to self‐govern and self‐determinate? Mobilising an analytical framework derived from the Societal Culture Index, this article combines constitutional studies with the tools of political theory. It argues that both unitary and federal models of the sovereign state have the potential to promote a normative rationale, that is, after all, fairly hospitable towards minority nations' typical claims. Nevertheless, it stresses that the normative rationale of federal systems in general, and asymmetrical federalism in particular, leads to constitutional architectures that shall be most hospitable towards minority nations.\n"]

  June 01, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12830   open full text
• The strategies of counter‐secession: How states prevent independence.
  Peter Krause.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 01, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 788-805, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThe majority of states in the world today were created via secession, but a majority of secessionist movements have failed to gain independence. Counter‐secession is not only more successful than secession; it is also more common. There are over 300 nations today that lack sovereign states, as well as untold thousands more groups whose identities never became nationalist or who were never able to create robust movements in the first place. Nonetheless, counter‐secession is comparatively understudied, and a small but growing number of excellent analyses often focus on a single state strategy. Independence is rarely won quickly or cheaply, as existing states fight to maintain their borders across four phases of secession: identity formation, group mobilisation, (un)armed struggle and international recognition. This article presents the repertoire of states' counter‐secession strategies throughout the secessionist struggle, including cultural assimilation, administrative organisation, civilian displacement, banning secessionist political activity, fragmenting the secessionist movement, economic coercion, violent repression and blocking international recognition. This collective analysis of the causal logic and illustrative historical examples of state counter‐secession strategies lays the foundation for a more comprehensive research programme on counter‐secession across time and space.\n"]

  June 01, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12822   open full text
• Diaspora formation and mobilisation: The emerging Hong Kong diaspora in the anti‐extradition bill movement.
  Brian C. H. Fong.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 01, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 1061-1079, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nOver the years, literature studying stateless diaspora formation through a transborder social movement studies approach is growing. The recent rise of Hong Kong diaspora provides an emerging case of stateless diaspora that introduces new empirical insights into the scholarly literature. Using a mixed‐method research strategy, this study empirically investigates the formation of the Hong Kong diaspora as a ‘historically contingent process’, through which overseas Hongkongers were mobilised during the 2019–20 Anti‐Extradition Bill Movement (critical event) to join global protests (mobilising practices) by diaspora groups and activists (mobilising agents). Achieved transborder outreach across the Global North by mobilising their strong moral and cultural resources, it remains to be seen whether the emerging Hong Kong diaspora will move towards a full‐fledged, sustained identity‐based movement. The case study of Hong Kong diaspora offers new comparative insights and establishes a mixed‐method analytical framework for comparing stateless diaspora worldwide.\n"]

  June 01, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12804   open full text
• Imperfect measures of dynamic identities: The changing impact of ethnolinguistic characteristics on political attitudes in Ukraine.
  Volodymyr Kulyk, Henry E Hale.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 01, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 841-860, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article analyses the changing relevance of ethnolinguistic characteristics as predictors of political attitudes in Ukraine, drawing on surveys conducted before and after the Euromaidan revolution and Russian aggression. We argue that the usefulness of certain characteristics as measures of ethnic identity reflects their cognitive and social usefulness for the population, necessarily influenced by prevalent discourses and power relations. Our analysis focuses on the changing impact of ethnic categories on political attitudes in response to changes in social context which affect widespread perceptions of these categories among the population. We distinguish between two types of social interaction that are likely to activate ethnic identity and make it more useful for individuals' social navigation: internal differentiation and external delimitation. We hypothesize that the former type increases the relevance of ethno‐linguistic categorization while the latter facilitates ethno‐national identification. Of particular importance are two types of contextual change: International conflicts can contribute to the priority of external delimitation and, therefore, the activation of national identity, while domestic conflicts or crises can accentuate the need for internal differentiation and thus the usefulness of ethnolinguistic identity. Our analysis detects such change for certain categories of ethnic identity in Ukraine.\n"]

  June 01, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12782   open full text
• Distinguishing solidarity from identity in studies of nationhood: An alternative to the civic–ethnic dichotomy?
  Danny Kaplan.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 01, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 760-776, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article argues for an analytic distinction between questions of collective identity and questions of solidarity in studies of nationhood. Whereas the former inquiry centres on group classifications and commonalities, the latter examines cooperation and patterns of interaction among group members. Although theoretical discussion of national solidarity is sparse, three central approaches in the field can be highlighted: understanding solidarity as a byproduct of identity, as a relationship between strangers and as an extension of sociability. The distinction between solidarity and identity bears on the much‐disputed dichotomy between ethnic and civic nationalism. Civic nationalism has been widely criticized for failing to account for group boundaries and shared culture. Yet its emphasis on patterns of interaction and cooperation should not be neglected either. Instead of addressing the civic–ethnic dichotomy as two types of national identity, one could benefit from differentiating between epistemological questions about (ethnic‐national) identity and those about (civic‐national) solidarity.\n"]

  June 01, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12792   open full text
• Fear of the Russian bear? Negotiating Finnish national identity online.
  Emma Nortio, Inga Jasinskaja‐Lahti, Mikko Hämäläinen, Jussi Pakkasvirta.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 01, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 861-876, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nNational identities are an important tool for collective political persuasion and mobilisation among political elites and lay people. Recent research on nationalism has shown that the negotiating of national identities, like any political deliberations and operations, increasingly occur on the Internet. In this study, we contribute to this research by examining the relational construction of Finnish identity online. More specifically, we focus on how the users of the largest discussion forum in Finland constructed Russia as a threat. A massive dataset spanning 12 years enables us to map the recurring patterns and temporal shifts in the discussions. We show that the construction of Russia as a threatening national other was used to both oppose and support Finland's alliance with the West, namely, becoming a member of NATO.\n"]

  June 01, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12832   open full text
• ‘That still goes on, doesn't it, in their religion?’ British values, Islam and vernacular discourse.
  Lee Marsden, Lee Jarvis, Eylem Atakav.
  Nations and Nationalism. May 15, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article explores ‘everyday’ or ‘vernacular’ conceptions of Muslims, Islam and their relationship to ‘British values’. Drawing on original data from focus groups in the East of England, it argues that the relationship is typically constructed around a series of binary pairings. Where Islam is held to be traditional, conservative, pious and outmoded, British values are seen as progressive, liberal, secular and modern. This opposition matters for three reasons. First, it is a contingent construction rather than reflection of realities; one that draws upon Orientalist tropes and militates against alternative ways of imagining this relationship. Second, it does important work at the vernacular level in explaining political dynamics, especially successful integration (because of British liberalism) and the failure thereof (because of Islam's traditionalism). Third, its predication on an essentialised claim of difference inflects even competing efforts to story the British values/Islam relationship which tend, we suggest, to reinforce the positioning of Muslims and their values as somehow beyond or external to Britishness.\n"]

  May 15, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12849   open full text
• Home‐rule versus non‐territorial autonomy? Western European national movements and their views on the minority question, 1919–1939.
  Xosé M. Núñez Seixas.
  Nations and Nationalism. May 12, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nThe leading elites of the ethnonationalist movements that developed in the aftermath of World War I in Western Europe usually refused to see their nations and territories as ‘national minorities’. In their view, they were stateless nations or nationalities. However, in the aftermath of World War I, the prior international discussion on the nationality principle was increasingly replaced with the notion of ‘minority rights’, enhanced by the implementation of the Minorities Treaties by the League of Nations. Thus, the term ‘national minority’ emerged as a label that permitted ethnonationalist activist to present their claims on the international stage. This became evident in the participation of some Western European national movements in the activities of some transnational non‐governmental organisations, such as the Congress of European Nationalities (1925–1939). However, the general programme advocated by the most influential leaders of East‐Central ethnic minorities, based on the extension of the personal principle and the implementation of non‐territorial autonomy all over Europe, was hard to accept for ethnonationalist elites from Western Europe, which were interested in territorial home‐rule and believed that their homelands did not fit in the category of ‘minority’. This article explores the modalities and limits of that cultural and political dialogue.\n"]

  May 12, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12847   open full text
• The new discourses of nation: The origins of nationalism in late eighteenth‐century Hungary (Part 2).
  Gábor Almási, Lav Šubarić.
  Nations and Nationalism. May 09, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nThe main thesis of this article is that nationalist political discourses emerged in Hungary more suddenly, radically, and earlier than previously thought. An underlying assumption is that nationalism may be best understood through an analysis of political discourses. The sudden appeal of these kinds of political discourses demands explanation. How did the discourses of nation overwrite earlier discourses? How did they gain social, political and cultural legitimacy? How were they related to the Enlightenment? In answering these questions, we first point to the ambiguity and fluidity of new concepts and terms, such as nation, language, fatherland, patriot, and foreigner. These key concepts of nationalist discourses provided innovative and independent sources of political legitimation. They enabled the frameworks of political life and thought to be re‐established. They made for an easy entry into politics because they were rooted in familiar, earlier political discourses. However, for the success of nationalism as a political paradigm, the new discourses of nation also had to make attractive ideological offers and project positive visions of the future. These offers, as we will show, were built on an appeal to “public happiness.” They bound together Magyarisation and nationalism and grew from an ideology into a political programme.\n"]

  May 09, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12826   open full text
• The internationalism of stateless nations: The case of Hong Kong.
  Justin Chun‐ting Ho.
  Nations and Nationalism. May 03, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nNationalism is often associated with xenophobia and isolationism in academic literature. The negative image of nationalism has been further strengthened by the electoral success of far‐right political figures across the world. However, treating all nationalism as a uniformly negative phenomenon risks over‐simplification, as nationalism might manifest differently given different social context and rhetorical resources available. Taking Hong Kong as a case, this paper theorises Hong Kong as a stateless nation and examines the alleged negative association of nationalism. It moves beyond the traditional ‘Hong Kong vis‐a‐vis China’ framework and explores the relationship between Hong Kong nationalists and non‐Chinese international actors. Drawing on data from major Hong Kong political parties' Facebook page, this paper shows that Hong Kong nationalism exhibits a high level of internationalism in both inward and outward dimensions, theorised, respectively, as the willingness to accept foreign influence and to invite international cooperation, and therefore offers a nuanced understanding about the relationship between nationalism, xenophobia and isolationism.\n"]

  May 03, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12840   open full text
• National identity in historical video games: An analysis of how Civilization V represents the past.
  Andrés Bijsterveld Muñoz.
  Nations and Nationalism. April 28, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nAlthough the last two decades have seen a vast increase in studies that analyse banal nationalism in media, there is one medium that has largely been ignored in these discussions: video games. This article fills part of this gap by analysing the way in which the historical strategy game Civilization V represents the Past and what role it gives nations within historical processes. This video game was marketed globally by an American company, but it evokes Spanish, Japanese, and English nationalist narratives and imagery. Although globalization and nationalism are often framed as opposing forces, this is hardly the case here. This paper will combine insights of Game Studies and Nationalism Studies to illustrate how the elements that conform Civilization V incentivise and enable players to re‐enact a narrative that portrays essentialised nation‐states as the only relevant actors in the past, present, and future of humankind. Although a product of globalization, Civilization V strengthens rather than erodes national boundaries.\n"]

  April 28, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12845   open full text
• State‐society relations and inter‐communal dynamics in conflict: Non‐Muslim minorities in post‐IS Iraq.
  Benjamin Isakhan, William Gourlay.
  Nations and Nationalism. April 24, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article examines state‐society relations and inter‐communal dynamics in conflict, focusing on the case study of non‐Muslim minorities in Iraq. It draws on interview data to analyse the lived experiences of Iraq's Yazidis and Christians before, during and after Islamic State (IS) rule. It finds that the attacks by the IS on Iraq's Yazidi and Christian communities not only caused considerable suffering but also led to a renewed crisis of faith in the Iraqi state and a further breakdown in relations with other groups, especially Sunni Arabs. However, Iraq's Yazidis and Christian have also demonstrated remarkable resilience in terms of returning to their ancient homelands and rebuilding their fractured communities. Together, these findings raise further questions about the legitimacy of the Iraqi state in the eyes of its non‐Muslim minorities and the prospects of a peaceful multicultural future for Iraq.\n"]

  April 24, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12841   open full text
• ‘9th May 2017 is OUR DAY’: The Homeland Study Group Foundation and contested national imaginaries in postindependence Ghana.
  Edem Adotey.
  Nations and Nationalism. April 20, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 2, Page 662-679, April 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nGhana has been held up as an oasis of stability in a highly volatile region of Africa due to its peaceful decolonisation process, absence of serious civil conflict and successful change of governments. However, in Ghana as in parts of postindependence Africa, there are lingering secessionist movements that are a legacy of colonialism. The latest comes from the Homeland Study Group Foundation (HSGF) which declared the former British Togoland, a former United Nations trust territory administered by the United Kingdom, as an independent state called Western Togoland. Through the prism of competing or alternative national imaginaries rather than the weak and dysfunctional state paradigm, this article seeks to explain the roots of a form of Togoland nationalism in Ghana in events of 1956 that remains relevant today. The paper argues that an apparently successful integration can stimulate/give sustenance to alternative nationalist imaginaries.\n"]

  April 20, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12810   open full text
• Is there an ethnicity bias in Catalan secessionism? Discourses and political actions.
  Joan Vergés‐Gifra, Macià Serra.
  Nations and Nationalism. April 20, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 2, Page 612-627, April 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nMany charges have been made against Catalan secessionism from a normative or ideological point of view. In this article we would like to focus on the accusation that the secessionist movement is xenophobic, racist or ethnicist. Between 2017 and 2019, and particularly since Quim Torra was named president of the Generalitat, this has been the dominant criticism in the arguments set out against secessionism. We are interested in evaluating the strength of this accusation in this contribution. In this respect, we focus on the discourse and the main legislative actions adopted by the Catalan institutions since embarking on a determined bid for sovereignty, popularly called the Process, in 2010. Our conclusion is that both from discursive and legislative points of view, it can be concluded that Catalan secessionism cannot be considered as an ethnicist movement.\n"]

  April 20, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12716   open full text
• Celebrating ‘The Week of Domestic Goods’: Children and the campaign for economic nationalism in interwar Turkey.
  Semih Gökatalay.
  Nations and Nationalism. April 20, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 2, Page 645-661, April 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThe study foregrounds the multifarious involvement of children in the economically nationalist campaign in interwar Turkey, with a focus on the Week of Domestic Goods. Children occupied a central place in economic nationalism both as present‐day promoters of domestic consumption and the loyal citizens and nationalist consumers of the future. The Kemalist elite sought to boost the consumption of locally made goods and reach out to the masses by mobilizing children in daytime parades, extracurricular activities and patriotic displays. In their assigned role of patriotic consumers, children functioned as a bridge between the families and the state. The article argues that children were not simply pawns of governmental authorities but became active economic agents as performers, intermediaries and participants in public events within the schema of economic nationalism.\n"]

  April 20, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12713   open full text
• A nationalist party with non‐nationalistic voters? Discussing the limits of nationalism in party categorisation.
  Josep Lobera, Juan Roch.
  Nations and Nationalism. April 20, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 2, Page 539-556, April 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nAre populism and nationalism two inseparable dimensions? The controversial argument is that both exclusionary and inclusionary populism draw on nationalist representations and traditions to construct their political discourse. In the case of Podemos, several scholars have argued that this party presents a nationalistic character based on its invocation of the ‘patria’ and a demarcated, imagined political community. This article relies on an original data set in order to test this hypothesis related to Podemos's supply and demand. With regard to supply, we explore four party manifestos to elucidate how Podemos refers to the nation, Spanish identity, sovereignty and immigration. To evaluate demand, we analyse the party's supporters' political attitudes and values regarding the nation, assimilation of immigrants and national preferentialism. Our results show that Podemos's supporters express lower levels of national identification than the remainder of the population. Similarly, the former analysis reveals a pro‐immigration position and a tendency of the party Podemos to avoid issues related to national identity. Departing from these results, we draw several implications on the use of nationalism for the categorisation of political parties and, in particular, left‐wing populism.\n"]

  April 20, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12821   open full text
• Socialising Chinese nationalism: Education and media.
  Liu Yang.
  Nations and Nationalism. April 20, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 2, Page 696-713, April 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThis study discusses the socialisation experiences of young Chinese from two different education backgrounds and media environment. Through a survey on the attitudes of students from Macau and mainland China towards nationalism‐related news events using a survey, this study has revealed that their education social background and media‐use patterns have a greater impact on students' attitudes towards political events (military parade and Occupy Central) than cultural events (Tu Youyou's Nobel Prize and championship of women's volleyball team), and the differences of their attitudes vary depending on the events in question. Moreover, mainland students are more nationalistic and supportive of the official mainland media's discourse on sovereignty issues, but more sceptical of its sources on events of conflicts between Chinese ethnicities. The findings of this study have revealed how wider media exposure impacts the attitudes of individuals; additionally, it responds to the debates on whether people are more inclined to recognise their existing common identities or influenced by the political regimes constructed by the elites; most importantly, it tests the socialising experiences of nationalism among young Chinese from different educational and media backgrounds.\n"]

  April 20, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12828   open full text
• Can we trust the natives? Exploring the relationship between national identity and trust among immigrants and their descendants in Denmark.
  Karen N. Breidahl, Gina Gustavsson.
  Nations and Nationalism. April 20, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 2, Page 592-611, April 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nPoliticians often seek to strengthen national identity by encouraging immigrants to adopt the ‘national values’, thus supposedly boosting trust. However, empirical studies of the social effects of national identity have focused almost exclusively on the native majority. In this article, we instead ask how national identity among immigrant minorities affects their trust, including towards natives. We draw on unique survey data from a representative sample of the five largest non‐Western immigrant groups and their descendants in Denmark. This reveals that national belonging, national pride and citizenship preferences are positively linked to social as well as institutional trust. These relationships hold even when controlling for the perception of sharing one's values with others and the extent to which one holds ‘typically Danish’ values widely shared among the majority population. This suggests that the emotional component of national identity, but not its content in the form of values, indeed forms an important basis for social cohesion.\n"]

  April 20, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12834   open full text
• Christian nationalism, perceived anti‐Christian discrimination, and prioritising “religious freedom” in the 2020 presidential election.
  Samuel L. Perry, Landon Schnabel, Joshua B. Grubbs.
  Nations and Nationalism. April 20, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 2, Page 714-725, April 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nFor decades now and particularly during the 2020 presidential campaign, American conservatives have stressed the need to protect “religious freedom.” Building on research documenting a connection between Trump‐support, a desire to privilege conservative Christianity, and perceptions that conservative Christianity is persecuted due to its anti‐LGT (lesbian, gay, or transgender) views, we theorise such factors were the ideological driving force behind prioritising “religious freedom” in the 2020 presidential election. Drawing on national survey data from just after the November election, we find Christian nationalism and perceptions of anti‐Christian discrimination are strong predictors that (1) Americans feel “religious freedom” was an important factor influencing their vote and (2) that they ranked it the single greatest factor influencing their vote. In contrast, the perception that LGT persons are not discriminated against also predicts viewing religious freedom as important, as does a perception of anti‐Semitism, but never perceptions of anti‐atheist or anti‐Muslim discrimination. Findings suggest conservative Christian supremacism, fear of (Judeo‐)Christian persecution and belief that LGT persons are privileged are ideological antecedents of votes for “religious freedom.”\n"]

  April 20, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12764   open full text
• The liberal/conservative nationalism divide: A distinction without a difference?
  Rhianwen Daniel.
  Nations and Nationalism. April 20, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 2, Page 523-538, April 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nLiberal nationalism has been the subject of increased attention in the wake of the 2010s rise in national populism. It has been seen to offer a concessionary form of national identity which is compatible with the liberal values of inclusivity and egalitarianism. This paper argues that recent attempts to delineate the contours of a specifically liberal national identity fail to highlight much that is distinctively liberal, as opposed to conservative, about its content. The criteria that such attempts propose typically apply almost equally to conservative accounts, thereby overshooting the target. However, further ideological excavation reveals that there is an alternative axis for distinguishing between liberal and conservative conceptions of national identity: democratic inclusivity. The paper further proposes that shifting the emphasis to this dimension, and to liberal and conservative accounts differing aims and formation processes, is conducive to both greater ideological transparency and bridging the gap between theory and practice.\n"]

  April 20, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12812   open full text
• National identity and democracy: Effects of non‐voluntarism on formal democracy.
  Daniel Gabrielsson.
  Nations and Nationalism. April 20, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 2, Page 501-522, April 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nIn this article, I explore whether, and if so how, national identity affects the level of formal democracy in a country. I theorize and then investigate four assumptions: (i) classical nationalist stances hold that national membership depends on the accident of origin and cultural markers learned by early socialization. This non‐voluntary identity gives human beings a natural sense of belonging in society and fosters solidarity and trust that lead to better democracy; (ii) drawing on ideas about core values of ideal democracy the non‐voluntarist national identity exhibits an inherent contradiction between in‐group bias and intrinsic equality, which leads to lower levels of democracy; (iii) homogeneity in belief about what constitutes national belonging eases the dynamics between majority and minority, which benefits democracy; (iv) the presence of an in‐group identity, understood as a shared fellow‐feeling, boosts trust and solidarity and thereby benefits democracy. Individual‐level data about national identity comes from International Social Survey Programme (ISSP, 2013). Data about democracy comes from Varieties of Democracy (Coppedge et al., 2021; Pemstein et al., 2021). Results indicate that higher levels of non‐voluntarist features of national identity are strongly negatively correlated with levels of democracy and heterogeneity in beliefs about what constitutes national belonging relating to a higher level of liberal democracy.\n"]

  April 20, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12766   open full text
• India and its nationhood: Grassroots nationhood as conceptual frames.
  Priyadarshini Singh.
  Nations and Nationalism. April 20, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 2, Page 680-695, April 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article examines the meanings of Indian nationhood at the grassroots level in “settled” locales where no state‐seeking separatist movement exists but local identifications of caste, language and religion are politically prominent. Based on ethnographic data from four rural and urban locales, the article extends the literature on Indian nationalism and everyday nationalism. At the grassroots, Indian nationhood is fuzzy and intermittent in nature; “conceptual frames” are a useful analytical tool to examine this, with a focus on territory, community and political leadership. Indian nationhood is not conceptualised predominantly as a cultural category; it is meaningful as a journey towards an ideal horizon defined by the values of dignity, rights, freedom, equality and socio‐economic development. Non‐elites play an active role in nation‐making and invoke these frames strategically and self‐consciously for local and particular purposes.\n"]

  April 20, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12776   open full text
• Ignoring nationalism? Religious, corporate, material, regional and dynastic options on Mt Athos, 1839–1912.
  Denis Vovchenko.
  Nations and Nationalism. April 20, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 2, Page 628-644, April 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThe article challenges the existing view of Mt Athos, a centre of Orthodox Christian monasticism, as a hotbed of Russian and Balkan nationalism at the turn of the 20th century. It proposes to analyse that complex situation using the concept of “national indifference,” that is, prioritisation of concerns and loyalties different from the agendas pursued by nationalist activists. The article suggests that the motivations of most Russian and Greek monks in that autonomous monastic republic were dominated by traditional piety, corporate interests, mundane economic concerns, regional and dynastic loyalties. I will rely on Greek and Russian archival sources to discuss chronologically how those alternatives appeared to take the upper hand around several flashpoints from the return of significant groups of Russian friars in 1839 after a late medieval hiatus to the end of over four centuries of Ottoman control of the area in 1912.\n"]

  April 20, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12777   open full text
• Northern Ireland independence revisited.
  Adam Fusco.
  Nations and Nationalism. April 20, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 2, Page 557-573, April 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article examines the idea of Northern Ireland independence in Unionist political thought. It focuses on three moments which compelled Ulster Unionists to re‐evaluate Northern Ireland's constitutional status as part of the United Kingdom—the Stormont parliament's cohabitation with the post‐war Labour government, Stormont's collapse in 1972, and the Anglo‐Irish Agreement of 1985. It argues that rather than being the expression of Ulster nationalism or a contractarian understanding of political obligation, Unionist arguments for independence were motivated by a classical republican concern: the arbitrary power Northern Ireland is subject to as part of the United Kingdom. This locates Unionist thought on independence within a problem of democratic self‐determination: the relationship between majority rule and the bounds of the political community. The article finds that each moment compelled particular Unionist thinkers to reconceive of Ulster Unionists as a political minority subject to arbitrary power in the UK constitution and to choose between Northern Ireland and the United Kingdom as the sovereign political community. The article is unique as there exists little scholarship on the idea of Northern Ireland independence and instructive in providing a challenging case study to assess the attraction and determinacy of classical republicanism as a theory of self‐determination.\n"]

  April 20, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12802   open full text
• “That Tesla of ours”: Modular nationalism and the cult of Nikola Tesla.
  Ethan Larson.
  Nations and Nationalism. April 20, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 2, Page 574-591, April 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThis paper uses a comparative case study of Nikola Tesla's use as a symbol in interwar Yugoslavia and the contemporary United States to build upon Anderson's theory of modular nationalism. The modularity of national symbols, I argue, is driven by their utility in addressing similar social, political and economic transformations in different countries and may be transmissible through emigrant communities—albeit not without some changes in substance. Just as Yugoslavia used Tesla to bridge ethnic divisions, Yugoslav emigrants deployed Tesla to enhance their status in the United States. The cult of Tesla, moreover, is doubly modular, with its Yugoslav incarnation drawing inspiration from the American cult of Thomas Edison, just as Edison's current obsolescence as a symbol led to the cult of Tesla's adoption in the United States.\n"]

  April 20, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12763   open full text
• Ethiopia's civil wars: Postcolonial modernity and the violence of contested national belonging.
  Namhla Thando Matshanda.
  Nations and Nationalism. April 11, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article investigates the historical and structural foundations of the war between the northern Tigray region of Ethiopia and the federal government. It does so by employing Mamdani's theoretical framework of rethinking the politics of national belonging. The article considers one of the central propositions in Mamdani's broad vision of political decolonisation, that of reimagining the relationship between nation and state in the face of violent contestations over national belonging. The article argues that the recurring civil wars in Ethiopia indicate that the country's ongoing pursuit of a nation‐state is a futile exercise that will continue to produce cycles of political violence. Despite not being colonised, Ethiopia has not escaped the destructive consequences of colonial modernity that the rest of the postcolonial world continues to grapple with. The article thus locates Ethiopia's protracted and violent search for nationhood within the narrative of postcolonial modernity in Africa.\n"]

  April 11, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12835   open full text
• Nationalism and environmentalism: The case of Vauban.
  Lorenzo Posocco, Iarfhlaith Watson.
  Nations and Nationalism. March 27, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nAlthough nationalism has been identified as the dominant ideology of the modern era, and environmentalism is the 21st century rising star, few studies address the relationship between them. The consensus seems to be that they are hardly compatible, considering that nationalism is a boundary‐building phenomenon while environmentalism advocates for the safeguarding of the environment beyond national borders. Drawing on evidence from fieldwork in the region of Freiburg‐im‐Breisgau, near the French‐German border, our study challenges this assumption. Not long ago this was a heavily militarised territory and a place of historical national friction between France and Germany, yet now it has been converted to, and rebranded as, a model of a successful, environmentally friendly region. Rather than wearing down nationalist sentiments, national pride has been reinvigorated as the vestiges of German nationalism have been buried under a thick layer of environmental paint; this time national pride is grounded not in the military power of the nation but in its defence of the environment. Through this case study, framed within the lens of nationalism theories, we argue that nationalism has the potential power to adapt to harmful heteronomous threats such as environmentalism, leverage on and bond with them and finally re‐emerge even stronger.\n"]

  March 27, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12823   open full text
• Discursive trajectories in the making of Amhara identity in Ethiopia.
  Yared Debebe Yetena.
  Nations and Nationalism. March 24, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nIn Ethiopia after 1991, ethnic identities are the fundamental governing principles of politics. Not only has the process provided the institutional basis, but it has also created ethnic groups in a variety of ways. The discursive construction of Amhara identity in Ethiopia is the topic of this research. For a long time, the Amhara have identified as Ethiopians. The Amhara have been portrayed as the opponent of Ethiopia's Nations, Nationalities and Peoples (NNPs) since the second part of the 20th century, according to the hegemonic discourse of national oppression. Anti‐Amhara sentiment, on the other hand, may be traced back to the Italian colonial period (1936–1941). Until recently, being and becoming Amhara was constructed from the outside and challenged from within. As a result, the characteristics of an ethnic political system that ushered in the post‐1991 era, continued demonisation and societal fears all play a role in the formation of Amhara identity. As a ‘cultural security policy’, embracing Amharaness has become a route out of these predicaments. Amharaness emerges from a counter‐narrative that resurrects historical and symbolic myths.\n"]

  March 24, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12831   open full text
• Seeing China differently: National contestation in Taiwan's LGBTQ (tongzhi) movement.
  Adam Chen‐Dedman.
  Nations and Nationalism. March 24, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nThe field of queer/sexuality studies in Taiwan was pioneered in the 1990s by a group of mainly second‐generation descendants of Chinese civil war migrants (waishengren) who have problematised and disparaged the post‐martial law Taiwanisation of identity and politics. Despite the seminal nature of their ‘sex positive’ work that challenged many cultural orthodoxies, subsequent sociopolitical developments strengthening civil society, visibility of and human rights protections for tongzhi (LGBTQ) citizens, the consolidation of Taiwanese identity, and the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) acceleration of revanchist hostility towards Taiwan over the past two decades have coalesced to forge unequivocal rifts between them and a new generation of Taiwanese sexuality scholars and activists. This rupture highlights how “Taiwan's sex/gender/sexualities knowledge production and reproduction have long been intertwined with the [contentious] politics of nationhood, nation‐building, and nationalism” (Kao, 2019). In probing these interstices, this article proposes a decolonial approach to tongzhi identity politics in Taiwan.\n"]

  March 24, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12833   open full text
• Creating one nation? Ethno‐national imaginaries, audiences and the critical reception of TV nation branding messages.
  Julian Matthews, Haida Baba Zain.
  Nations and Nationalism. March 20, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nAlthough we are aware that nation branding features across the media, discussion and debate continue over its perceived influence in peoples' everyday understandings and lives. This paper, by way of a response, examines peoples' reactions to specific government campaign messages of patriotism and unity designed to combat internal ethnic conflict in Malaysia. Malaysia, at this time, provides a unique subject of analysis as it includes an instance where a domestically focused nation branding campaign is being employed to instigate unity among ethnic groups residing within a country with a history of ethnic conflict and social engineering policies. The project introduces several TV campaign story examples, identified for their prevalence in the 1Malaysia nation branding campaign, to representatives from three prominent ethnic groups in Malaysia to map their responses. The paper finds that group representatives interpret the stories using their shared insider views of the nation or ‘ethno‐national imaginaries’. Their acceptance of, and critical challenges to, the images and narratives of the TV campaign stories are seen therefore to reflect group representatives' wider positions, interests and participation in an ongoing political conflict shaped within the logics of the Malaysian nation.\n"]

  March 20, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12829   open full text
• Reframing Turkey, Istanbul and national identity: Ottoman history, ‘chosen people’ and the opening of shrines in 1950.
  Gökçen Beyinli.
  Nations and Nationalism. March 14, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article explores the reopening of certain shrines in Istanbul in 1950 as a result of the amendment to Law 677, which in 1925 had closed all shrines in the country and banned visits to them. Drawing on previously untapped archival evidence and combining an analysis at both the macro‐level (nation‐state in a global world) and micro‐level (Istanbul as local and shrines as sites), I discuss changes in cultural policies, historiography and Turkish foreign policy and make use of the contributions of ethno‐symbolic and social constructionist approaches of nationalism theories. I contend that during the transition to the multi‐party system, ‘chosen’ shrines were used as tools to reattach Ottoman roots to Turkish national identity as ‘Turks’ and ‘Muslims’ and reposition Turkey as a strong nation‐state in the new global order. Furthermore, I demonstrate how the former multi‐ethnic and multi‐religious capital, Istanbul, became a part of the national territory as a legitimate Turkish and Muslim city.\n"]

  March 14, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12824   open full text
• Performing a culture, staging the revolution: Choral singing and traditional music as nation‐building tropes in post‐colonial Mozambique.
  Marco Roque Freitas, João Soeiro Carvalho.
  Nations and Nationalism. February 23, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 1, Page 211-230, January 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article aims to evaluate the cultural policy of Mozambique's Liberation Front (FRELIMO), focusing on music and dance during the liberation war and transitional period (1964–1975), and during the first 5 years after independence from Portugal (1975–1980). For the first period, we will focus on a repertoire entitled ‘revolutionary anthems’ and for the second, we will analyse Mozambique's sonorous representations in three national and international events: FESTAC77 (1977), the First National Festival of Popular Dance (1978) and the First National Festival of Song and Traditional Music (1980). Building on fieldwork data gathered through several interviews with politicians, radio broadcasters, producers, musicians and archival work, we aim to explain the significance of musical performance for the ‘sonorous construction’ of the ‘new Mozambican man’ project, as envisioned by FRELIMO.\n"]

  February 23, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12807   open full text
• How official nationalism fuels labour market discrimination against migrants in the Netherlands and its institutional alternatives.
  Hans Siebers, Marissa Koster.
  Nations and Nationalism. February 23, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 1, Page 98-116, January 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nOfficial nationalism is on the rise, but its impact on relations between people with and without a migration background in institutions is under‐studied. This study, based on 55 interviews in a Dutch ministry in 2016, shows that official Dutch nationalist framings of those relations have been taken over by civil servants. These framings trigger boundary‐making between themselves and discrimination in access to career opportunities, in a climate of insecurity. However, official nationalism absorption, boundary‐making and discrimination are partially neutralized by respondents resorting to institutionally ‘nested’, work‐related and civic identities that enable cooperation, communication and fair allocation of career opportunities. Findings also highlight the exclusive continuities of various forms of imposed official nationalism, including ethno‐nationalism and multiculturalism. They all set people with migration backgrounds apart as culturally different, which foments insecurity among them. Non‐nationalist and institutionally ‘nested’ identities and procedures offer participation and inclusion to our respondents, not ethno‐nationalism nor multiculturalism.\n"]

  February 23, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12721   open full text
• Identifying varieties of nationalism: A critique of a purely inductive approach.
  Maureen A Eger, Mikael Hjerm.
  Nations and Nationalism. February 23, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 1, Page 341-352, January 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nMost theoretical and empirical approaches to nationalism not only distinguish between ethnic and civic notions of national belonging but also differentiate national identity from national hubris, pride, and attachment. In this research note, we examine recently published research on nationalist sentiments in the United States that takes a different approach. The study in question, ‘Varieties of American Popular Nationalism' by Bonikowski and DiMaggio (2016), has already become quite influential in the field and has the potential to change how we conceptualise and operationalise attitudes about the nation. In this research note, we revisit its analytical strategy and exploratory methods. We ask two questions. First, does this study allow us to draw conclusions about American nationalism? To answer this, we replicate the original model and then execute additional postestimation analyses, whose results undermine the study's main conclusions. Second, we investigate whether judicious revisions to the study's model generate results that would lead us to the article's same conclusions. The 385 additional models lend no support. Based on this evidence, we argue that the original study's conclusions stem from a misinterpretation of its latent class analysis (LCA), as our own analyses demonstrate that there is no empirical basis for its claims.\n"]

  February 23, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12722   open full text
• Waved and unwaved flags: Nation and sexuality in a social media debate in Cyprus.
  Irini Kadianaki, Lia Figgou, Marina Kyprianou.
  Nations and Nationalism. February 23, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 1, Page 231-246, January 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article focuses on the ways in which LGBT+ flag raising in a university at the Republic of Cyprus was debated in a social media environment. It aims to examine the ways in which discourses around sexuality intersect with discourses around the nation in a postcolonial, ethnically divided, European context. One hundred four comments posted on the university Facebook page were analysed through Thematic and Rhetorical analysis. Analysis revealed three main ways of accounting for the flag incident in which sexuality and LGBT+ issues are represented as (a) inferior to national issues, (b) symbolic and/or tangible threat to the nation and (c) personal (instead of collective) identity that should not be waved in public. The discussion focuses on the ways in which the findings differentiate from literature on homonationalism and on their implications for constructing collectiveness and understanding citizenship.\n"]

  February 23, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12704   open full text
• Zionism and Québécois nationalism: An initial comparative analysis.
  Rémi Daniel.
  Nations and Nationalism. February 23, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 1, Page 247-261, January 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nBased on several studies on each of these movements and on primary sources, I claim that Zionism and Québécois nationalism have a unique set of similarities. The first part of this article focuses on the redefinition of national identity made by both movements—the end of a religious‐ethnic identity and a new focus on language and territory—and on its various consequences. In the second part, I compare Zionists' and Québécois nationalists' arguments for sovereignty, demonstrating their similarities, with a shared wish to become a majority, a common fear from assimilation, the same aspiration towards normality, and the same claim that national independence will bring with it a new era of progress. By doing so, I point to possible directions of more thorough comparative analyses bringing these two movements together.\n"]

  February 23, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12679   open full text
• “All the nightmare images of ethnic conflict in the twentieth century are here”: Erroneous statistical proofs and the search for ethnic violence in revolutionary Ireland, 1917–1923.
  John M. Regan.
  Nations and Nationalism. February 23, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 1, Page 322-340, January 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nIn the 1990s, Canadian historian Peter Hart claimed tens of thousands of native southern Irish Protestants experienced something akin to “ethnic cleansing” at the hands of the IRA in the early 1920s. Hart's research revised the “Irish nationalist revolution” (ca. 1917–1923) as an essentially ethnic conflict, and this article re‐examines his evidence and methodology. Exaggerating the number of forced migrations, Hart's analysis rests on erroneous statistical proofs which he supported with a gross evidence selection bias. To better understand Hart's revision, his work is compared with Michael A. Bellesiles' Arming America: The Origins of a National Gun Culture (2000), which also exhibited similar but also very different statistical errors. A central argument in this article is that erroneous statistical proofs are best understood as social constructs, where they articulate the prejudices of their host academies. Greater awareness of this problem is needed if it is to be avoided in the future.\n"]

  February 23, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12783   open full text
• Making America great (the first time): U.S. economic nationalism in historical perspective.
  Tom Wraight.
  Nations and Nationalism. February 23, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 1, Page 66-81, January 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nSupporters of Donald Trump often frame his protectionist policies as part of a venerable economic nationalist tradition. This paper examines the process which allowed this historical narrative to form. Examining the history of U.S. economic nationalism, it argues that during the nineteenth century, that tradition became increasingly defined by ‘tariff fixation’, an emphasis on high tariffs to the exclusion of other more effective means for supporting national development. This led the reduction of high tariffs after the 1930s to be viewed as a ‘great betrayal’ of the United States, a narrative that has been of great use to contemporary right‐wing populists.\n"]

  February 23, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12809   open full text
• Disillusioned defenders? The integration challenges of American Jewish return migrants in the Israel Defense Forces.
  Karina Shklyan.
  Nations and Nationalism. February 23, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 1, Page 82-97, January 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThere is a consensus within the ethnic return migration literature that ethnic migrants experience difficulty integrating into the ethnic homeland due to (1) state policies that inhibit permanent settlement and upward mobility and (2) social marginalization from the native‐born community. Absent those experiences, one would expect that ethnic migrants would smoothly integrate and be a successful example of nation‐building for the homeland. This paper examines lone soldiers in Israel (immigrants who do not have immediate family in the country) as an example of an immigrant group that is provided with substantial government support for integration and is publicly heralded by Israeli media as model citizens. Based on 52 interviews with former lone soldiers, this paper argues that even in an “extreme case” of state‐ and society‐supported ethnic return, lone soldiers feel marginalized due to their disillusionment with Israeli state politics and linguistic, behavioural and cultural boundaries between themselves and Israelis.\n"]

  February 23, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12767   open full text
• Nationalising foreigners: The making of American national identity.
  Roger Waldinger, Thomas Soehl, Renee Reichl Luthra.
  Nations and Nationalism. February 23, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 1, Page 47-65, January 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nWhereas the literature asks whether immigrants and their descendants come to resemble the ‘mainstream’, this paper places the acquisition of a new national identity at the centre of attention, contending that the views of ethnic outsiders provide strategic leverage in identifying any underlying consensus regarding the bounds of the nation and the means by which those bounds should be implemented. We contend that becoming ‘American’ entails adopting American attitudes towards persons beyond the territorial divide, a population that includes nationals of one's country of origin or ancestry. The paper develops a conceptual framework to understand how attachment to the people of the state of emigration gets transformed into attachment to the people of the state of immigration. The paper provides a demonstration of that process, focusing on Mexican immigrants and their descendants and using a variety of data sources to highlight and unpack different dimensions of Americanisation.\n"]

  February 23, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12806   open full text
• Nationalism and immigration control.
  Jiyoung Ko, Seung‐Whan Choi.
  Nations and Nationalism. February 23, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 1, Page 12-30, January 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nDoes the rise of nationalism lead to immigration policy change? By focusing on elite‐led nationalism, this study offers a novel perspective: When top political leaders rely on nationalism as their legitimation strategy, they are more disposed to adopt policies aimed at strict immigration control, such as the imposition of sanctions on illegal immigrants, due to their hands being tied. We perform a battery of empirical tests using a cross‐national, time‐series data for 33 countries for the years 1980–2010. We find evidence that nationalist countries are positively associated with heightened immigration control. This finding is robust even after possible reverse causality is taken into account. The overall analysis illustrates that nationalism is a significant factor in explaining why countries are pushing for more restrictive immigration control in the contemporary world.\n"]

  February 23, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12801   open full text
• Ethnonationalism and White immigration attitudes.
  Jack Thompson.
  Nations and Nationalism. February 23, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 1, Page 31-46, January 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nIn this article, I explore how much of White Americans' opposition to immigration—opposition that is often grounded in fears of the threat that immigration poses to the robustness of America's national identity—is shaped by ethnonationalism, a set of beliefs concerning which traits are important for being a “true” American. Drawing on data from the 2016 American National Election Studies (ANES), I examine how ethnonationalism shapes White Americans' attitudes towards immigrants. I find that ethnonationalism is positively associated with anti‐immigrant attitudes among Whites, with the effect size of my ethnonationalism measure being larger than that of any other variable in my ordinary least squares (OLS) regression model. Critically, this includes a number of variables that are already known to be strongly predictive of White attitudes towards immigration, such as Republican partisanship. Beyond anti‐immigrant attitudes, I also find that ethnonationalism also predicts support for policies that would restriction immigration.\n"]

  February 23, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12754   open full text
• Understanding Hong Kong nationalism: A topic network approach.
  Justin Chun‐ting Ho.
  Nations and Nationalism. January 26, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nDrawing on data from Facebook, this article examines how elements of nationalism discourse were invoked by political actors to advance their agenda. In this paper, a novel mixed‐method approach is introduced. The analysis begins with the quantitative phase, and topic modelling is used to identify the recurring themes in corpus. A topic network is generated based on the semantic association and centrality measures from social network analysis are used to identify the core topics in the discourse. In the qualitative phase, texts from the core topics are analysed discursively. The findings reveal that Hong Kong nationalism discourse includes three frames: the threat frame that constructs the overarching narrative of China Threat, the identity frame that engages with the debate on localism and nationalism and the action frame that discusses the actions to be taken in response to the threats.\n"]

  January 26, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12805   open full text
• Retracted: Chinese nationalism during the COVID‐19 pandemic: Conciliatory and confrontational discourses.
  Xiaoyu Zhao.
  Nations and Nationalism. January 04, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nRetraction: Zhao, Xiaoyu (2022). “Chinese nationalism during the COVID‐19 pandemic: Conciliatory and confrontational discourses”. Nations and Nationalism. https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.12813. The above article, published online on January 4, 2022 in Wiley Online Library (http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/), has been retracted by agreement between the journal Editors‐in‐Chief, John Breuilly, Daphne Halikiopoulou, John Hutchinson and Eric Kaufmann, the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism, and John Wiley and Sons Ltd. The retraction has been agreed due to unattributed overlap between this article and the following master's thesis available on the National University of Singapore's digital institutional repository, ScholarBank@NUS, “Not all nationalists are zealots: a discourse analysis of Chinese nationalism among Zhihu users” by Guo, Binglian, posted on 31 July 2019.\n"]

  January 04, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12813   open full text
• Negotiating national identity in postcolonial Zimbabwe through a national dress.
  Simbarashe Shadreck Chitima.
  Nations and Nationalism. January 03, 2022
  ["Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nA national dress is a reflection of national consciousness towards the nation and its cultural heritage. Instead of simply being functional, a national dress is also a script that exhibits people's identities. This study examines how Zimbabweans identify with the national dress as a facet of achieving national identity. Qualitative research methods and Gramscianism were employed in the study. It is revealed that the majority of Zimbabweans fail to identify with the national dress due to political, cultural and economic reasons. The national dress is perceived as a campaign strategy being used by the state to achieve political expediency and to be seen as champion of moral as well as cultural regeneration. Some participants associate the dress with cultural imperialism and waste of resources. Very few participants take the dress as a positive step towards the decolonisation of cultural spaces and identities. Conclusively, the majority of Zimbabweans find the dress insignificant in their lives and in national identity construction.\n"]

  January 03, 2022   doi: 10.1111/nana.12811   open full text
• Anthems in the Arab world: A hybrid national symbol.
  Elie Podeh.
  Nations and Nationalism. December 14, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nThe national flag, anthem and emblem are the three symbols through which an independent country proclaims its identity and sovereignty. These symbols are universal signs of particularity. In spite of their symbolic significance, national anthems have not been the subject of widespread scholarship. This is particularly true with regard to the Arab world. The aim of this article is, therefore, threefold: first, to explore the historical, political and cultural sources of these anthems; second, to analyse the anthems' themes; and finally, to explore whether a commonality between the various Arab anthems can be found. The article advances three arguments: First, in contrast to the stability of anthems outside the Middle East, anthems in the Arab world underwent changes since independence, yet several countries retained their original anthems. The changes reflected the change of regime and/or historical narrative. Second, the consolidation of the territorial Arab state has also been reflected in the symbolic framework. And, finally, the Arab anthem is a hybrid symbol, amalgamating Western and Eastern cultural artefacts—Arab, Muslim or territorial.\n"]

  December 14, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12803   open full text
• Minorities as citizens: The legal advocacy of language rights by the Hungarian minority in Romania.
  Beáta Huszka.
  Nations and Nationalism. November 07, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article investigates the assertion of language rights through legal mobilization by the Hungarian minority in Romania, thus examining this emergent kind of mobilization aimed at the claiming of rights, often rights recognized by law, but not enforced in practice. This incongruity between rights on paper and their execution provokes interethnic rivalry for the visibility of language and culture, in which the exclusive ownership of sovereignty is marked by the dominance of national language in physical spaces coined as ‘linguistic territoriality’ (Csergő, 2007), fostering parallel, monolingual public spheres. Applying Rancière's theory to the case of the Hungarian minority in Romania, it is argued that civil society activists' legal mobilization initiatives are a manifestation of ‘politics’ in the Rancièreian sense as they challenge the distribution of public spaces along ethnic lines through pushing forward their integrative vision of the same spaces—thus ‘seeking the litigious distribution of places and roles’ (Rancière, 2003, p. 201).\n"]

  November 07, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12790   open full text
• What is anarchist internationalism?
  Ruth Kinna.
  Nations and Nationalism. October 11, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 4, Page 976-991, October 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article outlines a concept of anarchist internationalism as non‐domination. The discussion falls into two parts. The first outlines the general theory, building on the analysis of the anarchist critique of republicanism, describing anarchist internationalism as cosmopolitan and based on a permanent “right of secession.” The second part considers how this general conception was developed in the context of anti‐colonial struggle and nationalist resurgence. It examines Ananda Coomaraswamy and Rudolf Rocker's responses to the global spread of capitalism and the evolution of the European state. Their contrasting critiques of nationalism and images of international community expose shortcomings and biases in the application of non‐domination and tensions which test cosmopolitan ties and voluntary agreements. Yet their work also demonstrates that anarchist internationalism is not a failed dream of class solidarity and that, understood as a principle of non‐domination, it promotes emancipatory, transformative processes directed against static configurations of power.\n"]

  October 11, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12676   open full text
• Does the Alt‐Right still matter? An examination of Alt‐Right influence between 2016 and 2018.
  Jack Thompson, George Hawley.
  Nations and Nationalism. October 11, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 4, Page 1165-1180, October 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nIn this paper, we use panel data from the 2016 and 2017 waves of the Voter Study and the 2018 American National Election Studies (ANES) Pilot, to better understand the relative influence of the Alt‐Right on mainstream US politics in the Trump era. Given the degree of formal alignment between Trump and a number of key voices within the movement, we first examine the strength of the association between affect for the Alt‐Right and support for Republican Party between 2016 and 2018. We also examine relative levels of affect for the Alt‐Right among Whites between this period, tracking a number of important changes. We find that, while affect for the Alt‐Right was strongly associated with support for Republican candidates such as Trump in the 2016 election cycle, we find a somewhat weaker relationship between affect for the Alt‐Right and White support for Trump and down ballot Republican candidates in 2018. We also find that, after rising between 2016 and 2017, levels of affect for Alt‐Right appear to have declined by 2018. The results are therefore reflective of exponential rise of the Alt‐Right during the 2016 election and the movement's subsequent implosion after the 2017 ‘United the Right’, rally in Charlottesville, VA.\n"]

  October 11, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12736   open full text
• Meaning of a textbook: Religious education, National Islam, and the politics of reform in the United Arab Emirates.
  Zeynep Ozgen, Sharif Ibrahim El Shishtawy Hassan.
  Nations and Nationalism. October 11, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 4, Page 1181-1197, October 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nThe organisation and content of Islamic education have been an object of Western scrutiny based on claims linking religious education to radicalism. Many Arab Gulf states have responded to such allegations with significant overhauls of their religious curricula. This article focuses on the politics of education reform in the United Arab Emirates. A detailed coding and analysis of 1500 pages of Islamic education textbooks reveal that religious education is a deeply politicised field. However, it promotes loyalty rather than radicalism. The reformed curriculum is used as a pedagogic tool by the state to advance national interpretations of Islam in support of domestic and international policy objectives, such as strengthening national identity against sub‐national loyalties, securing political legitimacy, pacifying opposition, rebranding the state's international image, and spurring economic development. This article advances the existing scholarship by bringing in the international dimension of domestic education reform and the precise mechanisms that we call emulation and generalisation through which Islamic knowledge becomes functionalised for the state's nationalist goals.\n"]

  October 11, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12734   open full text
• More than a sovereign symbol? The public reception of the early monumental statues of Atatürk in Turkey.
  Arda Güçler, Faik Gür.
  Nations and Nationalism. October 11, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 4, Page 1149-1164, October 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nThe early monumental statues of Atatürk in Turkey have so far been studied from the perspective of the state and its ambition to disseminate a national consciousness. While this state‐centric approach has been helpful to understand the role of symbolism in nation‐building, it ends up reducing people to a passive recipient of symbolic indoctrination. We, in contrast, approach public perception as an active component in the discursive construction of these monuments over time. We first analyse the period until the death of Atatürk in 1938 during which the democratic possibility of conflicting with the official narrative remained quite minimal. We then look at the aftermath of Atatürk's death, which coincides with the introduction of the multiparty democracy in Turkey where there were more critical engagements with these monuments, particularly by the right‐wing constituents and politicians. We conclude that such resistance was still discursively bound by the nationalist context within which it operated. Our analysis of the politics of symbolism in Turkey taps into the theoretical works of Hanna Pitkin and Warren Breckman.\n"]

  October 11, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12757   open full text
• Good Minzu and bad Muslims: Islamophobia in China's state media.
  David R. Stroup.
  Nations and Nationalism. October 11, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 4, Page 1231-1252, October 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nSince 2014, observers of Chinese society have noted an upsurge in Islamophobic sentiment among China's ethnic majority Han. China's Muslims, in particular those who identify as Hui and Uyghur, report an increase in harassment, both online and in person. This Islamophobic backlash occurs in conjunction with retrenchments by the Chinese state on the right to practice religion. What gives rise to this increase in bigotry? This pilot study examines official discourse about Islam through an inductive analysis of the presentation of Muslims in China's state media. Using a process of constant comparative analysis, I examine the state media's portrayal of Muslims in the flagship newspaper, The People's Daily. Drawing from a sample of 70 articles published between 2014 and 2018, I argue that the party's depiction of Muslim minorities in China emphasizes ethnic rather than religious identities, while coverage of global Islam emphasizes Islam as dangerous and associated with extremism. I contend that such depictions carry the unintended consequence of arousing suspicions about China's Muslims among Han.\n"]

  October 11, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12758   open full text
• Through the 21st century looking glass: Liberalism, democracy, and populism in a pre‐Yugoslav Serbia.
  Dejan Guzina.
  Nations and Nationalism. October 11, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 4, Page 1097-1110, October 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nAn often underrated but significant debate among Serbian intellectuals is how best to interpret Serbia's political development from the late nineteenth to the early twentieth centuries. Conventional, mainstream understanding is that this period culminated in the golden era of Serbian democracy that lasted from 1903 to 1914. I identify this approach as a liberal‐national interpretation of this period. On their part, Serbian critical historians envision this period in terms of failed modernisation that led to the development of Serbian populism and ethnic nationalism. Even though these depictions involve opposing historical framings of Serbia's past, they both reproduce an ideological picture of the Serbian past rooted within a binary civic/ethnic nationalism framework that constrains analyses of this period to either a modernising civic era or a period that fostered the foundations for ethnic nationalism. Moreover, I argue that, at the discursive level, the debate is not about the past at all. It is primarily about interpreting the contemporary Serbian political system, the role Serbian intellectuals play in it, and whether successful democratisation in a Serbian society could be organised on the principles of further expansion, centralisation, and national homogenisation.\n"]

  October 11, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12715   open full text
• Embodying Britishness: National identity in the United Kingdom.
  Bruce Tranter, Jed Donoghue.
  Nations and Nationalism. October 11, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 4, Page 992-1008, October 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nSome argue that national identity is constructed from the shared myths and ‘collective memories’ of a nation, where heroes from a ‘golden age’ and legendary figures embody national identity. However, when a national sample of British adults were asked to name the most important Britons, living or dead, they did not hark back to legendary figures, military leaders or sporting heroes, but identified their monarch, political leaders, and to a lesser extent, ‘household heroes’ within their own family. ‘Banal’, quotidian political leaders and Queen Elizabeth II symbolise national identity in Britain, although they sit alongside ‘hot’ signifiers of nationalism personified, such as football hero David Beckham. This research suggests that studies of national identity should not be limited to examining essentialist claims of ethnonationalism, or civic attachments to laws and institutions, but also explore those whom the citizens of a given country identify as embodying their national identity.\n"]

  October 11, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12730   open full text
• Challenging the German Empire: Strategic nationalism in Alsace‐Lorraine in the First World War.
  Volker Prott.
  Nations and Nationalism. October 11, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 4, Page 1009-1025, October 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article introduces the concept of ‘strategic nationalism’ to explain the shift of national allegiance of most Alsatians and Lorrainers from Germany to France during the First World War. Combining the historiographical concept of ‘national indifference’ with rational‐choice theories of nationalism, the article examines why a growing number of local citizens came to defy the authorities' relentless demand of national loyalty. Contrary to previous studies that emphasize the dictatorial character of the regime and the passivity of local citizens, the article argues that national attitudes were shaped by strategic interests and highly responsive to shifts in state policy, regional circumstances and the course of the war. From mid‐1918, it was less escalating state repression or dormant Francophile sympathies, but half‐hearted liberalization of policy, the authorities' unfaltering insistence on national loyalty and imminent military and economic collapse that prompted people to see France as an attractive alternative to German rule.\n"]

  October 11, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12665   open full text
• Rescuing national unity with imagination: The case of Tabarnia.
  Roberto Baldoli, Elisabetta Mocca.
  Nations and Nationalism. October 11, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 4, Page 1063-1079, October 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article analyses the drivers and developments of the recent rise of a fictional region: Tabarnia in Spain. This platform proposes the creation of a new autonomous region to oppose the project of secession of the independentist Catalan movement. Given the dearth of academic research, our article documents and explores the case of Tabarnia. We draw on a multimethod approach, entailing a thematic analysis and process‐tracing, to reconstruct the trajectory of this platform and to uncover its drivers, goals and strategies. By building on this evidence base, this article construes Tabarnia as an instance of imaginary regionalism created ex nihilo in the noosphere. As such, Tabarnia represents an a‐topia substantiated through a digital region‐building process heavily relying on the use of humour.\n"]

  October 11, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12712   open full text
• Biafran postage stamps (1967–1970) and the rhetoric of sovereign promise.
  Etiido Effiongwilliam Inyang.
  Nations and Nationalism. October 11, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 4, Page 1213-1230, October 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nThe Biafran postage stamps in the Nigerian civil war years present a trove of iconic imageries constructed by the urgency to play a role in the international politics of image production, meaning construction and consumption. These images amplified the campaign for self‐determination and created a sense of nationalism for the seceding nation. The iconographic analysis is used to examine select stamps, considered as transmitters of collective vagaries of national aspirations. Within this focus, historical and nationalistic narratives peculiar to the Nigerian/Biafran experience form a unique basis for the discourse and interpretation of nationalism set within the perspective of interchanging symbolisms and identity within the Nigerian state. The purpose here is to explain the iconic content and textual messages of the stamps or sets of stamps issued by the defunct Republic of Biafra and the ideology of identity and self‐determination that it has activated among the different ethnicities in the Nigerian nation‐state.\n"]

  October 11, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12751   open full text
• Germanness and religious universalism in the aftermath of the 1844 Trier pilgrimage.
  Tamar Kojman.
  Nations and Nationalism. October 11, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 4, Page 1047-1062, October 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nIn 1844, an exhibition of a holy relic at the Trier cathedral elicited public outrage, resulting in the foundation of a new anti‐clerical confession, the German Catholics (Deutschkatholiken). This article examines conceptions of Germanness generated by the supra‐confessional public debate that followed by analysing journal publications of contrasting religious affiliations from 1844–1846. I argue that in the context of extensive and highly politicised religious deliberation, confessional divergence was not just decried as an obstacle to unity that had to be overcome but also enshrined as a mark of German singularity. Across confessional divides, the condition of disunity was thought to manifest a unique German aptitude for spiritual exploration and resistance to institutional rigidity. These qualities singled out the Germans for a spiritual quest in search of an ultimate, universal religious creed. This finding raises important questions on the interaction between inclusionary and exclusionary elements in ethnic and national identities formed in the context of internal diversity, as well as their positioning within universalistic structures.\n"]

  October 11, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12735   open full text
• Allies as adversaries: China, the Netherlands and clashing nationalisms in the emergence of the post‐war order, 1942–1945.
  Vincent K L Chang.
  Nations and Nationalism. October 11, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 4, Page 1253-1267, October 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nOutside of the dominant frame depicting World War II as a showdown between the Allied and Axis powers, the war also represented a critical juncture in the global battle between empire and nation. In Asia, the war allowed a “semi‐colonial” China to successfully reclaim its sovereignty from both its allies and enemies and compelled the Dutch to forfeit colonial rule in Indonesia and its prestige as a regional power. Moving beyond conventional dichotomies and great‐power bias, this paper analyses two portentous wartime controversies between China and the Netherlands, whose common goals as allies did not prevent clashes over diametrically opposed national pursuits. In exposing the conflicting nature of their respective nationalisms, these disputes elucidate the interplay of war, nationalism, and imperialism in East Asia as well as China's changing place in the emergent post‐war regional and global orders. The Dutch refusal to accept these shifting realities and underlying notions of national self‐determination presaged the traumatic trajectory of Indonesia's decolonisation.\n"]

  October 11, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12752   open full text
• ‘Ethnic memories’ from above? The Kosovo myth among the South Slavs and minimalist ethnosymbolism.
  Matvey Lomonosov.
  Nations and Nationalism. October 11, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 4, Page 1111-1126, October 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nThe Kosovo myth is often seen as a critical supporting case for ethnosymbolist theory. Many theorists of nationalism and area scholars see this myth as either the direct continuation or creative reinterpretation of a long‐standing epic and liturgical tradition among the Slavic Orthodox population in the Balkans. Using primary and secondary sources, this article traces how pre‐modern cultural and communicative memories of Kosovo were transformed into a modern nationalist myth of the Serbs and, then, the Yugoslavs. It argues that cultural rupture and change rather than continuity or recurrence characterise the history of these scattered and ambivalent pre‐modern legacies. The evidence shows that the medieval monastic texts and epics referring to the Kosovo battle cannot be considered as the ‘widespread ethnic memories’ necessary in ethnosymbolist theory. However, ethnosymbolist theory is multifaceted. The article's findings about the Kosovo myth suggest that scholars can adopt only a weak minimalist version of ethnosymbolism, which views this approach as a research programme or a focus of study rather than an explanatory theory. This version does not contradict modernist constructivism but aligns with the neo‐Weberian tradition of longue durée research within it.\n"]

  October 11, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12748   open full text
• National myths and rebounding violence.
  Radek Chlup.
  Nations and Nationalism. October 11, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 4, Page 943-959, October 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nThe article takes up the sacrificial theory of national myths presented by Steven J. Mock and discloses its further potential for understanding the symbolic structures of nationalism. While Mock builds mainly on a Girardian reinterpretation of Freud, I try to show that even more interesting results may be obtained by using Maurice Bloch's theory of ritual symbolism. The advantage of Bloch's model is threefold. (1) It discloses further interesting aspects of the sacrificial symbolism in national myths not noted by Mock. I illustrate some of these by a detailed analysis of the Czech national myth. (2) Bloch's model allows us to trace the sacrificial pattern not just in myths of the modern awakening of the nation but in myths concerning present‐day political events as well. As an example, I analyse symbols of defeat in several myths of Czech 20th‐century political leaders. (3) Bloch's model is more complex and thus allows us to understand different types of national myths than those featuring symbolism of defeat. As an example, I discuss imperial nationalism, which Mock considers as one of the exceptions to his theory, and I also use Bloch to throw interesting light on the distinction between “civic” and “ethnic” nationalism.\n"]

  October 11, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12720   open full text
• Beyond belief: How religion fosters self‐determination.
  Friederike Luise Kelle.
  Nations and Nationalism. October 11, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 4, Page 924-942, October 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nReligious conflicts are an enduring feature of domestic and international politics. This article offers the first systematic quantitative treatment of religion in nationalist demands for autonomy or independence on a global scale. I argue that subnational groups capitalizing on mobilization advantages from sacred land are more likely to demand self‐rule. Sacred places link collective identities to the contested territory, which is the main conflict issue in self‐determination demands. I rely on data on sacred land and religious identification of subnational groups worldwide and compare claimants and non‐claiming groups to capture the effect of sacred land on self‐determination. The analysis supports the expectation that sacred land and religious identities are closely linked to demand incidence. The findings shed light on the understudied relation between religion and self‐determination and improve our understanding of the significance of sacred places on a global comparative scale.\n"]

  October 11, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12761   open full text
• Declarations of Independence after the Cold War: Abandoning grievance and avoiding rupture.
  Argyro Kartsonaki, Aleksandar Pavković.
  Nations and Nationalism. October 11, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 4, Page 1268-1285, October 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nDeclarations of Independence (DoIs) tend to employ the grievance topoi as a means to legitimize their demands for statehood. We find, however, that after the end of the Cold War a new subgenre of DoIs emerged, which deploys topoi not referring to grievances against the host state. These DoIs focus on commitments the secessionist state makes towards existing states. We analyse four DoIs, that of Slovenia, Croatia, Abkhazia, and Kosovo using Wodak et al.'s Critical Discourse Analysis and Wendt's categorization of state identity. Our findings show that these secessionist states pledge to adhere to the internationally recognized norms of democracy, rule of law, and human rights and put forward a discourse of “belonging” to a family of states defined by these norms. They call therefore for international recognition based on their commitment to socialization avoiding the rupture with the host state and the issue of breach of territorial integrity.\n"]

  October 11, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12759   open full text
• Nationalism in the neoliberal order: Old wine in new bottles?
  Christian Joppke.
  Nations and Nationalism. October 11, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 4, Page 960-975, October 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nThis paper explores the forms and contents of contemporary nationalism in Europe and North America, what used to be called the ‘West’. This nationalism responds in opposite and sometimes contradictory ways to a neoliberal order of globalization, welfare‐state retreat and a heightened sense of insecurity. I distinguish between populist and statist forms of contemporary nationalism, and within the statist between a compensatory and a constitutive logic of linking it with neoliberalism. Under the constitutive logic, nationalism may adopt certain features of the neoliberal order itself, which yields a ‘neoliberal nationalism’. Nonethnic yet exclusive of those who are not contributing, this is a new entry in the nations and nationalism lexicon.\n"]

  October 11, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12718   open full text
• Federalization in the slipstream: How the German‐speaking Community of Belgium became one of the smallest federal entities in the world.
  Christoph Niessen.
  Nations and Nationalism. October 11, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 4, Page 1026-1046, October 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nIn last 50 years, Belgium has evolved from a central to a federal state. Although this process was driven by the Flemish and Francophone communities (and influenced by the Brussels‐Capital Region), a fourth much smaller entity known today as ‘German‐speaking Community’ was also integrated into the federal arrangement. This article reviews the latter's political history to go beyond the common explanation that its statute was a mere consequence of the Belgian federalization dynamic. By using historical scholarship and testimonial interviews, it shows that neither the demand nor the conferral of autonomy was automatic and that regionalist party pressures on the regional‐level and intra‐party multilevel negotiations were equally necessary for the communities' recognition as federal entity. With lessons from what it presents as a least likely case of federal entities whose autonomy dynamics followed that of larger communities with strong regionalist pressures, the article develops the concept of ‘federalization in the slipstream’.\n"]

  October 11, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12768   open full text
• ‘One of the oldest states in Europe has never suppressed any nation’. The minority treaty, nationalist indignation and the foundations of interwar ethnic democracy in Poland.
  Wiktor Marzec.
  Nations and Nationalism. October 11, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 4, Page 1080-1096, October 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article investigates the internal impact of the Minority Treaty of Versailles, regulating minority rights and protection in the emerging interwar Polish state. The parliamentary debate on the Treaty was a critical juncture structuring the political sphere and arguably fostered the birth of ‘ethnic democracy’ in Poland. Performing a sequential analysis of the debate, I study the reconfiguration of political positions which locked the actors into their strategic entrenchments. Unexpectedly, the nationalist right defended the treaty because of their involvement in the Versailles negotiations. The left tried to delegitimize the treaty and simultaneously tip the scales of the domestic politics in favour of the minorities. This shifted the levers of implicit assumptions about the political community and effectively blocked the political efficacy of the treaty on the domestic level. Such refraction effects must be considered when one is studying convergence, diffusion and the role of international agreements and pressures.\n"]

  October 11, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12765   open full text
• boere into Boere (farmers into Boers): The so‐called great trek and the rise of Boer nationalism.
  Mariana Kriel.
  Nations and Nationalism. October 11, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 4, Page 1198-1212, October 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nThis paper challenges the claim, as articulated by Norman Ehterington, that the so‐called Great Trek was not “an act of national self‐assertion by Boers in rebellion against British rule” (2001:258). Whilst affirming the scholarly consensus that the Trek was not an expression of Afrikaner nationalism, I argue that it marked the rise of Boer nationalism, which entailed the transformation of white Dutch‐speaking farmers on the eastern border of the British‐ruled Cape Colony into ethnic Boers. The latter identity began to crystallise when the former was mobilised politically by a boer/Boer elite who anticipated their loss of power as colonial authorities introduced inconvenient policy changes and “alien” ideologies. Since the mid‐1830s, as I demonstrate, an ethnic consciousness started to develop among the leaders of the frontier farmers along with the idea‐the nationalist idea‐of a trek to self‐governance. If not as nationalism, I ask, how is one to interpret this cause for self‐governance, driven as many similar causes have been by both material and ideational forces? And how is one to interpret the trekkers' preoccupation with democratic state formation (however compromised it was by racism) while on trek and their eventual creation of the Republic of Natalia?\n"]

  October 11, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12760   open full text
• The nation as a sociological and historical reality: Nations and nationalism in the thought of Andrzej Walicki (1930–2020).
  Piotr Ahmad.
  Nations and Nationalism. October 11, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 4, Page 1286-1297, October 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nThis paper focuses on the contribution of a prominent Polish historian of ideas, the late professor Andrzej Walicki (1930–2020) to the field of nation studies, with a view to (re)introducing his work and ideas to the broader Anglophone scholarly audience. Based on new (or otherwise hitherto not widely discussed) material, some of which has not been published in English, the paper examines Walicki's theoretical ideas on the origins and development of nations. The example of the Polish ‘democracy of the gentry’, presented by Walicki as an early example of civic nationalism in Europe is explored in some detail. Finally, the paper traces an outline of Andrzej Walicki's theoretical framework of nation formation, highlighting key aspects of his work in the field.\n"]

  October 11, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12755   open full text
• Social alienation and cultural distance in the context of secession in the South Caucasus.
  Valery Dzutsati.
  Nations and Nationalism. October 11, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 4, Page 1127-1148, October 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nWhat explains the variation in individual support for the territorial integrity of the state that faces violent secession? While previous research has emphasised the role of state elites, institutions, and secessionist groups, this article elucidates the popular underpinnings of the state's response to secessionist claims. The proposed theory utilises in‐group and between‐group social distance to explain individual attitudes. Greater alienation from society leads people in the core state to reduce their support for the territorial integrity of the state. The perception of the cultural distinction of the secessionist group is associated with higher or lower support for the territorial integrity of the state, depending on the feasibility of reconquest of the secessionist territory. When reconquest is probable, support for the territorial integrity of the state will be positively associated with cultural distance. When it is improbable, support for the territorial integrity of the state will be negatively associated with cultural distance. The analysis of survey data from the South Caucasian countries that have struggled with secessionist movements for decades provides strong supportive evidence for these conjectures.\n"]

  October 11, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12762   open full text
• The nation on and beyond the screen: A history of film and nation‐building in Flanders.
  Gertjan Willems, Roel Vande Winkel, Daniel Biltereyst.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 28, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 3, Page 816-830, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nMost research on the relationship between film and nation‐building focuses on the content of films (the nation on the screen). Much less common is research on the structural organisation of the film sector (the nation beyond the screen). This article argues for a combined focus in order to gain deeper insight into the relationship between film and nation‐building. This is illustrated by a case study focusing on Flanders. The Flemish case shows that the relationship between film and nation‐building is dynamic and multiple. There is a clear evolution from a Belgian, French‐speaking film sector to a separate Flemish film sector. This process was stimulated by the coming of sound film in the early 1930s and by political developments towards more Flemish autonomy. But while Flemish nation‐building keeps growing to this day, the concept of ‘Belgian cinema’ has gained renewed relevance since the 2000s.\n"]

  June 28, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12678   open full text
• Significant otherness nation‐building and identity in postwar Austria.
  Martin Tschiggerl.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 28, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 3, Page 782-796, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nNation‐building in Austria in the first half of the 20th century failed several times before it became possible to construct an independent Austrian nation after 1945. This article traces how Austria's handling of the Nazi era involved a demarcation from Germany, which became an identity‐determining alterity for the idea of an independent Austrian nation. For this purpose, a specifically Austrian history was constructed, which focused on the idea that Austria had been the first victim of National Socialism. The supposed certainty of not being German and the myth of being the first victim of National Socialism were two metanarrative constants along which an Austrian identity could be imagined. They are crucial to the success of the Austrian nation built after 1945.\n"]

  June 28, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12677   open full text
• At the intersection of racism and nationalism: Theorising and contextualising the ‘anti‐immigration’ discourse in Poland.
  Kinga Polynczuk‐Alenius.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 28, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 3, Page 766-781, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article contributes to a better understanding of the ‘anti‐immigration’ discourse that has prevailed in Poland following the electoral victory of the Law and Justice party in 2015 by theoretically engaging the category of ‘race’ in the examination of Polish nationalism. To do so, it employs the Foucauldian perspective on racism, understood as deployed in defence of one's own nation, which is imagined as \"race\". The article also contextualises this discourse by elaborating how three globally circulated racist themes (threat, unworthiness and otherness) are deployed to uphold three components of hegemonic Polish national self‐definition (vulnerability, deservingness and ‘Westernness’) against three aspects of the perceived liminality that destabilise this self‐definition (temporal, moral and spatial). The article concludes that in Poland, the ‘anti‐immigration’ discourse deploys racism as a device symbolically to ‘protect’ the imagined ethnically, religiously and culturally homogenous Polish nation from the belittlement and dilution of collective self‐definition under the conditions of globalisation.\n"]

  June 28, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12611   open full text
• The refiguring of Ancient Rome in Fascist Italy's national imagination.
  Salvatore Fadda.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 28, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 3, Page 721-733, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nThe relationship between the Italian fascist regime and Roman archaeology was based on an extreme simplification of antiquity, reduced to a set of aesthetic motifs used to exploit their symbolic power. This article aims to examine how the culture of the ruling classes of liberal Italy came to identify its past in ancient Rome and then to highlight the decontextualisation and semantic transformation of certain symbols taken from ancient Roman iconography under the fascist regime which used them for political and nationalistic purposes. Through the analysis of the process of isolation and transformation to which the ruins of ancient Rome have been subjected, the article highlights how the same dynamics were adopted for iconographic elements of antiquity, leading to the creation of modern symbols invested with supposedly ancient values.\n"]

  June 28, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12651   open full text
• Conceptions of national identity, turnout and party preference: Evidence from Germany.
  Matthias Mader, Maria Pesthy, Harald Schoen.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 28, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 3, Page 638-655, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nAs globalisation makes national boundaries both permeable and contested, conflicts over national identity and related policy issues are bound to increase the salience of citizens' individual national identitiesand, consequently, increase their impact on political attitudes and behaviour. We study the link between ethnocultural and civic dimensions of national identity and turnout and party preferences. After providing a theoretical discussion that integrates conceptions of national identity into established models of turnout and party preference formation, we explore the merit of accounting for these conceptions of national identity in a case study of Germany. Analysing data from two surveys conducted in the period between 2015 and 2017, we show that acceptance of civic criteria of national identity was positively associated with turnout and partisan support for all German parties besides the AfD. Acceptance of ethnocultural criteria was associated with increased support for (centre‐) right and decreased support for (centre‐) left parties. Some of these patterns differ significantly and in predictable ways between the two data points bracketing the height of the European refugee crisis. These findings suggest that individual conceptions of national identity may be of importance for our understanding turnout decisions and party preferences, but the specific relationships presumably depend on contextual conditions.\n"]

  June 28, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12652   open full text
• The division of Ireland and its foes: The centenary of resistance to partition.
  Jaume Castan Pinos, Cathal McCall.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 28, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 3, Page 846-861, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nCritics of partition argue that it contributes to the perpetuation, rather than the amelioration, of territorial conflict. This paper engages with the theoretical debates on partition, focusing on the particular and illustrative case of Ireland. The island has been partitioned into two polities for a century. Opposition to the partition of Ireland has existed from the outset to the contemporary Brexit context. The argument is that while hostility to partition has experienced different forms, namely, political and violent and different degrees of intensity, there is a historical continuum of contestation against partition in Ireland. While the territorial issue was calmed by the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, Brexit has reanimated the border question, providing political momentum for those who aim to challenge the territorial status quo.\n"]

  June 28, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12687   open full text
• National identity and populism: The relationship between conceptions of nationhood and populist attitudes.
  Maximilian Filsinger, Steffen Wamsler, Julian Erhardt, Markus Freitag.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 28, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 3, Page 656-672, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nConventional wisdom argues that national identity and populism go hand in hand. We disentangle this relationship by examining how populist attitudes relate to two distinct conceptions of nationhood: civic and ethnic national identity. We argue that a civic conception of nationhood is negatively related to populism, while an ethnic conception of nationhood is positively related. Additionally, we expect these relationships to be moderated by socio‐economic status. Using data from the German Longitudinal Election Study from 2017, our analyses show that, on average, both civic and ethnic conceptions of nationhood relate positively to populist attitudes. This finding, however, changes substantially once we account for socio‐economic status: For respondents with higher levels of education and/or a more positive evaluation of the state of the economy, the relationship between civic national identity and populism turns negative, which is more in line with our expectations. We find no moderation for an ethnic national identity.\n"]

  June 28, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12689   open full text
• Postcolonial nationalism and neo‐Pentecostalism: A case from Papua New Guinea.
  Priscila Santos da Costa.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 28, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 3, Page 895-909, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article offers an anthropological analysis of a Papua New Guinean nationalist ideology deeply inspired by neo‐Pentecostalism. The basis for this study comes from ethnographic material collected during my fieldwork in the Parliament of Papua New Guinea (PNG), where I worked with a group of politicians and bureaucrats who have become known for their iconoclastic and evangelical actions, including their (in)famous destruction of traditional carvings. By mapping their narratives of nation building, I examine how two dimensions of Evangelical Christianity, namely, its focus on the Biblical scriptures and its demonology, were central to the formulation of this group's nationalist and postcolonial ideology. This work provides a contribution towards broader discussions on the effect of evangelical movements on nationalism around the contemporary world and, in particular, in the Global South.\n"]

  June 28, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12731   open full text
• Para‐nationalism: Sovereignty and authenticity in the Wa State of Myanmar.
  Hans Steinmüller.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 28, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 3, Page 880-894, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nIf nationalism is defined as a claim to sovereignty based on authenticity, para‐nationalism is nationalism in the state of war: urgent, yet ultimately futile. Modern warfare makes it particularly urgent for historical latecomers to national unity to claim their national sovereignty. Those claims, however, sometimes have to be postponed for the very same reason of military pragmatism. The double bind of nationalism at war is illustrated with the case study of the Wa State of Myanmar: Persistent military threat imparts great urgency to the promotion of authentic culture, the purification of a shared language and the rationalisation of violence. Yet at certain moments and places, the same objectives are put aside, in favour of working with what is at hand. Rather than a semiotic circle, it is suggested that the entanglement of para‐nationalism and war is primarily a pragmatic bond, which is accessible to ethnographic analysis.\n"]

  June 28, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12709   open full text
• Cross‐ethnic appeals in plural democracies.
  Madhavi Devasher, Elena Gadjanova.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 28, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 3, Page 673-689, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nWhether and how parties reach across ethnic lines matters for the quality of democracy, the state of interethnic relations and substantive minority representation in plural societies. Existing explanations have focused on how politicians facing electoral incentives to seek broader support attempt to either redefine or transcend ethnic identities, but have overlooked the various ways, in which candidates from one ethnic community often directly address the ethno‐political interests, concerns and demands of other communities whose votes are being courted. To address this gap, we introduce the concept and develop a typology of cross‐ethnic appeals in plural democracies. Drawing on primary research in India and Kenya—two countries with salient ethnic divisions and ethnic party systems—we show that cross‐ethnic appeals are common, follow the logic of our typology, and can result in increased resources and representation for some electorally pivotal minorities, even going beyond what coethnic politicians have offered. The article contributes to the emerging academic literature on how parties foster cross‐ethnic linkages in plural societies. Our argument has implications for ethnic boundaries, the structure of political cleavages and the substantive representation of minorities in multiethnic states.\n"]

  June 28, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12686   open full text
• The novel reconsidered: Emotions and anti‐realism in mid‐19th‐century Scandinavian literature.
  Anna Bohlin.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 28, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 3, Page 831-845, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nThe aim of the present article is to investigate the novel as remediation of nationalist pedagogy: how was the pedagogical, nationalist project charged with emotions? How did elements from non‐realist genres make emotions ‘stick’? And what are, in return, the implications of the use of non‐realist elements for the nationalist project, more specifically for nationalist temporalities? The hybrid novel form allowed for incorporating different kinds of archives, constructing a national heritage, such as material from collections of oral tradition, records from witchcraft trials, medieval manuscripts and geographical accounts including cartography. The novel added emotions to the nationalist pedagogical project by means of elements from decidedly non‐realist genres such as melodrama, the Gothic novel and allegory. I argue, contrary to Benedict Anderson, that ‘Messianic time’ was in fact essential in the novel's contribution to nationalism; a temporality of prefiguration and fulfilment made emotions stick.\n"]

  June 28, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12698   open full text
• The priest and the state: Clerical fascism in Slovakia and theory.
  Hana Kubátová, Michal Kubát.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 28, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 3, Page 734-749, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nWe introduce a novel definition of “clerical fascism.” Building on Griffin's only available conceptualization, we define “clerical fascism,” in its ideal type, as a political regime put forward or significantly shaped by a movement or factions within a movement dominated by clerics and theologians who advocate a symbiosis of Christian and fascist principles. Our definition of “clerical fascism” is derived from case‐based research into interwar and wartime Slovakia. We begin by following the etymological trail of the concept and its historical context. We then expand on Griffin's understanding of the term. Our definition of “clerical fascism” rests on the three aspects of the political—policy, politics and polity. We show the analytical potential of our model by applying it to the political praxis of 1939–45 Slovakia. Our essay concludes by extending on the larger implications of this model for the study of religion and political radicalism in the past and present.\n"]

  June 28, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12664   open full text
• Accidental nation‐building in Africa.
  Dominika Koter.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 28, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 3, Page 862-879, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nNational identity in Africa is routinely viewed as underdeveloped relative to ethnic identity because most states did not follow classic forms of nation‐building, such as mass schooling with nationalist content. Yet recent survey data show that national identity across the continent is more robust than most scholars predicted. What is driving national identification in Africa? What unifies Africans around common national identity? Existing theories are not well suited to explaining this question, because factors that they see as essential, such as higher levels of development and cultural cohesion, often do not exist. In this article, I suggest a new understanding of the strength of national identity, based on the impact of political events, such as peace, political stability and conduct of elections. Drawing on over 200 original interviews with Ghanaian respondents, I demonstrate how political stability in Ghana, contrasted with political turmoil in neighbouring countries, produces narratives about national identity.\n"]

  June 28, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12750   open full text
• Nationalisation, banal nationalism and everyday nationhood in a dictatorship: The Franco regime in Spain.
  Claudio Hernández Burgos.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 28, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 3, Page 690-704, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article explores the nature of the process of nationalisation and the construction of nationality in Franco's Spain. Despite that nationalism constituted the principle axis of the narratives and the policies of the Francoist State, there has been scant research into the reach, the channels, and the role of Spaniards in the process of nationalisation. From a starting point of a complex conception of the Francoist national project, this essay seeks to reframe its analysis in light of the theoretical contributions of ‘banal nationalism’ and ‘everyday nationalism’. As such, on the one hand, I intend to make clear the heterogeneity and the dynamism of Francoist nationalism and, on the other, to include individuals within the scene and further, and in particular, to take into account the role of daily experiences and the capacity for agency on the part of Spaniards on the ground, as participants and constructors of the national community.\n"]

  June 28, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12621   open full text
• Pandemics and citizen perceptions about their country: Did COVID‐19 increase national pride in South Korea?
  Sijeong Lim, Aseem Prakash.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 28, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 3, Page 623-637, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nExogenous shocks such as pandemics have a profound influence on how citizens think about their country. We explore how the successful handling of COVID‐19 shaped South Korean citizens' perception of their country. Empirically, we compare data from surveys conducted in August 2019 and April 2020. Using regression on matched samples, we find a significant increase in general national pride. More importantly, we find an increase in positive assessments of their country in domains directly related to the COVID‐19 response (civic awareness and international leadership) but not in domains less directly related to the pandemic. We also find that while Koreans take pride in their collective response to the crisis, their disenchantment with the political class has grown. The implication is that citizens offer a remarkably nuanced understanding of how the COVID‐19 response reflected the strengths of the Korean society, as opposed to the Korean political system.\n"]

  June 28, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12749   open full text
• Almost sovereign: Kosovo's NEWBORN sculpture and the indeterminacy of the state.
  Alissa Boguslaw.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 28, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 3, Page 750-765, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nIn 2008, a giant yellow sculpture of the word ‘NEWBORN’ was built to celebrate Kosovo's independence. Every year, the designer repaints it to express a new theme, but his messaging is often challenged by anonymous pranks and other interventions. Creating uncertainty over NEWBORN's legitimacy and who has the right to repaint it, these contestations are significant because they echo the uncertainty over the Kosovo state, whose sovereignty is also in dispute. By analysing the relationship between the politics of the sculpture and the politics of the state, the article argues that the disruptions to NEWBORN not only reflect but also reconstitute Kosovo's sovereignty. Although it is generally viewed as the capacity of a state to self‐govern, by conceptualising sovereignty as recognition, authority and agency, the article demonstrates how citizens' agency transcends the state and the basis of its rule.\n"]

  June 28, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12737   open full text
• Nationalism and populism on the left: The case of Podemos.
  Jacopo Custodi.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 28, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 3, Page 705-720, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article provides an empirical exploration of the relation between nationalism and populism on the left of the political spectrum. The Spanish party Podemos is a key case study for such an analysis, as it is a left‐populist actor that has made extensive use of nationalist rhetoric in its discourse. Through a discourse analysis on a corpus that includes speeches by Podemos leadership and primary data such as interviews and original unpublished material, this article studies the nationalist dimension of Podemos and its relation with the party's much‐discussed populism. The analysis shows that the Podemos leadership deliberately embeds nationalism in its populist strategy: Nationalism is a central element of the party's populist project and serves to advance an alternative form of national identification that challenges that of the right wing. Through a resignification of national pride and belonging, Podemos constructs an image of Spain that refers to an inclusive welfare state, to people's mobilization, and to a moral community that is not delimited by lingual or ethnic particularisms.\n"]

  June 28, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12663   open full text
• ‘Americanism not globalism will be our credo!’: An analysis of the economic nationalism(s) of Trump's administration and an agenda for further research.
  Matthew J. Baltz.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 28, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 3, Page 797-815, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nDonald Trump has often been labelled an ‘economic nationalist’. But what does this mean, and what does his administration's economic nationalism look like in practice? This article argues that ‘economic nationalism’ remains too broad a category to be useful for analysis but can be salvaged if economic nationalists are distinguished by their relationships to the state, namely, by the primary ends to which they seek to use state power and by the organizations of the state they target to achieve those ends. Doing so results in a typology dividing economic nationalism into four variants: militarist, developmental, liberal and populist. Applying this typology to an analysis of Donald Trump's presidency reveals an administration dominated by economic nationalism's populist, liberal and militarist variants. The article concludes by outlining an agenda for future research on the subject.\n"]

  June 28, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12717   open full text
• Local conditions and the demand for independence: A dataset of secessionist grievances.
  Ryan D. Griffiths, Angely Martinez.
  Nations and Nationalism. April 06, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 2, Page 580-590, April 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nThere are more than 60 secessionist movements around the world, and they all advance arguments for why they deserve independence. These include a history of conflict with the state, illegal occupation and the democratic right to choose independence, among others. Yet no one has conducted a comparative analysis to see how these claims stack up and examined whether some movements actually deserve independence more than others. In this article, we construct a dataset of secessionist grievances. We develop a set of grievance indicators, we specify how they are operationalized and we detail how the grievances are categorized and aggregated. We then tally the results for each contemporary movement and discuss the broader patterns. Our findings show that the secessionist movements with the highest combined scores are, in order, the Saharawis, Palestinians, Tamils, Kachins and Cabindans. The nations with the lowest scores are the Scots and the Faroese.\n"]

  April 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12667   open full text
• What nation? Peasants, memory and national identity in Poland.
  Michał Rauszer.
  Nations and Nationalism. April 06, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 2, Page 467-481, April 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nIn the article, I analyse the ways in which peasants built their national identity within the Polish territories. The 16th century saw the emergence of the so‐called “noble democracy” founded upon the idea of “the Polish nation.” This “noble democracy,” constructed in opposition to the figure of king, was organized around the notion of civil liberty, the right to ownership and the right to decide about the state affairs. Yet, it put peasants outside of the framework of the nation. After the collapse of the state and the partitions, the founders of the modern idea of the nation within the Polish territories in the 19th century referred to that “(noble) democratic” tradition of the nation. To them, this gesture was an act of resistance against the politics of the states that had conducted the partitions. The tradition, however, became a dominant one. Peasants then build the national identity on the basis of the 16th‐century tradition which excluded them from the body of the nation, and I call this prothesis of identity.\n"]

  April 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12680   open full text
• ‘It's (not) who we are’: Representing the nation in US and Canadian newspaper articles about refugees entering the country.
  Bernadette Nadya Jaworsky.
  Nations and Nationalism. April 06, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 2, Page 513-529, April 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nIdeas about nation and national identity continue to be highly important, for both individuals and collectivities. In this article, I provide a cultural‐sociological reconstruction of the meanings of national identity conveyed in US and Canadian newspaper coverage of refugees entering, or potentially entering, the country. I engage Billig's theory of ‘banal nationalism’ and Anderson's idea of ‘imagined comEties’. In Canada, there is a single narrative that encapsulates ‘who we are’—a generous, welcoming country for people fleeing extraordinarily difficult circumstances, who will eventually integrate and succeed. National identity is processual, narrated as an ongoing ‘national project’. In the US, there are two distinct storylines about ‘who we are not’. Both begin with the country depicted as a humanitarian leader but diverge along political party lines. The Democrats quoted invoke history and ‘American values’ to say this is not a country that turns its back on those in need; the Republicans argue that this is not a country that exposes its people to harm, so refugee admissions must be halted. National identity is more solid, represented in passing; ‘who we are’ is taken for granted by spelling out ‘who we are not’.\n"]

  April 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12574   open full text
• Boundaries of the nation(s) in a multinational state: Comparing Quebecers and other Canadians' perspectives on national identity.
  Antoine Bilodeau, Luc Turgeon.
  Nations and Nationalism. April 06, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 2, Page 530-547, April 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nDrawing on the Canadian case, this study examines whether, in a multinational state, majority and minority nations emphasize different criteria when tracing the borders of their respective national community. It does so by comparing native‐born French speakers in Quebec and native‐born English speakers in the rest of Canada from three different perspectives. We examine (a) the way ascriptive and attainable groupings of characteristics are constructed in Quebec and in the rest of Canada, (b) the importance given to attainable and ascriptive characteristics, and (c) the implications of ascriptive and attainable characteristics for attitudes toward immigration and generalized trust. The findings suggest that majority‐group members in Quebec and in the rest of Canada broadly draw the boundaries of their nation in similar ways and with similar implications.\n"]

  April 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12641   open full text
• How can we model ethnic democracy? An application to contemporary India.
  Katharine Adeney.
  Nations and Nationalism. April 06, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 2, Page 393-411, April 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nThe status of India as the world's largest democracy is often lauded, but the re‐election of the overtly Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party in 2019 has increased concerns about the threat to India's multinational democracy and the rule of law. India is not the only democracy facing challenges related to majoritarian nationalism; there has been a worldwide rise in the language of majority ‘rights’ in democratic systems. The importance of analysing the extent to which the rights of majorities are being increasingly institutionalized within democratic systems has therefore increased. It is vitally important to identify whether tendencies toward ethnic democracy are increasing (and the conditions under which they do so). There may well be red flags that emerge in democratic systems, heralding the potential direction of travel. This article proposes a methodology to identify degrees of ethnic democracy using a combination of formal and informal measures and illustrates it by assessing India through an examination of anti‐Muslim policies and rhetoric.\n"]

  April 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12654   open full text
• Unsettled autonomy: Ethnicity, tribes and subnational politics in Mizoram, North‐east India*.
  Roluahpuia.
  Nations and Nationalism. April 06, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 2, Page 412-426, April 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article takes a critical look at the relationship between subnational struggles, tribal politics and political aspirations in Mizoram, North‐east India. It examines how community dynamics and relationships shape the demand for autonomy in a diverse and complex region like North‐east India. Looking at communities registered as tribes in the government scheme of classification, it underlies how autonomy becomes an arena where communities mobilise both against the central state and within themselves. The paper examines the formation of Lushai Hills District Council and the Pawi–Lakher Regional Council (PLRC) in Mizoram, their subsequent development as in the case of the Mizo Hill District Council to Union Territory and statehood and the split in the case of the PLRC into three distinct autonomous councils. Based on ethnographic fieldwork, it notes that while territorial autonomy requires recognition and legitimation from the state, the way ethnic groups deploy demands for autonomy is inspired, if not instigated, by the nature of the relationship and interface within and across communities.\n"]

  April 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12681   open full text
• Worlds without nation‐states: Five scenarios for the very long term.
  Andreas Wimmer.
  Nations and Nationalism. April 06, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 2, Page 309-324, April 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article develops five scenarios of how human society could be politically organized in 300 years, after nation‐states have dissolved and nationalism as their foundational ideology has dissipated. The scenarios are based on sociological theories on how functional integration and differentiation shape the evolution of modern societies. All scenarios therefore assume that the basic characteristics of modernity will persist and explore only a small area of the theoretically infinite space of long‐term futures. Also for the sake of manageability, the author envisions only one technological and economic basis for future political developments, which in turn will be constrained by the need to fulfil three basic functions: to provide public goods, collective defence and a political decision‐making mechanism. The five scenarios differ, however, in whether these functions are assumed by states, how large these will be and whether their boundaries align with cultural difference. The author thus arrives at an anarchic scenario without any states, a scenario with a thousand or more mini‐states based on shared cultural identities, an imperial scenario with a few states each claiming to represent an entire civilization, a world with culturally heterogenous and highly efficient Continental states and finally a world state.\n"]

  April 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12690   open full text
• The role of Latvian nationalism in the transformation of Lithuanian nationalism during the long 19th century.
  Saulius Pivoras.
  Nations and Nationalism. April 06, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 2, Page 566-579, April 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article examines the role of Latvian ethnic nationalism in the transformation of Lithuanian nationalism from a civic to ethnic form during the long 19th century. In particular, the present article aims to clarify the differences between the Lithuanian and Latvian models of national identity in the initial phases of their national movements and to analyse how the Latvian example influenced Lithuanian nationalism. The Latvian model of nationalism, which spread to the Lithuanian context through communication among prominent intellectuals of the national movements at the end of the 19th and early 20th centuries, contributed to the central positioning of an ethnolinguistic identity within the Lithuanian national movement. This article provides compelling evidence that it is relatively easy to transition from civic to ethnic nationalism over a longer time period when the main dimensions of national identity have undergone radical change.\n"]

  April 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12656   open full text
• Nationalism and the lost homeland: The case of Greece.
  Thanos Koulos.
  Nations and Nationalism. April 06, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 2, Page 482-496, April 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nAs evidenced by the radical changes to state organisation, legitimacy and the international order in the past couple of centuries with the development of nationalist ideology, nationalism inherently carries a spatial dimension that translates into an assertion for control of land. This way, it transforms the land to an ancestral national homeland rightfully belonging to ‘the nation’. But what if that land was lost to another nation? Embarking from Anthony Smith's ethno‐symbolist approach on the construction of national homelands, this article will attempt a theoretical approach on the construction of the lost national homelands. These are usually cases where military defeats led to mass expulsions of populations from their ancestral lands, while nationalist ideologies appropriated them as lost national homelands. The main argument is that the idea of the lost homelands has turned into a symbol of these nationalist ideologies and a constituent element of the respective national identities. Drawing from Greek perceptions of their lost homelands, this article will explore the mechanisms of the nationalisation of space process that elaborated the nationalisation of those homelands even after they became ‘lost’ for the Greek nation. This article contributes to the studies of the spatial dimensions of national identities, the effects of forced population transfers in identity politics and the creation of national myths and symbols.\n"]

  April 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12710   open full text
• Secular nationalist revolution and the construction of the Azerbaijani identity, nation and state.
  Ramin Ahmadoghlu.
  Nations and Nationalism. April 06, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 2, Page 548-565, April 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article traces the emergence and development of Azerbaijani nationalism, identity and the establishment of an independent nation‐state, the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic, the first Muslim democracy in 1918. Before, the Azerbaijani Turks had lacked a distinct national identity and had been called “Caucasian Muslims” or “Tatars.” This study addresses what actors and processes played roles in the construction of the “Azerbaijani” nation and identity and in the establishment of the new nation‐state. This article, from a constructivist perspective, argues that the key factor behind this emergence was the secular nationalist revolution of the Azerbaijani nationalist elite. While agreeing with Benedict Anderson on the “imagined” nature of nations, about the links between secularization and nationalism, and about the print media's role in the nationalist imagining, this study departs from his structuralist approach, which neglects or underestimates agency, interests, strategy, resources and power. In explaining the development of the Azerbaijani identity and nation, this study offers a theoretical explanation that moves agency—the secular nationalist Azerbaijani elite—to the foreground and also acknowledges the impact of structural factors.\n"]

  April 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12682   open full text
• Spanish Constitutionalism in Catalonia: An anthropology of civic nationalism.
  Raquel Pinho dos Santos.
  Nations and Nationalism. April 06, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 2, Page 427-448, April 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nThis paper explores the nationalist conflict in Catalonia and how it is lived and experienced by actors within it. It focuses on the people mobilised against independence who see themselves primarily as defenders of the Spanish Constitution and not of Spanish nationalism. Critics of civic nationalism in political theory and Nationalism Studies argue that anti‐nationalist rhetoric tends to be the expression of structural or hegemonic nationalism. Drawing on fieldwork carried out in Barcelona, I look at how the conflict has influenced discourse and language used in everyday life, how participants negotiate their identity, why people do (and do not) get involved in organisations that defend their political ideas, how they see themselves within the conflict and their perceptions of public space and its significance in relation to the constitution. An ethnographic approach explores these issues and discovers that although anti‐independence actors base their mobilisation in nationalism, civic nationalism cannot be reduced to just another form of nationalism. I aim to go beyond critics of civic nationalism to explore how my interlocutors act within and against nationalism, reproducing nationalist discourse in some aspect (boundaries of the nation) in order to challenge it in others (content and relevance of nationalism in everyday life).\n"]

  April 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12699   open full text
• Governing complex linguistic diversity in Barcelona, Luxembourg and Riga.
  Peter A Kraus, Vicent Climent‐Ferrando, Melanie Frank, Núria Garcia.
  Nations and Nationalism. April 06, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 2, Page 449-466, April 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nContemporary migration has entailed the emergence of new forms of multilingualism in many European cities. The article uses the concept of complex diversity to analyse this dynamic. The concept points at settings where historical forms of multilingualism and more recent patterns of linguistic heterogeneity interact in ways that lead to particularly rich cultural configurations. The authors assess how local authorities deal with multilingualism in three cities that represent ‘most complex’ cases of diversity politics: Barcelona, Luxembourg and Riga. The focus is on policies related to public communication and on the approaches adopted to promote social and political inclusion in ever more multilingual urban environments. In normative terms, the article concludes that political responses to complex diversity should aim both at overcoming linguistic status inequalities based on historical structures of domination and at creating common spaces of communication for diverse citizens.\n"]

  April 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12662   open full text
• Ethnic return migration, exclusion and the role of ethnic options: ‘Soviet Greek’ migrants in their ethnic homeland and the Pontic identity.
  Manolis Pratsinakis.
  Nations and Nationalism. April 06, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 2, Page 497-512, April 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nDrawing on ethnographic research, this paper explores the reasons why and the processes through which the Greeks from the former Soviet Union altered their self‐identification after migration to their ethnic homeland. Responding to their labelling by the native Greeks and the doubts expressed about their Greekness, most introduce themselves as Pontians, even though the area of Pontos was not a marker of identification for them in the Soviet Union. They do so to express their felt experience of otherness in Greece and to claim their belongingness in the Greek nation. Exploring this case of ethnic return migration, the paper shows how migrants select among available ethnic options and redefine them, to assert their desired identities and strive for inclusion. In so doing it highlights the situational and processual character of ethnic identification, which should not be treated as a direct function of one's descent and culture. At the same time, it shows the constraining role of available ethnic options delimiting this process. Ethnic labels are not empty vessels. They carry particular significations that make them appealing or foreign to different migrant categories and also define the discursive and performative limitations in their ability to claim them and gain national acceptance.\n"]

  April 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12706   open full text
• A new sociology of nationalism: The sociology of property and nation.
  Eirik Magnus Fuglestad.
  Nations and Nationalism. March 18, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 1, Page 162-173, January 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nIn this essay, I will reflect upon what has been sociology's contribution to understanding the emergence and development of nationalism and how sociology can contribute to understanding nationalism's present and future through a property rights perspective. The essay will discuss, in particular, how historical sociological analysis of property rights and property rights regimes may be central to understanding nationalism past and future. After a general and brief discussion on the current, so‐called return of nationalism, the essay starts with discussion of some late enlightenment proto‐sociologists, suggesting that these writers actually analysed some crucial early dynamics of property and sovereignty which is central to understanding nationalism. The essay then moves on to suggests why a property rights focus might be a useful perspective to understanding nationalism in the 21st century.\n"]

  March 18, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12610   open full text
• No place for ‘Kashmiri’ in Kashmiri nationalism*.
  Idreas Khandy.
  Nations and Nationalism. March 18, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 1, Page 260-278, January 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nLanguage is often taken as a primary differentiating factor between people as it functions as a vehicle of cultural expression, thus becoming one of the primary markers of identity. In the history of nationalism, language has always enjoyed a privileged position. Not only had the German Romantics such as Herder and Fichte held language as the fundamental characteristic of a nation, but modernist scholars such as Anderson, too, have given language a central place in their respective assessments of nationalism. In Anderson's analysis, ‘languages of power’ enable an imagined community to become real. However, are all nationalisms glotto‐centric? If not, why not? This article takes the case of Kashmiri nationalism, or the Tehreek, to demonstrate that language and nationalism are not necessarily codependent. The paper will first explain why Kashmiri never came to become a language of power in the region and how the disadvantaged position of the Kashmiri language precludes/d it from having any significant role in Kashmiri nationalism. Second, the paper argues that the multilingualism of Kashmiris has turned out to be a blessing in disguise for the Tehreek and allowed Kashmiri nationalism to assert its civic character.\n"]

  March 18, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12649   open full text
• What it means to be a “true American”: Ethnonationalism and voting in the 2016 U.S. presidential election.
  Jack Thompson.
  Nations and Nationalism. March 18, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 1, Page 279-297, January 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nA number of important factors predicted white people vote choice in the 2016 U.S. presidential election, including voters' economic assessments, sexist attitudes, racial resentment, and status threat. In this paper, I establish that ethnonationalism—a set of beliefs concerning what it means to be a “true” American—was also a significant factor in the estimations of White Americans when casting their vote for president in 2016. Data from a nationally representative sample of White Americans show that ethnonationalism was a robust predictor of vote choice for Trump even after controlling for predictors known to shape vote choice, including economic assessments, sexist attitudes, racial resentment, status threat, and sociodemographic indicators. These results indicate that ethnonationalism, although correlated with some of these factors, operated primarily as an independent factor that shaped White vote choice. The findings have important implications concerning the electoral activation of White majorities concerned about the perceived threat that demographic change poses to American national identity.\n"]

  March 18, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12638   open full text
• Multiculturalism and nationalism: Models of belonging to diverse political community.
  Clayton Chin.
  Nations and Nationalism. March 18, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 1, Page 112-129, January 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nNationalism and multiculturalism seem to have opposed approaches to cultural diversity. However, recent calls for a “multicultural national identity” suggest the need for more nuances on this relation. This paper responds to these calls, and to some initial doubts, providing an account of political community, nationalism and multiculturalism conducive to fuller theorization of a multicultural form of national identity. To do this, it conceptualizes nationalism, liberalism and multiculturalism in terms of the concept of political belonging. It argues that, understood as modes of belonging, nationalism and multiculturalism are not incompatible, and indeed, the latter is a reconstruction of the symbolic terms of social unity of the former. Specifically, multiculturalism entails a form of national belonging that makes cultural difference a constitutive part of national unity, opening possibilities of diverse political community. Key to understanding this is distinguishing between general and specific valuations of diversity within multiculturalism. The paper further argues that a multicultural national identity is a viable alternative to existing models of national identity, offering both a different set of normative prescriptions and an alternative understanding of existing national identity in liberal‐democratic states.\n"]

  March 18, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12657   open full text
• Pan‐Islamic ideals and national loyalties: Competing attachments amongst early Muslim activists in France.
  Margot Dazey.
  Nations and Nationalism. March 18, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 1, Page 189-205, January 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nIslamist movements are often considered the epitomes of transnational movements; however, little is known about the concrete workings of their transnational ambitions. In investigating the evolution of Muslim activists in France from the late 1970s to the early 1990s, this article shows that their embrace of pan‐Islamic ideals initially conflicted with strong investment in (Arab) homeland politics. Later on, their engagement with a French Islam signalled less the emergence of a de‐territorialised, de‐culturalised Islamic identity than it did the assertion of new nationally bounded (French) attachments. Overall, the analysis sheds light on a stimulating puzzle regarding cosmopolitanism: the persistence of national forms of identification in movements that aspire to bypass national affiliations.\n"]

  March 18, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12655   open full text
• Muslim immigrants' sense of identity and belonging in the Western world: A comprehensive review.
  Daniel Stockemer, Shona Moreau.
  Nations and Nationalism. March 18, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 1, Page 223-237, January 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nIn recent years, much has been written about the growth of anti‐immigrant sentiment in Western countries. Propagated by the fastest growing party family, far right‐wing parties, there is growing support in Western populations in favour of scapegoating Muslim immigrants for economic, cultural and security problems. However, less has been written on how Muslim immigrants feel about their host country. What is their sense of belonging and identification with their country of residence? In this review article, we summarise the results of 29 studies that explicitly focus on questions of integration, national identity and sense of belonging of Muslim immigrants. The studies we review document a range of outcomes, varying from a low sense of belonging and attachment to the country of residence to extremely high integration levels and loyalty. It seems that most variation depends on the country of residence at the macro‐level and on their education at the individual level.\n"]

  March 18, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12691   open full text
• National indeterminacies at the periphery of the Habsburg Monarchy: Nationalisms versus multi‐ethnic identities in Fiume/Rijeka and Trieste, 1848–1867.
  Mario Maritan.
  Nations and Nationalism. March 18, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 1, Page 174-188, January 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nIn the 1848–1867 period, the Habsburg Monarchy was shaken by the first waves of nationalism. Yet in the case of the Habsburg port cities of Fiume/Rijeka and Trieste, contended by several different opponents, Italian and Croatian nationalisms had to face centuries‐long traditions of municipal autonomy. In both cities, municipalism and attachment to the House of Habsburg were particularly strong and were coupled with local urban identities that defied national forms of identifications, insofar as they were ethnically and linguistically hybrid. Nationalist activists sought to exploit ethnic and linguistic elements as markers of defined national identities, yet without widespread success. The final demise of the Habsburg Monarchy in 1918 has been generally taken as proof of the cogency of nationalist discourse, especially the Italian, in the region. However, the northern Adriatic rim points to the forcefulness of Habsburg multinationalism and the existence of ethnic hybridity, which provided effective bulwarks against nationalisms for decades.\n"]

  March 18, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12666   open full text
• Charisma and communities of feeling.
  Gordana Uzelac.
  Nations and Nationalism. March 18, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 1, Page 130-147, January 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nTheories of nations and nationalism have serious problems when dealing with the concept of charisma. Besides frequent conceptual confusion, the concept of charisma is predominantly observed from either the structuralist position or the perspective of psychological reductionism. Charisma is so often sought in the properties of an office, within an ideology, character of a leader or general socio‐economic circumstances of an epoch. In the example of the commonly examined case—that of Hitler—this article argues that charisma is a property of experience and it is the emotional reaction of the audience that validates it. This article builds on Erika Fischer‐Lichte's theory of performance to argue that successful performances of charisma create a type of community that is not based solely on common beliefs but more importantly on shared emotions and experiences. Studying charisma as a property of experience is a step toward understanding the emotional character of nationalism itself.\n"]

  March 18, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12658   open full text
• Do online newspapers promote or undermine nation‐building in divided societies? Evidence from Africa.
  Evan Lieberman, Andrew Miller.
  Nations and Nationalism. March 18, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 1, Page 238-259, January 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nSeminal contributions to the study of nation‐building emphasized the role of newspapers in the development of national consciousness. But do such theories apply in the modern context of online news sites, especially in diverse, postcolonial societies? Because online news sites contain forums for reader comments, this provides an opportunity to assess the relationship between exposure to media content and citizen sentiments. We investigate the extent to which a major online news site makes ethnic categories salient in sub‐Saharan Africa's largest country, Nigeria. Analysing more than 35,000 news articles and 300,000 comments, we find that commenters frequently broadcast strong expressions of subnational ethnic animus in response to a wide variety of stories. In particular, the use of some ethnic categories in headlines is associated with more than 40 percentage point increase in the probability of at least one reader making an ethnic‐based comment. Extending the analysis to South Africa, we show that these patterns generalize beyond Nigeria. By amplifying ethnic animus, ‘national’ newspapers may impede nation‐building efforts.\n"]

  March 18, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12661   open full text
• Researching the Medieval Past between Catalonia and Romania. Josep Puig i Cadafalch, Nicolae Iorga, and the Transnational Writing of National History (1921‐1935).
  Lucila Mallart.
  Nations and Nationalism. March 18, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 1, Page 148-161, January 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nThis paper analyses knowledge transfers between Catalonia and Romania in the interwar period, in order to cast new light on the nature of national history writing in early‐twentieth‐century Europe. To do so, it discusses the historiographical works of the Catalans Josep Puig i Cadafalch (1867–1956) and, to a lesser extent, Antoni Rubió i Lluch (1856–1937) and of the Romanians Nicolae Iorga (1871–1940) and Constantin Marinescu (1891–1970). It pays particular attention to Iorga's and Marinescu's contributions on the history of medieval Catalonia in the Eastern Mediterranean and to Puig's studies on Moldavian painted churches. In doing so, the paper challenges the view that the historiography of foreign scholars regarding one's own national history was often disregarded as incompetent. At the same time, the paper also responds to the debate on the creation and validation of cultural knowledge across borderlands, outside of cultural cores. It builds on recent work on the creativity of cultural peripheries and argues that, while France continued to operate as a reference in the exchanges between Catalans and Romanians, their historiographical exchanges responded to local research and political agendas.\n"]

  March 18, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12659   open full text
• The return of economic nationalism to East Central Europe: Right‐wing intellectual milieus and anti‐liberal resentment.
  Mihai Varga.
  Nations and Nationalism. March 18, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 27, Issue 1, Page 206-222, January 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article emphasises the non‐economic goals of economic nationalism and in particular its often overlooked political goals. Drawing parallels between economic nationalisms in Central Europe and East Asia, it focuses on Poland and Hungary and asks why did these countries turn to economic nationalism. The article traces this turn to ideational foundations developed by right‐wing intellectuals over the last two decades, arguing that right‐wing intellectuals believed that liberalism has failed what they conceived of its most important (political) purpose, the need of a radical break with the communist past. Based on a study of the writings and careers of leading Polish and Hungarian right‐wing intellectuals, the article draws attention to the nature of the perceived threat to the nation. It contributes to the sociology of nationalism an analysis of how such a threat emerges and translates into a guiding idea of illiberal economic policies.\n"]

  March 18, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12660   open full text
• An undergraduate school for the nation: the effect of military service on veterans' social perceptions.
  Elisheva Rosman.
  Nations and Nationalism. January 16, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 26, Issue 4, Page 1033-1053, October 2020. ", "\nAbstract\nThe role of the military as a ‘school for the nation' has been debated in many contexts. It seems that, at best, the effect of military service on bridging social schisms and promoting national cohesion is limited. However, despite scholarship, many Israelis believe that their military service in the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) has caused them to accept members of out‐groups as part of their own in‐group. Likewise, some Western countries have begun to discuss reinstating conscription for similar reasons. This paper examines the extended effect of contact hypothesis in the military, both in practice and as an element capable of bringing about a change in veterans' thinking. It asks: are veterans who had diverse friendships during their service more willing to have diverse friendships in the future? If so, do they attribute their ability and willingness to include others within their in‐group to their military service? Based on the findings from a study of Israeli undergraduates, the paper demonstrates that while indeed service friendships (‘army buddies') may be short‐lived, service alongside members of out‐groups has certain longer‐term effects and influences the social perception of veterans, in both positive and negative ways. This seems to indicate that conscription can have social effects and impacts veterans' social thinking.\n"]

  January 16, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12528   open full text
• Stateless nation within a nationless state: The political past, present, and future of Hongkongers, 1949–2019.
  Brian C H Fong.
  Nations and Nationalism. January 16, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 26, Issue 4, Page 1069-1086, October 2020. ", "\nAbstract\nHongkonger identity has been a popular research topic for social scientists worldwide. Drawing upon contemporary theories of stateless nation, this article goes beyond the existing “local vis‐à‐vis national identity” paradigm and re‐articulates the political past, present, and future of the Hongkongers as a stateless nation. The article argues that political future of Hong Kong should be re‐thought within the framework of China's political trajectory as a nationless state.\n"]

  January 16, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12556   open full text
• Two temperatures for one thermostat: The evolution of policy attitudes and support for independence in Catalonia (1991–2018).
  Xavier Romero‐Vidal.
  Nations and Nationalism. January 16, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 26, Issue 4, Page 960-978, October 2020. ", "\nAbstract\nUsing data from 177 surveys, this study examines the evolution of mass preferences in Catalonia from 1991 to 2018, measuring (a) territorial preferences and (b) the central tendency of public opinion in the left–right scale. Consistent with previous research, I find that the political centre in the left–right scale of a subnational public opinion moves in an orderly manner in reaction to economics and both national and subnational incumbents. In contrast, demands for decentralization or independence do not systematically react to economic and political stimuli. Additionally, I find that, more and more, rises in support for independence are correlated with left‐wing shifts in public opinion.\n"]

  January 16, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12559   open full text
• ‘Immanent Nation: The Rohingya quest for international recognition'.
  Itty Abraham, Miriam Jaehn.
  Nations and Nationalism. January 16, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 26, Issue 4, Page 1054-1068, October 2020. ", "\nAbstract\nThis paper lies at the intersection of scholarly literatures on forced migration, politically engaged diasporas, and the use of online platforms and digital technologies for political ends. It follows the efforts of a group of Rohingya diasporic activists using a variety of means, online and offline, to contest the claims and authority of Myanmar, an established territorial state. Their actions can be subsumed into two kinds of politics, a politics of confrontation and a politics of recognition. Taken together, these actions lead to an emergent political formation, a reterritorialised, dispersed, and virtual national community that seeks to mimic some state functions without explicitly calling for self‐determination or an independent nation‐state. This paper follows four activist projects: YouTube‐based Rohingya TV, the effort to join the ConIFA alternative World Football Cup tournament, the campaign to have the Rohingya script recognized by the Unicode Consortium, and the effort to build a database for undocumented Rohingyas using blockchain. This complex of social, political, electronic, and virtual relations is situated against a 20th century political imaginary built around the homeland–people–language trinity, dialectically producing an immanent contradiction.\n"]

  January 16, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12560   open full text
• Where extremes meet: Sport, nationalism, and secessionism in Catalonia and Scotland.
  Mariann Vaczi, Alan Bairner, Stuart Whigham.
  Nations and Nationalism. January 16, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 26, Issue 4, Page 943-959, October 2020. ", "\nAbstract\nIn this essay, we trace the symbolic conundrums of belonging and of the reconciliation of identities, in the context of Catalan and Scottish sport and politics. Our discussion will commence with a necessarily concise consideration of past academic contentions regarding the national “psyches,” which have been argued to shape contemporary notions of identity and politics in Catalonia and Scotland, before turning our attention to the specific role of sport vis‐à‐vis these psyches and the growing clamour for greater political autonomy for each of these stateless nations. On the basis of the evidence drawn from the interaction between sport and politics in the two nations, we argue that secessionism is a liminal field of transformation as it includes what is seen as mutually exclusive sets of relationships (Catalans vs. Spaniards, Scottish vs. British, and secessionists vs. unionists/centralists), which at the same time allows subjects to pass from one state to another and occupy them nonexclusively.\n"]

  January 16, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12569   open full text
• The impact of immigration on local ethnic groups' demographic representativeness: The case study of ethnic French Canadians in Quebec.
  Charles Gaudreault.
  Nations and Nationalism. January 16, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 26, Issue 4, Page 923-942, October 2020. ", "\nAbstract\nThe purpose of this research was to investigate the impact of immigration on local ethnic groups' demographic weight (DW) by presenting a case study. In this study, the ethnic French Canadians (EFC), a group that makes up the majority of the Province of Quebec, were studied to evaluate the impact of immigration on their DW. It was found that EFC transitioned from a DW of 79% in 1971 to a DW of 64.5% in 2014; projections predict that EFC would decrease to a DW of 45% in 2050. Moreover, 45 immigration rate scenarios and total fertility rates were projected; it was found that immigration level and fertility level could be jointly classified into three categories related to their effect on ethno‐demographic decrease; one of these categories may help suggest a quantitative definition for the concept of mass immigration.\n"]

  January 16, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12568   open full text
• The two solitudes of Canadian nativism: Explaining the absence of a competitive anti‐immigration party in Canada.
  Joshua Gordon, Sanjay Jeram, Clifton Linden.
  Nations and Nationalism. January 16, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 26, Issue 4, Page 902-922, October 2020. ", "\nAbstract\nCanada has been celebrated in popular and academic work for its relative immunity to nativist populism. No competitive nativist party has recently emerged in federal politics that challenges the mainstream consensus around mass immigration, unlike virtually every other postindustrial democracy. This paper argues that existing explanations for this “exceptionalism” are lacking. In particular, they fail to appreciate the importance of Quebec nationalism in contributing to this outcome. Quebec nationalism fractured the stronger anti‐immigration sentiment found in rural and smaller urban areas in both Quebec and Anglophone Canada and thereby prevented right‐wing parties from mobilising that sentiment in a way that could feasibly win elections. This forced such parties to moderate their message and court “ethnic voters” in suburban ridings around Toronto and Vancouver. We illustrate this argument using novel data which permit a comparison of the Canadian experience with nativist politics in Australia and New Zealand.\n"]

  January 16, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12570   open full text
• Territory, islandness, and the secessionist imaginary: Why do very small communities favour autonomy over integration?
  Jack Corbett.
  Nations and Nationalism. January 16, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 26, Issue 4, Page 1087-1103, October 2020. ", "\nAbstract\nSmall communities should have the most to gain from integration, but the average size of the state is shrinking as island nationalism creates new, and very small, states out of former colonies, and federalised or autonomous territories. “Islandness,” as a proxy for territory, is employed as a resource to justify secession, but mainstream studies subordinate this factor in accounts that privilege ethnic, religious, linguistic, or economic drivers of identity. This article adds to a small body of work that foregrounds territory. Drawing on an in‐depth case study of Barbuda's (population 1,600) attempt to secede from Antigua demonstrates how nationalists employ different meanings of territory—legal, cultural, and political—to make the case for secession in the absence of factors commonly theorised to drive identify formation. Barbudan secessionism therefore problematises mainstream theory. It concludes by arguing that paying greater attention to how territory acts as a resource in the nationalist imaginary allows us to re‐examine long‐standing studies and cases in new and penetrating light.\n"]

  January 16, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12597   open full text
• Producing the nation through philanthropy: Legitimising coethnic and prorefugee civic action in Hungary.
  Ildikó Zakariás, Margit Feischmidt.
  Nations and Nationalism. January 16, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 26, Issue 4, Page 1015-1032, October 2020. ", "\nAbstract\nThis paper explores interconnections between nationhood and philanthropy, namely, how philanthropy works as a domain of meaningful social practice framed by national ideologies and how interpretations born in the institutional contexts of philanthropy may play a central role in making sense of the nation. We observe how various divisions inherent in philanthropic practices—between helpers and the helped and between those who take part in helping as opposed to those who do not—become reflected in concepts of nationhood shaped by these activities. The study of two cases—first, the philanthropic actions of Hungarian citizens towards Hungarian minority communities in Ukraine and Romania, and second, humanitarian volunteer initiatives aimed at supporting refugees during the summer of 2015 in Hungary—makes it possible to understand how philanthropic practices become a site for reproducing competing definitions of nationhood.\n"]

  January 16, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12607   open full text
• The content of school textbooks in (nation) states and “stateless autonomies”: A comparison of Turkey and the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (Rojava).
  Pinar Dinç.
  Nations and Nationalism. January 16, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 26, Issue 4, Page 994-1014, October 2020. ", "\nAbstract\nHighlighting the modernity of state institutions, Hobsbawm defines the nation as a modern territorial state (the nation‐state) and argues that nation and nationality cannot be discussed unless they refer to the nation‐state. Hobsbawm's conception of nations and nationality in the context of the nation‐state warrants readdress by comparing Westphalian models of states with subjects that do not attempt a territorial model but arguably still invest in the nation and a sense of nationality. This article compares the discourses of building nations and national identities fostered in the content of school textbooks in the Republic of Turkey—a modern, territorial nation‐state—and the Autonomous Administration of North and East of Syria (hereafter Rojava)—an alternative state system model established in the power vacuum proceeding Bashar al‐Assad regime withdrawal from expansive territory in northern Syria. In doing so, the article revisits the existing literature on the correlation between the content and political associations of school textbooks through a comparative analysis of primary school course materials in Turkey and Rojava, neighbouring and conflicting political entities that occupy contrasting domains of statehood and military capacity.\n"]

  January 16, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12608   open full text
• The bifurcated trajectory of nation formation in Kurdistan: Democratic confederalism, nationalism, and the crisis of capitalist modernity.
  Yasin Sunca.
  Nations and Nationalism. January 16, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 26, Issue 4, Page 979-993, October 2020. ", "\nAbstract\nTwo different sociopolitical projects of nation formation seem to be in praxis in Kurdistan simultaneously: The Kurdistan Region of Iraq aspires to be an independent nation‐state, while the movement led by the Kurdistan Workers' Party advocates a democratic confederal project. How did this bifurcation arise? By putting Abdullah Öcalan's interpretation of nationalism and capitalist modernity in dialogue with existing theories of nationalism, I argue that this bifurcation resulted from a difference in scaling the root causes of the Kurdish question: The former project imagines emancipation through state formation within capitalist modernity, while the latter problematises capitalist modernity itself. The modular and hegemonic expansion of nationalism and the nation‐state along with capitalist modernity has been countered in Mesopotamia by politico‐social multiplicity. This has given rise to the particular structural dynamics that underlie a “recurring failure” in state formation. The bifurcation in question here has emerged interactively against this background.\n"]

  January 16, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12609   open full text
• ‘Success in Britain comes with an awful lot of small print’: Greg Rusedski and the precarious performance of national identity.
  Jack Black, Thomas Fletcher, Robert J Lake.
  Nations and Nationalism. January 16, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 26, Issue 4, Page 1104-1123, October 2020. ", "\nAbstract\nSport continues to be one of the primary means through which notions of Englishness and Britishness are constructed, contested, and resisted. The legacy of the role of sport in the colonial project of the British Empire, combined with more recent connections between sport and far right fascist/nationalist politics, has made the association between Britishness, Englishness, and ethnic identity(ies) particularly intriguing. In this paper, these intersections are explored through British media coverage of the Canadian‐born, British tennis player, Greg Rusedski. This coverage is examined through the lens of ‘performativity,’ as articulated by Judith Butler. Through a critical application of Butler's ideas, the ways in which the media seek to recognise and normalise certain identities, while problematising and excluding others, can be more fully appreciated. Thus, it was within newspaper framings of Rusedski that hegemonic notions of White Englishness could be performed, maintained, and embedded.\n"]

  January 16, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12614   open full text
• Beliefs in national continuity are related to essentialist thinking and to perceptions of the nation as a family.
  Metodi Siromahov, Michael Buhrmester, Ryan McKay.
  Nations and Nationalism. January 16, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 26, Issue 4, Page 845-863, October 2020. ", "\nAbstract\nNational narratives serve to foster a sense of collective continuity—the perception that the nation has preserved its traits, values and goals across many generations. The present study explores some of the correlates of such perceptions of collective continuity (PCC). We predicted that people who see their nation as more continuous would tend to think about social groups in more strongly essentialist terms and to feel personally attached to other group members (a phenomenon known as identity fusion). An international sample of 307 respondents (predominantly from the United States and India) completed measures of PCC, social essentialism, identity fusion and national identification. Both hypotheses were supported at the level of the level of the full sample, suggesting that perceived national continuity is related to a general cognitive predisposition for essentialist thinking and also to one's sense of personal attachment to the nation. However, exploratory analyses by nationality revealed that the results could not be replicated with the Indian participants, potentially as a result of cultural factors. Identity fusion was also more strongly correlated to cultural/essentialist continuity than to historical continuity. Interpretations and directions for future research are discussed.\n"]

  January 16, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12640   open full text
• The route to your roots: New ethnic symbols in the age of the genome.
  Hannah Carlson.
  Nations and Nationalism. January 16, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 26, Issue 4, Page 826-844, October 2020. ", "\nAbstract\nThis study assesses the recent surge in popularity for genetic “ancestry” testing in the United States and what significance this has for Americans' use of symbolic ethnicities. Specifically, this study evaluates how commercial genetic tests allow for new engagement with a symbolic ethnicity and ethnic symbols (Gans, 1979). This study draws upon interviews, attendance of a genealogical conference and a virtual ethnography to support its arguments. The possibility of reification of ethnic, national and racial categories is discussed, alongside a discussion of the way genetic populations are technologically produced. This study draws upon the concepts of affiliative ethnicity (Jimenez, 2010); affiliative self‐fashioning (Nelson, 2008); geneticized identities (Roth & Ivemark, 2018) and Waters' Ethnic Options to argue that DTC genetic ancestry tests allow for a new type of play with ethnic symbols, resulting in cognizant engagement with symbolic ethnicities among Americans who take a genetic test with identity aspirations.\n"]

  January 16, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12642   open full text
• Celebrating nationhood: Negotiating nationhood and history in Finland's centenary celebrations.
  Inari Sakki, Eemeli Hakoköngäs.
  Nations and Nationalism. January 16, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 26, Issue 4, Page 864-882, October 2020. ", "\nAbstract\nNational celebrations are one of the ways by which nations attempt to maintain connectedness with the past and strengthen national identities. Centenary celebrations, in particular, make identity questions visible and bring them to the centre of public debate and, thus, provide an opportunity to examine question such as ‘where do we come from’ and ‘where are we going’. In this research, we examine conceptions of nationhood and history in the year of the Finnish centenary 2017. As the Finnish centenary programme was simultaneously organised ‘from above’ as an elite‐driven and ‘from below’ as citizen‐driven collective endeavour, it provided unique material for exploring the construction, meanings and negotiations of social representations of nationhood and history. Our analysis brings forth the power struggle of meanings, the ways in which hegemonic narratives are challenged and contested and the ways in which affects and emotions are entangled with the meaning‐making in commemoration and nation‐building practices, for example, by employing narrative empathy in commemorations. Different projects of the centenary programme make different subject positions available for the participants, such as a position of hardworking Finn or brave Finn in hegemonic narratives and, respectively, a position of emancipated women or fragile and traumatised soldiers in alternative narratives.\n"]

  January 16, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12643   open full text
• The politics of state celebrations in Belarus.
  Maryia Rohava.
  Nations and Nationalism. January 16, 2021
  ["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 26, Issue 4, Page 883-901, October 2020. ", "\nAbstract\nNational celebrations have been defined as manifestations of collective identities that glorify the nation and strengthen the national community. However, the magnitude and design of celebrations in autocratic states indicate a different ideational function that these symbolic events play in an autocratic political system. Autocratic elites have the administrative capacity to distort everyday routines and impose ideological principles of how people participate in state celebrations. How citizens engage in official celebratory practices in an authoritarian political context formulates a valuable contribution to the conceptualisation of national celebrations. Drawing on focus group discussions and ethnographic observations, I investigate how people negotiate meanings of celebratory and commemorative practices in the context of autocratic Belarus. I discuss how volatile the symbolic politics is when the invention of new symbolic traditions or the reinvention of old narratives does not appeal to all social groups and lacks authenticity.\n"]

  January 16, 2021   doi: 10.1111/nana.12653   open full text
• Ethno‐political subordination and patient dissatisfaction: The Kurdish case in Hakkâri during the AKP period in Turkey, 2003–2013.
  Ilker Corut.
  Nations and Nationalism. July 19, 2020
  ["\nAbstract\nThis article revolves around a puzzle: the persistence of patient dissatisfaction with the health services as a mass phenomenon in a Kurdish province, Hakkâri, through the 2000s, despite the striking and tangible improvements enacted by the Turkish state. This is, I argue, related to the deeply entrenched conviction on the part of Hakkârians that their lives count for little in the eyes of the Turkish state. Rooted in the history of state‐Kurds relations, this conviction manifests itself in Hakkârians' deep distrust of the very basis of health services received, like the skills and intentions of health staff, causing many Hakkârians to underestimate service improvement. Thus, it is concluded, patient satisfaction among an ethnically subordinated group with health services provided by a dominant ethnic group may be unavoidably informed and perhaps overwhelmingly determined by an awareness of the wider ethno‐power context and its history, irrespective, that is, of material improvements.\n", "Nations and Nationalism, Volume 26, Issue 3, Page 553-575, July 2020. "]

  July 19, 2020   doi: 10.1111/nana.12545   open full text
• Nationalisms and the Orthodox worlds.
  Siniša Malešević.
  Nations and Nationalism. July 19, 2020
  ["\nAbstract\nThis review article explores the role nationalism has played in the world dominated by the Eastern Orthodox Churches. The focus is on the recent contributions of Paschalis Kitromilides who has written extensively on this topic. The article assesses the four books dealing with the relationship between religion, politics, Enlightenment and nationalism in the Balkans and Eastern Europe. The analysis emphasises the complex and contradictory relationship between nationalisms and the Orthodox Churches pointing to the profound transformation that has taken the place in this relationship over the last 250 years.\n", "Nations and Nationalism, Volume 26, Issue 3, Page 544-552, July 2020. "]

  July 19, 2020   doi: 10.1111/nana.12539   open full text
• The New Israel: The evolution of the idea and image among Christian nations.
  Assaf Malach.
  Nations and Nationalism. July 19, 2020
  ["\nAbstract\nThis article deals with the use made by Christian people of the image of a chosen people for national and political purposes, while identifying a specific Christian nation or kingdom as the “New Israel.” It begins by describing the idea of “New Israel” as a pan‐Christian idea that underwent a fundamental change when its use began with reference to a specific nation. The article continues with a detailed mapping of the phenomenon in Ethiopian Christianity, in the Catholic world in the Middle Ages, in the Russian Orthodox world, and in the Protestant countries in the early days of the modern era. The article describes the broad context of the phenomenon in the framework of ethnocentric imagery in different cultures and the continuation of the research required for its full description.\nThis phenomenon is interesting because it indicates the importance that many people attributed in the premodern period to the formulation of a national narrative and the centrality of religion in formulating a national narrative during this period. It emphasizes the political inspiration that Europe drew from the Bible in the formulation of national narratives, as well as the prominence of the national idea in the Bible itself, which made it an accessible source of inspiration for national ideas of Christian people.\n", "Nations and Nationalism, Volume 26, Issue 3, Page 628-643, July 2020. "]

  July 19, 2020   doi: 10.1111/nana.12601   open full text
• Turkish nationalism and the evolutionary idea (1923–1938).
  M Asım Karaömerlioğlu, Murat Yolun.
  Nations and Nationalism. July 19, 2020
  ["\nAbstract\nThis paper sheds light on the role of evolutionary ideas in the making of Turkish nationalism during the Kemalist era (1923–1938). By so doing, it aims to challenge some of the dominant historiographical viewpoints as to the nature of Turkish nationalism. One is related to the Kemalist elites' predisposition towards the so‐called “scientism” seen as one of the bases for nationalism. We intend to turn upside–down the relation between the Kemalists' use of science and Turkish nationalism. Second, we problematize the “culturalist” origins of Turkish nationalism arguing that the seemingly “culturalist” reflections of the time were, indeed, materialist formulations based on the science of the times. We discuss in this respect the Kemalist elites' use of evolutionary ideas. By synthesizing the ways in which these elites employed evolutionary ideas in the fields of history, language, geography, anthropology, biology, eugenics, and pedagogy, we aim to understand the specific nature of Turkish nationalism before 1945. This secular nationalism conceived culture as having materialist bases and differed fundamentally from the culturalist varieties of Turkish nationalism coloured by Islam in the post‐1945 era. Furthermore, the paper empirically enriches the complex and entangled story of evolutionary ideas in the early Turkish Republic.\n", "Nations and Nationalism, Volume 26, Issue 3, Page 743-758, July 2020. "]

  July 19, 2020   doi: 10.1111/nana.12600   open full text
• The nation against the State: The Irish question and Britain‐based anarchists in the Age of Empire.
  José Antonio Gutiérrez, Federico Ferretti.
  Nations and Nationalism. July 19, 2020
  ["\nAbstract\nThis paper discusses the relationship between early anarchism and republican/nationalist ideas. We will focus on the case of British‐based activists grouped around the journal Freedom and their engagement with Irish nationalism during the Age of the Empire. Freedom, founded in 1886, was the most important anarchist journal of the English‐speaking anarchist–communist networks at the time and was the main editorial reference for the worldwide community of anarchist activists, mostly exiled, who resided in London at that time. Extending current interdisciplinary literature on transnational anarchism, we argue that anarchist views of nations, while rejecting the novel notion of the nation‐state, were associated with anti‐colonial struggles and with republican anti‐monarchical and egalitarian notions. Based on primary sources, we discuss the intersections between these Britain‐based anarchists and anti‐colonial Irish radicals, by engaging both with their writings and their international networks of solidarity, thus exploring the complex intermingling of anarchism, anti‐colonialism, and republicanism.\n", "Nations and Nationalism, Volume 26, Issue 3, Page 611-627, July 2020. "]

  July 19, 2020   doi: 10.1111/nana.12584   open full text
• In search of the nation in Fiume: Irredentism, cultural nationalism, borderlands.
  Milou Hout.
  Nations and Nationalism. July 19, 2020
  ["\nAbstract\nIrredentism is a crucial, yet understudied phenomenon of nationalism. Most scholars emphasise how irredentist thinking and practices function as a geopolitical instrument for inter‐state formation, resulting in radical nationalism. This article sheds light instead on the cultural preoccupations underlying irredentist discourses. It focusses on irredentist claims on the Adriatic city of Fiume (Rijeka) among Italian nationalists in the 19th and 20th centuries, emphasising how they were driven by cultural imaginaries of a spiritual borderland for the nation. These imaginaries continued to inform irredentist arguments during the phase of political mobilisation. This sheds light on contemporary European politics, in which irredentist imaginaries are once again shaping nationalist discourses.\n", "Nations and Nationalism, Volume 26, Issue 3, Page 660-676, July 2020. "]

  July 19, 2020   doi: 10.1111/nana.12583   open full text
• Islamic Caliphate or nation state? Investigating the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant's imagined community.
  Ben Caló, David Malet, Luke Howie, Pete Lentini.
  Nations and Nationalism. July 19, 2020
  ["\nAbstract\nThrough the lens of Benedict Anderson's Imagined Community concept, this paper examines how the selected community‐building theories are useful in understanding the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) and its imagined community. Using four factors—language, education, power and history—derived from Anderson's Imagined Community concept, this paper applies theories of Modernism, Primordialism and Insurgency Governance to explain ISIL's imagined community. Specifically, our argument is threefold: (a) Anderson's Imagined Community concept and alternate theories of community building, although insightful, does an imperfect job at describing ISIL's Caliphate; (b) ISIL's group structure appears to transcend traditional and accepted notions of nations, nationalism and nation states; and (c) based on this reasoning, ISIL's Caliphate can be considered an outlier in community‐building literature analysed.\n", "Nations and Nationalism, Volume 26, Issue 3, Page 727-742, July 2020. "]

  July 19, 2020   doi: 10.1111/nana.12616   open full text
• Femonationalism and populist politics: The case of the Swiss ban on female genital mutilation.
  Dina Bader, Véronique Mottier.
  Nations and Nationalism. July 19, 2020
  ["\nAbstract\nThis article examines configurations of Swiss national identity that were generated in the course of the drafting of the 2012 Female Genital Mutilation Act, a new law that seeks to regulate practices of female genital modification (including female circumcision and genital cosmetic surgery). Our analysis of Swiss parliamentary debates on this legislative proposal between 2005 and 2011 shows that Swiss MPs came to depict female circumcision as a threat to the Swiss nation but portrayed genital cosmetic surgery carried out in Swiss clinics as a signifier of “Swissness.” The Swiss debates over women's genital modifications produced an unusually high level of political unanimity between pro‐feminist left‐wing MPs and anti‐feminist conservative and populist MPs, all of whom claimed to defend women's rights. In this process, MPs formulated criteria for membership and non‐membership of the Swiss nation which, we argue, reflect wider political dynamics, best understood through the lens of femonationalism.\n", "Nations and Nationalism, Volume 26, Issue 3, Page 644-659, July 2020. "]

  July 19, 2020   doi: 10.1111/nana.12615   open full text
• Imagining Kawthoolei: Strategies of petitioning for Karen statehood in Burma in the first half of the 20th century.
  Giulia Garbagni, Matthew J Walton.
  Nations and Nationalism. July 19, 2020
  ["\nAbstract\nAcademic and media writing about the Karen ethnic group in Myanmar most often associates the group with war and insurgency. This article focuses instead on the different strategies and rhetorical arguments––and the ideological notions that underpinned them––adopted by the Karen in their informal and formal petitions for recognition and statehood from the early decades of the 20th century, through the Second World War, to the mid‐1950s, including previously unexamined evidence of an early Karen attempt to gain UN recognition. In following these efforts, we track imaginings of Karen nationhood over time through shifting and conflicting territorial claims and persistent, multifaceted diplomatic attempts to realize the material existence of the Karen homeland, Kawthoolei.\n", "Nations and Nationalism, Volume 26, Issue 3, Page 759-774, July 2020. "]

  July 19, 2020   doi: 10.1111/nana.12613   open full text
• Between nationalism and regionalism: Higher education policy and national/regional identity in Quebec and Wallonia.
  Hannah Moscovitz.
  Nations and Nationalism. July 19, 2020
  ["\nAbstract\nThis article explores the nexus between nationalism/regionalism and higher education policy at the subnational scale. Relying on a Critical Discourse Analysis, the study investigates how notions of national/regional identity are discursively embedded in the higher education policy discussions of Quebec and Wallonia. A comparative approach based on the distinct logics of subnational politics in both cases is used. Whereas Quebec is considered a quintessential example of ‘subnationalism’, the Walloon case is defined as a political regionalist movement. The findings reveal the permeation of substate identity interests in both Quebec and Wallonia's higher education policy discussions, underscoring parallels between them despite their diverging characters. At the same time, the discourse analysis sheds light on important distinctions in the manner in which this identity discourse is articulated. By juxtaposing identity politics in ‘nationalist’ and ‘regionalist’ movements, the study aims to bridge their conceptualisation and critically reflect on the categorisation of subnational movements.\n", "Nations and Nationalism, Volume 26, Issue 3, Page 708-726, July 2020. "]

  July 19, 2020   doi: 10.1111/nana.12612   open full text
• Beyond “unwinding”: Constitutional review strategies in consociations.
  Andras Gal.
  Nations and Nationalism. July 19, 2020
  ["\nAbstract\nThis article contributes to the emerging literature on the role of constitutional courts in consociational democracies. While most works have approached the topic from the perspective of regime dynamics, this analysis focuses on how courts relate to the constitutions they are mandated to enforce. Beyond addressing the empirical question of what choices courts make in their balancing between universal values and stability, this article also investigates how courts do this balancing. Through the analysis of seven cases from two consociations, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Northern Ireland, I argue that courts embrace specific interpretive approaches (proportionality analysis, purposive interpretation, and the political question doctrine) to reconcile the ideas of constitutional supremacy and respect for political agreements. The analysis also demonstrates how—by their nature political—framework agreements establishing consociational settlements become primary reference points for interpreting constitutional documents.\n", "Nations and Nationalism, Volume 26, Issue 3, Page 594-610, July 2020. "]

  July 19, 2020   doi: 10.1111/nana.12599   open full text
• Ideological others and national identifications in contemporary Poland.
  Ian Bratcher.
  Nations and Nationalism. July 19, 2020
  ["\nAbstract\nSexual minorities in Poland are excluded from the traditional understanding of “Polishness” premised on conservative, Catholic values. This article examines how ethnic Polish citizens who identify as non‐heteronormative navigate their relationship to “Polishness” at a moment of heightened nationalism. Through 31 interviews with Polish sexual minorities, I show that while national identification is a struggle for some sexual minorities, others work to reframe what “Polishness” means to them. I argue for further research examining the ways that stigmatised members of the ethnic majority—what I term ideological others—understand and navigate their relationship to national identity. The study contributes to the literature on everyday nationhood and national identity by attending to national identification among stigmatised members of the ethnic majority.\n", "Nations and Nationalism, Volume 26, Issue 3, Page 677-691, July 2020. "]

  July 19, 2020   doi: 10.1111/nana.12598   open full text
• Doing statistics, enacting the nation: The performative powers of categories.
  Francisca Grommé, Stephan Scheel.
  Nations and Nationalism. July 19, 2020
  ["\nAbstract\nIt has been widely acknowledged in debates about nationalism and ethnicity that identity categories used for classifying people along the lines of culture, race, and ethnicity help to enact, that is, bring into being, the collective identities they name. However, we know little about how categories acquire their performative powers. The contribution of this paper is twofold: first, it proposes a conceptual framework based on concepts and insights from science and technology studies for investigating the performative powers of statistical identity categories and possibly also other domains. Second, it demonstrates, through an empirical study of two examples from Estonian and Dutch official population statistics, that statistical identity categories enact more than the groups to which they refer. We argue that they also enact national identities and notions of national belonging of majoritarian groups in the host countries. Therefore, statistical identity categories can be used as analytical lenses to study nationalism and processes of nation‐building.\n", "Nations and Nationalism, Volume 26, Issue 3, Page 576-593, July 2020. "]

  July 19, 2020   doi: 10.1111/nana.12596   open full text
• Nationalists rejecting statehood: Three case studies from Wales, Catalonia, and Slovakia.
  Alexander Maxwell, Molly Turner.
  Nations and Nationalism. July 19, 2020
  ["\nAbstract\nWhile many nationalism theorists define nationalism in terms of the desire for an independent state, empirical study shows that many nationalists make demands that not only fall short of statehood, but explicitly abjure claims to political independence. We document non‐state‐seeking nationalism with three case studies: Welsh national politics in the decades before the First World War, Catalan national politics related to the 2006 Status law, and Slovak national politics in response to Magyarization at the time of the 1867 Settlement. The phenomenon of non‐state‐seeking nationalism calls into question the utility of initial definitions in nationalism studies. Instead of imposing definitions by fiat, we argue that nationalism theorists should analyze the explicit or implicit definitions of historical actors.\n", "Nations and Nationalism, Volume 26, Issue 3, Page 692-707, July 2020. "]

  July 19, 2020   doi: 10.1111/nana.12577   open full text
• A Roma Nation? Constructing Romani identity in the context of extreme displacement.
  Emily Webb.
  Nations and Nationalism. September 05, 2019
  --- - |2 Abstract The process of displacement has affected the articulation of collective identity among the Romani diaspora. The nation state persists as the main vehicle through which diasporic identities are formulated. A challenge to this is when a diaspora has lost its homeland as its territorial reference point. This article reflects on the way in which the Romanies – a 1,000‐year‐old diaspora – confront traditional understandings of diasporic identity as combining the ideas of a loss and longing for a homeland. It explores the limits and possibilities of building a collective Romani identity in the context of extreme displacement, with reference to narratives of identity and belonging articulated by the Romani diaspora in Britain. - 'Nations and Nationalism, Volume 25, Issue 4, Page 1190-1211, October 2019. '

  September 05, 2019   doi: 10.1111/nana.12504   open full text
• Portugal dos Pequenitos as an urban laboratory for rehearsing national identity.
  Paulo Tormenta Pinto, João Paulo Delgado.
  Nations and Nationalism. September 05, 2019
  --- - |2 Abstract Portugal dos Pequenitos (literally, ‘Portugal for the Little Ones’), a theme park built in Portugal as part of the Centenarian Commemorations of the Portuguese Nation of 1940, has been considered one of the most controversial pieces of Portuguese architecture in the 20th century. Designed between 1937 and 1962 by Architect Cassiano Branco, at the initiative of Bissaya Barreto, it features reproductions of uniquely typical Portuguese architecture built to a child's scale. It includes buildings from mainland Portugal, from the Azores and Madeira islands and from the colonial territories in Africa and Asia. The main aims of this paper are twofold: firstly, to frame Cassiano Branco's architecture in its specific context, in terms of historical contingencies and architectural controversies during the Estado Novo (New State) Portuguese dictatorship (1933–1974), and secondly, to assess the importance of Portugal dos Pequenitos as a laboratory for rehearsing an idyllic urban environment, applying hypothetical principles of national identity. - 'Nations and Nationalism, Volume 25, Issue 4, Page 1296-1324, October 2019. '

  September 05, 2019   doi: 10.1111/nana.12537   open full text
• Investigating everyday acts of contributing as ‘admission tickets’ to belong to the nation in Norway.
  Mette Strømsø.
  Nations and Nationalism. September 05, 2019
  --- - |2 Abstract This article examines the centrality of contributing to questions of belonging in Norway. Building on the diversity of individuals living within a shared national space, the study identifies how everyday acts of contributing were conceived of by the participants as ‘admission tickets’ to belong. The study further investigates the participants' motivations and desires for contributing and unveils how, given their migration background (internal, international or non‐migrant), they respond to expectations of contributing from different positions of ontological security. The participants reveal ontological (in)security at different geographical scales, and they seek to manage this less secure position of national or local belonging through their acts of contributing in everyday life. - 'Nations and Nationalism, Volume 25, Issue 4, Page 1238-1258, October 2019. '

  September 05, 2019   doi: 10.1111/nana.12536   open full text
• Nationalism, party political discourse and Scottish independence: comparing discursive visions of Scotland's constitutional status.
  Stuart Whigham.
  Nations and Nationalism. September 05, 2019
  --- - |2 Abstract This article critically examines the predominant narratives which emanated from party political discourse in relation to the 2014 Scottish independence referendum. Utilising a methodological approach centring on political discourse analysis (Fairclough and Fairclough 2012), this paper analyses party manifestos and constitutional policy documents produced by the three largest political parties represented in the Scottish Parliament, namely, the pro‐independence Scottish National Party, and two pro‐union parties, Scottish Labour and the Scottish Conservative and Unionist Party. The emergent discourse of each party is interrogated by drawing upon pertinent theoretical concepts from previous academic analyses of Scottish nationalism, with particular attention given to those which have deployed modernist and ethnosymbolist theoretical approaches when analysing the Scottish context. This facilitates a critical reflection on the contrasting and nuanced narratives of the Scottish nation's past and future espoused by each political party vis‐à‐vis modernist and ethnosymbolist theory, illustrating the ways in which contrasting theorisations of nationalism are empirically tangible within political discourse and are thus not simply theoretical abstractions. - 'Nations and Nationalism, Volume 25, Issue 4, Page 1212-1237, October 2019. '

  September 05, 2019   doi: 10.1111/nana.12535   open full text
• Contesting the nation: negotiating national narratives and the Jewish settlements.
  Hadas Aron.
  Nations and Nationalism. September 05, 2019
  --- - |2 Abstract Why and how does national identity reopen for contestation? Existing theories argue that institutional design, social ties or elite manipulation alter the saliency and nature of national identity. These theories view the ethno‐nation as homogenous and shaped vis‐à‐vis other groups. However, I argue that we should examine the re‐emergence of nationalism as an intra‐national struggle between groups with different saliency and understandings of national identity: new issues can raise the importance of national identity for some members of the group but not others. Moreover, members develop diverging understandings of fundamentals of national identity such as citizenship, borders and the role of religion. To support the theory, the paper utilises original not yet studied archival materials to show that struggle over Jewish settlements in the Occupied Territories led to contestation of the saliency and meaning of Jewish Israeli national identity. Specifically, I analyse letters individuals sent to leading government officials in the early days of the settlements and show that settlement supporters tied the issue to Zionist ethos, injecting new content into Zionist identity. Meanwhile, national identity did not rise in importance or alter in meaning for settlement opposition. The method reveals individual understandings of national identity and points at broader societal divisions. - 'Nations and Nationalism, Volume 25, Issue 4, Page 1386-1411, October 2019. '

  September 05, 2019   doi: 10.1111/nana.12498   open full text
• From folklore to patriotic and protest songs: Music, youth, and Basque identity during the 1960s.
  Amaia Lamikiz Jauregiondo.
  Nations and Nationalism. September 05, 2019
  --- - |2 Abstract Taking a bottom‐up approach to the study of nationalism, the following pages constitute an attempt to shed light on the role singing played for a young generation of Basques who actively participated in the process of construction of Basque collective identity during the cultural revival movement of the 1960s. In doing so, this article aims at showing the fundamental role of active audiences, as well as their changing political and social context, in conforming the meaning of “Basque songs” as means to promote Basque nationalism and sustain opposition to the Franco regime. The study of the production, reception, and reinterpretation of Basque music during the cultural revival of the 1960s presented here intends to emphasize the interest of focusing on how ordinary people contribute to the recreation of the nation through their appropriation and interpretation of cultural symbols and practices. - 'Nations and Nationalism, Volume 25, Issue 4, Page 1280-1295, October 2019. '

  September 05, 2019   doi: 10.1111/nana.12548   open full text
• Poland in the ‘Paris system’: self‐determination, stereotypes, and decisions in 1919.
  Denis Clark.
  Nations and Nationalism. September 05, 2019
  --- - |2 Abstract One of the most important questions at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference was what to do about the newly re‐created state of Poland. The Paris peacemakers realised the importance of the settlement, thanks in part to dire warnings about Poland's future, and the leaders spent much time discussing the territorial settlement. Yet discussions of this important question regularly strayed from debates about policy to incorporate understandings of Polish national character. In particular, the leaders of the so‐called Big Three, Britain, France, and the United States, connected expert opinion and the broader political landscape to stereotyped understandings of national character, among other factors. With reference to scholarship on stereotyping, this article analyses how developing attitudes on Polish national character became integrated into the complex settlement of Poland's borders. The peacemakers' decisions, which were a compromise between different points of view, reflected interconnected understandings of the Polish settlement. - 'Nations and Nationalism, Volume 25, Issue 4, Page 1362-1385, October 2019. '

  September 05, 2019   doi: 10.1111/nana.12527   open full text
• Kinned to be Norwegian: transnational adoptees' positioning in relation to whiteness and the negotiation of nationhood.
  Yan Zhao.
  Nations and Nationalism. September 05, 2019
  --- - |2 Abstract Embedded in ongoing discussions on everyday nationhood in the context of migration‐related diversity, this article explores how Norwegian transnational adoptees, as border subjects, negotiate their national belonging and identities by positioning themselves in relation to whiteness. By doing so, it further explores the relationship between race and nation. The analysis demonstrates that transnational adoptees position themselves as white when encountering the norm of whiteness, which the author argues in favour of understanding as continued process of doing race. While phenotypic differences trigger a process of racialisation through which transnational adoptees can easily be placed in a minoritised position, adoption provides them with unique access to whiteness, mostly along the negotiable and intertwined dimensions of kinship and the notion of ‘origin’, referred to as the place where they grew up. The article argues that individuals' positioning along majoritisation/minoritisation processes is another important dimension to understand one's multiple and fluid national identity and belonging in migration‐related diversity. The analysis also furthers the discussions on hierarchy of belonging by highlighting the relevance of kinship in intersection with race. - 'Nations and Nationalism, Volume 25, Issue 4, Page 1259-1279, October 2019. '

  September 05, 2019   doi: 10.1111/nana.12525   open full text
• The Thai Lao – Thailand's largest unrecognized transboundary national ethnicity.
  John Draper, John Garzoli, Peerasit Kamnuansilpa, Leedom Lefferts, James Mitchell, Peera Songkünnatham.
  Nations and Nationalism. September 05, 2019
  --- - |2 Abstract In 1900, the Lao ethnonym, and thus the Lao, ‘officially’ disappeared from Siam. However, Lao culture and identity persisted at local, regional, and national levels. As Keyes (1967) discovered, ‘a Northeast Thailand‐based ethno‐regionalism’ emerged post‐World War II. This regionalism, which we re‐term ‘Thai Lao’ and specify to the majority ethnic community, exists in a contested relationship with both ‘Thai’ and ‘Lao’ identity. The survival of the Lao ethnic community's cultural identity occurred despite the best efforts of the Royal Thai Government (RTG) to eradicate aspects of Lao culture. These aspects included Lao language, religion, and history, using the school system, the Lao Buddhist Sangha, and the bureaucracy. Beginning in the 1990s, buoyed by a multitude of factors, the Lao ethnic community reappeared as the ‘Thai Lao’ or ‘Lao Isan’. This reappearance was noted in the RTG's Thailand 2011 Country Report (RTG 2011) to the UN Committee responsible for the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. For nearly four decades now, ‘Laoism’ has recurred in Thai academia, the media, the public sphere, popular traditions, and even Lao apocalyptic millenarianism. Following Smith (1986, 1991, 1999), this article utilizes a historical ethno‐symbolist approach to analyse this recurrence. - 'Nations and Nationalism, Volume 25, Issue 4, Page 1131-1152, October 2019. '

  September 05, 2019   doi: 10.1111/nana.12523   open full text
• New York Yankees and Hollywood Anglos: The persistence of Anglo‐conformity in the American motion picture industry.
  Eric Kaufmann, Andrea Ballatore.
  Nations and Nationalism. September 05, 2019
  --- - |2 Abstract Ideal types have received less attention than membership criteria in the ethnicity and nationalism literature. This article uses crowdsourced genealogical data and onomastics software to show that British Isles surnames and ancestry remain over‐represented among American actors, especially in roles connected with the national narrative. Conformity to the WASP ideal type persists despite the fact American actors are disproportionately born in Los Angeles, New York, and other large cities, where British ancestry is rare. Jewish actors are over‐represented, yet many have Anglo surnames. Compared to athletes and politicians, actors are significantly more likely to have Anglo surnames, especially those in genres depicting the nation. After declining among cohorts of stars born between the 1800s and 1961, the share of British Isles surnames has stabilised and remains in the majority. We argue that despite rising diversity, this reflects the continuing importance of the Anglo‐Protestant ethnic imago for American national identity. - 'Nations and Nationalism, Volume 25, Issue 4, Page 1153-1189, October 2019. '

  September 05, 2019   doi: 10.1111/nana.12507   open full text
• Between ideology and practice, national conflict and anti‐imperialist struggle: the National Liberation League in Palestine.
  Abigail Jacobson.
  Nations and Nationalism. September 05, 2019
  --- - |2 Abstract This paper focuses on the National Liberation League (NLL), a Palestinian Arab communist movement which operated in Palestine between the years 1943–1948. The paper examines its short‐lived history in light of the relevant three contexts in which it operated: the local Palestinian national context; the regional context of communist activity in the Middle East and the external‐internationalist context of the Soviet Union. The paper further discusses the activities of the NLL during the period of the 1948 War in Palestine, as well as in the first period of military rule, imposed on the Palestinian citizens of Israel. An analysis of the NLL during the late Mandatory period and the early years of the State of Israel allows a close examination of the ways by which concepts of identity, nationalism, class and ethnicity were conceptualised, debated and contested during times of a national conflict and anti‐imperial struggle and brings to the fore tensions between ideology and practice, nationalism and internationalism. The NLL offers an important opportunity to look into the complex matrix of communist movements that combine anti‐imperial struggles with struggles for national liberation in the context of a national conflict and to examine their dilemmas and what may seem as internal contradictions. - 'Nations and Nationalism, Volume 25, Issue 4, Page 1412-1431, October 2019. '

  September 05, 2019   doi: 10.1111/nana.12503   open full text
• Electoral violence under different contexts. Evidence from the Western Balkans.
  Michal Mochtak.
  Nations and Nationalism. September 05, 2019
  --- - |2 Abstract The paper addresses the question of what settings are empirically relevant for the occurrence of electoral violence in the region of Western Balkans and what theoretical paths may cover their logic. Electoral violence has been part of the electoral arenas in the region for decades and although it has evolved and in some cases disappeared, a number of countries still experience it. The paper analyses original data on electoral violence collected from the OSCE monitoring reports covering fifty‐six parliamentary elections organized between 1990 and 2015. Applying fuzzy‐set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fsQCA), the paper identifies four sub‐models under which electoral violence is observed. The conjunctural logic that defines each and every of the discussed paths within the sub‐models shows that the scenarios of electoral violence in the Western Balkans are always complex and potentially relevant conditions are never sufficient for the outcome on their own. - 'Nations and Nationalism, Volume 25, Issue 4, Page 1325-1361, October 2019. '

  September 05, 2019   doi: 10.1111/nana.12484   open full text
• Does international recognition matter? Support for unilateral secession in Catalonia and Scotland.
  Diego Muro, Guillem Vidal, Martijn C Vlaskamp.
  Nations and Nationalism. August 19, 2019
  --- - |2 Abstract How much do the prospects of international recognition of a possible new state affect the domestic support for secession? To answer this research question, we adopted a most similar systems design and conducted a Web‐based survey experiment in Catalonia and Scotland. Respondents were presented with plausible scenarios regarding the international recognition of a hypothetical independent state by other countries and were subsequently asked whether they would support a unilateral declaration of independence. The results show that the prospects of international recognition as a sovereign and independent state influence the degree of support for a unilateral declaration of independence in both cases. This effect was moderated by the intensity of nationalist sentiment and the motivations for independence. Respondents with more outspoken nationalist sentiments were only marginally influenced by these scenarios or treatments. Moreover, participants whose preferences towards secession were driven by ethno‐political motivations were less influenced by international factors than those who wanted an independent state for economic or political reasons. - 'Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. '

  August 19, 2019   doi: 10.1111/nana.12557   open full text
• Enemies of liberty? Nationalism, immigration, and the framing of terrorism in the agenda of the Front National.
  Rachel D Hutchins, Daphne Halikiopoulou.
  Nations and Nationalism. August 19, 2019
  --- - |2 Abstract This paper systematises the framing of the terrorism issue in the programmatic agenda of the Front national (FN) by focusing on nationalism. We argue that the FN's position on terrorism constitutes part of its strategy to justify its anti‐immigrant agenda by offering ideological rather than biological rationalisations for national belonging. To test our argument empirically, we operationalise four categories of nationalism, including ethno‐racial, cultural, political‐civic, and economic, and code official FN materials published in reaction to seven terrorist attacks on French soil during the period 1986–2015. We find that whilst older documents draw on all four categories, Marine Le Pen documents draw almost exclusively on the cultural and political‐civic categories, confirming our argument. Building on the “normalisation” or “de‐demonisation” approach, our nationalism framework presents a distinct theoretical advantage by allowing us to conceptualise the shift in the party's programmatic agenda. - 'Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. '

  August 19, 2019   doi: 10.1111/nana.12555   open full text
• Zionist identity and the British Mandate: Palestine's internment camps and the making of the Western native.
  Lior Yohanani.
  Nations and Nationalism. August 13, 2019
  --- - |2 Abstract This paper examines the relationship between British police officers, Jewish guards, and German internees in Palestine's internment camps during World War II. Using the reports of the Jewish guards, the paper investigates the role of Western‐identified actors in the Zionist identity‐making project. The reports evince a surprising rapport between the British and their German prisoners and the mistreatment of the Jewish guards by their British superiors. The paper analyses these Jewish accounts in the context of identity‐ and ethnic boundary‐making and argues that they illustrate Zionism's intent to construct itself as a Western but noncolonial movement and Zionists in Palestine as natives but not “Orientals.” The reports also reveal a breach between the formal hierarchy—British officers, Jewish guards, German internees—and the ethnic order, which situated British and Germans at the apex and the Jews at the bottom. The paper highlights the utility of researching group‐making interactions in different contexts to develop a more nuanced understanding of identity‐making processes. - 'Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. '

  August 13, 2019   doi: 10.1111/nana.12558   open full text
• Nested or exclusive? The role of identities on blame attribution during the Great Recession.
  Marc Guinjoan, Sandra Bermúdez.
  Nations and Nationalism. July 08, 2019
  --- - |2 Abstract Despite an increasing number of studies assessing the importance of institutions as regards to accountability, it still remains to be known whether and how an individual's national and regional identity shapes the attribution of responsibilities in multi‐level settings. By focusing on the economic crisis that affected Europe since 2008, we argue that identity‐based assessments of responsibility for the crisis will occur solely among individuals who hold exclusively national or regional identities and who live in regions that have nationalist aspirations. This will be in contrast to individuals that have exclusively identities who live in regions that lack nationalist aspirations, as well as dual‐identity individuals, irrespective of where they live. We test our arguments by using data from Catalonia and Madrid (Spain) and Bavaria and Lower Saxony (Germany). In line with our expectations, our results show that, in minority nationalist regions such as Catalonia, an individual's identity will crucially determine which level of government is blamed for the economic crisis, while this will not occur in regions with no nationalist aspirations. The article reveals the existence of an additional determinant of blame attribution in some specific multi‐level arrangements and contributes to the understanding of the tensions between identity politics and blame avoidance. - 'Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. '

  July 08, 2019   doi: 10.1111/nana.12547   open full text
• Moralism in theories of secession: a realist perspective.
  Marc Sanjaume‐Calvet.
  Nations and Nationalism. July 02, 2019
  --- - |2 Abstract Moral reasoning is the most common approach to secession in political philosophy. Just‐cause, choice and liberal‐cultural theories rely on moral conceptions of political authority. This article examines an alternative view through an exploration of moral theories of secession from a realist perspective. Realism has recently seen a revival as a form of normative political philosophy and focuses on political disagreement and legitimacy rather than rights and moral analysis. I claim that realism would reject utopianism and moralism present in theories of secession. Instead of regarding secession as a right, realism would frame secession as a political option. According to this view, this article explores a realist theory of secession that would be based on the priority of politics and disagreement among other concepts. This would be a middle‐ground theory, compatible with liberal values and existing moral theories. - 'Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. '

  July 02, 2019   doi: 10.1111/nana.12544   open full text
• On the shock of civil war: cultural trauma and national identity in Finland and Ireland.
  Bill Kissane.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 26, 2019
  --- - |2 Abstract What role does national identity play after civil war? Is reconstruction possible on the basis of an existing identity, or does a new identity have to be found? Much depends on whether narratives of conflict are unifying. I use the tools of cultural sociology to explain why the Finnish Civil War of 1918 has become a unifying ‘cultural trauma’ for the Finns, whereas the Irish Civil War of 1922–23 never became the dominant referent in Irish national identity. The difference is explained by the greater shock civil war posed to Finnish national identity. - 'Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. '

  June 26, 2019   doi: 10.1111/nana.12526   open full text
• Reading politics through emotions: ontological ressentiment as the emotional basis of current politics in Turkey.
  Nagehan Tokdoğan.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 26, 2019
  --- - |2 Abstract For almost sixteen years now, politics in Turkey have been analysed with reference to the theme of victimhood. It is true that the political discourse of Turkey's Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi or AKP) gained its power by the mass response to its victimhood claims. Nevertheless, as this article argues, the legitimacy of the victimhood claim rests mainly on the already‐existing emotions of masses, aroused and triggered by political elites. Thus, Turkish politics during the AKP period cannot be thoroughly understood without taking into consideration the emotions of both political elites and the masses. This article shares insights into the sixteen‐year‐long AKP reign of power based on Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's appeals to such emotions as humiliation, envy, disgust, hatred, anxiety, and anger. It further argues that these emotions reveal a much deeper and stronger emotional trait which we identify as ontological ressentiment. - 'Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. '

  June 26, 2019   doi: 10.1111/nana.12546   open full text
• Populism and nationalism.
  Rogers Brubaker.
  Nations and Nationalism. April 29, 2019
  --- - |2 Abstract Few social science categories have been more heatedly contested in recent years than ‘populism’. One focus of debate concerns the relation between populism and nationalism. Criticising the tendency to conflate populism and nationalism, De Cleen and Stavrakakis argue for a sharp conceptual distinction between the two. They situate populist discourse on a vertical, and nationalist discourse on a horizontal axis. I argue that this strict conceptual separation cannot capture the productive ambiguity of populist appeals to ‘the people’, evoking at once plebs, sovereign demos and bounded community. The frame of reference for populist discourse is most fruitfully understood as a two‐dimensional space, at once a space of inequality and a space of difference. Vertical opposition to those on top (and often those on the bottom) and horizontal opposition to those outside are tightly interwoven, generally in such a way that economic, political and cultural elites are represented as being ‘outside’ as well as ‘on top’. The ambiguity and two‐dimensionality of appeals to ‘the people’ do not result from the conflation of populism and nationalism; they are a constitutive feature of populism itself, a practical resource that can be exploited in constructing political identities and defining lines of political opposition and conflict. - 'Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. '

  April 29, 2019   doi: 10.1111/nana.12522   open full text
• Kokugaku and an alternative account of the emergence of nationalism of Japan.
  Atsuko Ichijo.
  Nations and Nationalism. January 31, 2019
  --- - |2 Abstract Out of a concern with the often implicit western‐centricity of theories of nationalism which are currently dominant, the article proposes to shift the focus of analysis onto the working of human agency in our understanding of nations and nationalism. Drawing from insights from the history of ideas, it argues that, contrary to the modernist account, the rise of nationalism of Japan can be traced back to the rise of Kokugaku in the eighteenth century when westernisation/modernisation had not yet reached Japan. Kokugaku scholars were engaged with intense collective self‐reflection and proposed answers to the question who the Japanese were and what Japan should be without adopting the formula of national imagination generated in the West. The article suggests that a focus on human agency has the potential to free inquires into non‐western parts of the world from the deeply embedded western‐centricity of conventional social theories, thus enriching our understanding of the world. - 'Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. '

  January 31, 2019   doi: 10.1111/nana.12501   open full text
• Toward a topography of national trauma: mapping the past onto the future of American nationalism.
  Susan‐Mary Grant.
  Nations and Nationalism. January 23, 2019
  --- - |2 Abstract Since the inception of the United States, many of those who have spoken for and to the nation have struggled to define and defend a coherent American nationalism. This article proposes that one of the reasons for this lies in the fault lines inherent in the invented traditions that underpin American, as many other nationalisms. Determined by warfare and by the desire for land, and frequently defined in racial terms, they have undermined more than they have stabilized the nationalist structures they seek to support through what they have excluded from the national imaginary. In common with other settler nations, in fact arguably with most Western nations, America's nationalist narratives struggle to serve as cohesive foundation myths. They represent the lasting legacies of national trauma derived from the nation's violent colonial past and the severing of the imperial bond in the eighteenth century, chattel slavery, and the civil war it caused, and westward expansion and the imperative toward hemispheric control. Through the mapping of a topography of national trauma predicated on these national traditions and located within the tensions arising from warfare, land, and race, scholars can better comprehend the still frequently acrimonious debates over American nationalism that persist today. - 'Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. '

  January 23, 2019   doi: 10.1111/nana.12491   open full text
• Mapping institutional mechanisms of ethno‐national representation: towards a better measurement approach.
  Robert Schertzer.
  Nations and Nationalism. November 28, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract Measuring institutional mechanisms that facilitate ethno‐national representation is a difficult enterprise. Most studies examine the electoral system, while a set of other indices focus on designs and policies related to minority recognition. This article addresses a number of gaps in the existing literature by taking a wide view that considers a breadth of institutional designs that facilitate representation in a political system. The goal is to recalibrate our theoretical and empirical approach to measuring ethno‐national representation – to move beyond narrower assessments based solely on the electoral system, while also providing additional depth and breadth to existing indices and studies of related aspects of institutional design. To achieve this goal, the article (1) constructs an analytical framework that accounts for the institutional mechanisms that facilitate the direct and indirect representation of ethno‐national minorities across both macro‐level and micro‐level institutional designs in a state and (2) applies this framework to map institutional designs in twelve states to provide an indication of the usefulness of a new measurement tool (a representation index). The argument is that this framework and tool provide a corrective to the limitations of current approaches, advancing our ability to measure the institutional mechanisms of minority representation. - 'Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 4, Page 1046-1075, October 2018. '

  November 28, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12446   open full text
• Why ethnic parties form: evidence from Bolivia.
  Anaïd Flesken.
  Nations and Nationalism. November 28, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract Research on the effects of ethnic politics abounds, but much less attention has been paid to where and why ethnic parties form. This article tests the explanatory power of rational‐choice and social‐movement informed approaches to ethnic party formation that, it argues, differ in their assumptions about the location of agency (elite vs. grassroots) and motives for party formation (office‐ vs. policy‐seeking). The assumptions are tested through an analysis of original data on party registration and socio‐economic factors in 327 Bolivian municipalities during the 2004 local elections. The elections took place under new electoral rules during a period of political restructuring, allowing an analysis of party entry decisions per se. Through a series of logistic regression models and various robustness checks, this article finds that social‐movement approaches are better able to explain ethnic party formation, and in particular that grievances over political maladministration and socio‐economic inequalities drive ethnic party formation. - 'Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 4, Page 1162-1184, October 2018. '

  November 28, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12400   open full text
• Who's afraid of Banal Nationalism?
  Sophie Duchesne.
  Nations and Nationalism. November 28, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract Michael Billig's book, Banal Nationalism, published in 1995, has a significant international reputation and is one of the books most commonly quoted in Anglophone studies on nationalism. This article follows on from the various books and articles that were published for the 20th anniversary of the book and underlines the way in which the posterity of this thesis is partly based on a misunderstanding, or a misappropriation. In a context in which the end of nations seemed imminent, Banal Nationalism aimed to demonstrate that, on the contrary, nationalism was indeed spread massively and invisibly throughout the world, and particularly in established Western democracies. Yet today this book is considered one of the founding texts of the bottom‐up approach to national identity, which puts individuals at the heart of the fabrication of nations. This article discusses how this interpretation has come about. - 'Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 4, Page 841-856, October 2018. '

  November 28, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12457   open full text
• Historicising nationalism in Africa.
  Miles Larmer, Baz Lecocq.
  Nations and Nationalism. November 28, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract This paper proposes rethinking nationalism as a political ideology and force in Africa outside the boundaries of the postcolonial African state. It argues against national histories and for histories of the construction of African nationalisms. In analysing the anti‐colonial basis of nationalism globally, it argues that the basis for African nationalism is similar to and not distinct from dominant nationalist processes elsewhere. The paper analyses the problematic historiography of African nationalism, arguing that the focus on political outcomes – the independent nation‐state – has distorted and distracted from a necessary historical focus on process, best understood as involving competing and contested nationalisms before and after national independence. Having identified a wave of recent literature that analyses such competing nationalisms across the continent, the paper sets out a research agenda for systematic historical analysis of African nationalism. - 'Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 4, Page 893-917, October 2018. '

  November 28, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12448   open full text
• Minority politics and the social construction of hierarchy: the case of the Druze community.
  Yakub Halabi.
  Nations and Nationalism. November 28, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract This article examines the behaviour of a minority as a political unit and its endeavours to construct an informal state‐like hierarchy. The article examines the history of the Druze minority during the major crises of 1830s and 1860 Lebanon, 1925 Syrian Great Uprising, 1936–1939 Palestinian Great Revolt and the 1948 Zionist–Arab War. The article explores how inter‐subjectivity among Druze individuals around principles such as ‘preserving of brotherhood’, their imagination of themselves of belonging to a large community and the inter‐subjectivity around the prominence of certain clans, notables and religious clergies allowed the minority to behave as a community and create its own informal hierarchy within the loose hierarchy of their own state. The hierarchy that was established was based upon elements of inter‐subjectivity that include communal solidarity, faith‐based binding foundations, the seniority of certain clan leaders and the prominence of certain clergies, where the clan leaders and clergies were authorized to settle daily disputes and in steering the foreign affairs of the minority. - 'Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 4, Page 977-997, October 2018. '

  November 28, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12430   open full text
• Eastern Orthodoxy and national indifference in Habsburg Bukovina, 1774–1873.
  Lucian N. Leustean.
  Nations and Nationalism. November 28, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract Bukovina, a predominantly Eastern Orthodox land, today divided between northern Romania and southwestern Ukraine, was the outmost frontier of the Habsburg Empire. Between its incorporation into the Empire in 1774 and Greater Romania in 1918, Bukovina produced an unusual Church. Rather than support a mono‐ethnic Orthodox community, as evident across nation building processes in Southeastern Europe, in 1873, Romanians, Ruthenians and Serbians (in Dalmatia) established a multi‐ethnic Church which rejected association with that of their Romanian brethren in Habsburg Transylvania. This article explores the lead up to the establishment of the church in 1873 and argues that, under the leadership of Bishop Eugen Hakmann, the Metropolitanate of Bukovina and Dalmatia was a novel ecclesiastical institution in which the clergy refused national identification while laypeople supported the growing rise of nationalist movements. This multi‐ethnic Church became one of the most intriguing Orthodox structures which would impact upon the emergence of national churches in nineteenth‐century Romania, Serbia and Ukraine. - 'Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 4, Page 1117-1141, October 2018. '

  November 28, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12415   open full text
• Postage stamp iconography in post‐Saddam Iraq: sect‐specific symbols or nationalist imagery?
  Noga Efrati.
  Nations and Nationalism. November 28, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract Among scholars seeking a framework for analysing post‐2003 intercommunal strife in Iraq, a sectarian master narrative gained dominance. It portrayed Iraq as an artificial creation of imperial powers, lacking a national identity. Scholarly challenge, however, has been gaining momentum. The study of postage stamp iconography presents a novel venue with which to contribute to this debate. Indeed, researchers of nations and nationalism emphasis the role stamps play in the visual construction and reproduction of national narratives and identities. The postage stamp imagery surveyed in post‐Saddam Iraq (2003–2011) is incompatible with the sectarian narrative. Rather, it reflects symbols that are consistent with territorial‐patriotic nationalism. Some evidence supports the notion that those in power used stamp iconography as a means of nationalist indoctrination; other evidence suggests that the government sought to enhance its legitimacy by embracing popular values. Either or both motivations lend credence to nationalism having considerable purchase in post‐Saddam Iraq. - 'Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 4, Page 958-976, October 2018. '

  November 28, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12414   open full text
• Land‐centred nationalism and the state: a re‐evaluation of Jewish national revival.
  Eyal Chowers.
  Nations and Nationalism. November 28, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract This paper examines the concept of ‘land‐centred’ nationalism and suggests that it is important for distinguishing among different types of nationalism and for better understanding the role of land and place in this ideology. In order to demonstrate what land‐centred nationalism actually means, the article examines Zionism as a case study, arguing that some of the leading, early intellectual schools of this national movement (cultural, socialist, and religious Zionism) tended to underscore the role of the Land of Israel in collective identity rather than the role of the political community. Despite many differences in their general outlook, these schools all celebrated the land's spiritual role while neglecting or even opposing the idea of a Jewish state. This devaluation of the bond among citizens in favour of the bond of a people with their ancient land contributed to Zionism's contemporary difficulties and manifests the dangers of land‐centred nationalism more generally. - 'Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 4, Page 937-957, October 2018. '

  November 28, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12411   open full text
• Bible, guns and land: sovereignty and nationalism amongst the Nagas of India.
  Arkotong Longkumer.
  Nations and Nationalism. November 28, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract This paper will argue that to understand Naga sovereignty, one must take into account the intimate connection between Christianity and nationalism. This relationship is centred on the idea of ‘Nagaland for Christ’, a central slogan (also seen as a covenant) for all Naga nationalist groups. It suggests that God is the primary agent in sovereignty, and that the land is connected with the idea of Nagaland for Christ. I argue that national territory is not an object or a place that can be fixed in time, but rather an act of narration and imagination with the power to shape where it belongs. I will make the case that we need to rethink modular forms of sovereignty that are based on a strong national state. Instead, it would be more useful to think about sovereign territories as the organisation of space, or territoriality (Sack 1986). Robert Sack argues that territoriality is ‘intimately related to how people use the land’, how they ‘organize themselves in space and how they give meaning to place’ (Sack 1986: 2). If history has shown us that ascertaining the precise territorial lines of national units are always a challenge, it is more helpful to try and understand how people give meaning to place regardless of boundaries. - 'Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 4, Page 1097-1116, October 2018. '

  November 28, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12405   open full text
• The glory and demise of monetary nationalism in the post‐communist Baltic states.
  Zenonas Norkus.
  Nations and Nationalism. November 28, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract This paper contributes to the body of research on the monetary variety of nationalism, which conceives of national currency as an essential element of nation state and national identity (‘one nation, one money’), exploring its contribution to the successful internal devaluation in the Baltic states during the economic crisis of 2008–2010. Contrary to the predictions of renowned experts in economics and finance, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania were able to keep the peg of their national currencies to euro. Because of peculiar features of their histories (a brief period of independence with national currencies allegedly based on a gold standard, interrupted by prolonged Soviet occupation and the despised ‘wooden rouble’) monetary nationalism was very strong in the restored independent Baltic states. Monetary nationalism predisposed their indigenous populations to embrace the neoliberal model of capitalism and to accept the welfare cost of the defence of currency pegging during the crisis. Paradoxically, the success was self‐defeating, as it enabled the Baltic states to join Eurozone, abolishing national currencies. Theorizing about this case study of Baltic monetary nationalism, this paper closes with the interpretation of the rise and demise of national currencies as the reversal of the Weberian disenchantment process. Monetary nationalism (making money a core part of national identity) is a product of this reversal. - 'Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 4, Page 871-892, October 2018. '

  November 28, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12404   open full text
• Power‐sharing coalitions in the Basque Country (1987–1998): centripetal coalitions vs. consociational coalitions.
  Asier Blas.
  Nations and Nationalism. November 28, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract From 1987 to 1998, the Basque government was made up of a coalition between Basque nationalists and unionists. However, there are doubts about whether this experience has a consociational character. In order to clarify this, the article analyses the four characteristics of Lijphart's scheme, focussing on the degree of power‐sharing of the Basque governments using the qualitative distinction of McGarry and O'Leary and the centripetal approach, creating the power‐sharing in government index and studying the degree of ideological proximity of the parties making up the coalition. The conclusions are that in the Basque case, there were no complete or concurrent consociational governments, but instead, there were centripetal coalitions. Furthermore, it makes clear that an electoral system with high proportionality is an obstacle when it comes to maintaining cross‐segment governments in societies that lack stability in the correlation of forces among segments and use centripetal power‐sharing coalitions or weak or concurrent consotiational coalitions. The most realistic choice in order to preserve the power‐sharing government would be adopting a proportional sequential coalition and a proportional electoral system with significative electoral threshold to avoid the emergence of anti‐consociational parties. - 'Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 4, Page 998-1022, October 2018. '

  November 28, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12391   open full text
• When is anti‐Zionism morally legitimate?
  Evan Oxman.
  Nations and Nationalism. November 28, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract The claim that Zionism is fundamentally or intrinsically morally compromised is unfortunately more commonly articulated and expressed than it deserves to be. While there are certainly good reasons to be critical of Israeli governmental policy (both now and in the past), those who question the very right of a Jewish state to exist on land approximating the current territory of Israel without extrapolating this principle to other cases are being philosophically disingenuous. While I concede that it is perfectly reasonable to object to the creation and maintenance of a Jewish state on the basis of either its exclusionary character or its problematic history, I suggest that such arguments should equally apply to virtually every other nation‐state. Thus, while anti‐Zionism is not necessarily a morally illegitimate claim, unless its claims are paired with a more radical rejection of the nation‐state tout court, it should be considered as such. - 'Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 4, Page 918-936, October 2018. '

  November 28, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12368   open full text
• Citizenship as social object in the aftermath of the Yugoslav break‐up.
  Jelena Vasiljević.
  Nations and Nationalism. November 28, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract The break‐up of Yugoslavia disintegrated the Yugoslav citizenship regime, and new communities of citizens and citizenship regulations were born. Since the identitarian and lived aspects of citizenship are inseparable from its formal and legal aspects, (not) having the ‘right’ personal documents and (not) being recognized as the ‘right’ kind of citizen had profound effects on the lives of many individuals. Relying on the concept of documentality and stressing the feature of documents as being constitutive of social reality, this article analyses personal narratives illustrating the lived experience of citizenship transformations after the break‐up of Yugoslavia. - 'Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 4, Page 1142-1161, October 2018. '

  November 28, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12389   open full text
• Weber's secret admirer in the Caucasus: Saakashvili and the nationalisation of Georgia's Armenian and Azeri borderlands.
  Christofer Berglund.
  Nations and Nationalism. November 28, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract After the 2003 Rose Revolution, the Georgian government strove to integrate its disaffected Armenian and Azeri minorities, settled in southern Georgia across the border from their kin states. This article sheds novel light on this nationalisation drive. It argues that the centre's nation‐building entrepreneurs – the Mississippdaleulni – laboured to spur minorities in the ethnic enclaves first to interact with the heartland and then to adapt to its language. Officials invested in infrastructure and extended the state's clout into the borderlands so as to foster inter‐ethnic contacts. In tandem, the authorities promoted the Georgian language in the civil service, demoted the Russian tongue, and acculturated pupils to the state language. This nationalisation drive, I conclude, drew upon the same set of tools that Eugen Weber recorded French authorities as using in the opposite corner of Europe centuries ago. - 'Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 4, Page 1185-1206, October 2018. '

  November 28, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12369   open full text
• On the relevance of small nations. Religion and politics in S.N. Eisenstadt's multiple modernities paradigm.
  Jean‐François Laniel.
  Nations and Nationalism. November 28, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract In recent years, the paradigm of multiple modernities has spurred a growing interest in theoretical, empirical and comparative studies. Among these, the relationships between religious traditions and social dynamics have received particular attention. Counter to evolutionary accounts of modernisation processes, Eisenstadt studied the persisting and evolving links between religion, politics and modernity in different national and civilisational settings. Indeed, the collective incidence of culture, of religion and of tradition was placed at the very heart of Eisenstadt's thought – hence the many ‘cultural programs of modernity'. It is the originality of this understanding of societies in modernity that we wish to underline and help explain by his interest for small nations and the religio‐political. I first advocate Eisenstadt's version of multiple modernities, highlighting the paradigm's specific knowledge interest. Secondly, we turn our attention to the often ignored importance of ‘Jewish civilisation' in Eisenstadt's thought. In so doing, we underline Israel's ‘smallness' and its characteristics as a ‘small nation'. Lastly, we stress the elective affinity between multiple modernities and small nations in the study of politics and religion. As is the case for small nations, religion constitutes the ‘other half of modernity', too rarely genuinely considered in (large nation) modernists' accounts. - 'Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 4, Page 1076-1096, October 2018. '

  November 28, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12354   open full text
• Inductive constructivism and national identities: letting the data speak.
  José Alemán, Dwayne Woods.
  Nations and Nationalism. November 28, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract The literature on nationalism has provided conceptual definitions of national identity that supposedly delineate its underlying empirical manifestations. A binary conceptualization (civic versus ethnic) is widely used by scholars. There are confusion and ambiguity in the definition, however, as well as sense that the prevailing schema does not adequately capture the fluidity and complexity of the phenomenon. We posit that abstract conceptual definitions do not validly capture the way individuals actually experience identification with their nations. Using a methodology that models the distribution of responses to survey questionnaires – latent class analysis – we demonstrate that individuals cluster in two different groups in the way they identify with their nations: nationalists are strongly attached to the nation and more exacting in their criteria for membership, while cosmopolitans display lower identification with the nation and are more inclusive in their desired criteria of membership. These classes are to some degree fluid across indicators and nations. Broadly speaking, however, the configurations are comparable cross‐nationally. - 'Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 4, Page 1023-1045, October 2018. '

  November 28, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12320   open full text
• After Empire: Karl Renner's Danubian model of pluralism.
  Astrid Busekist.
  Nations and Nationalism. November 19, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract This article argues that Karl Renner's multinational model for the Austrian‐Hungarian Empire is an alternative model for contemporary a‐territorial, multinational and federal arrangements. Nations, in his view, should act as intermediary bodies between the relevant communities and the state. His concept of ‘subjective public law’ combines principles that most authors find mutually exclusive: individual rights, choice over one's national cultural membership, non‐territorial administration of national communities and overseeing of equal collective rights by the state. Neither Staatsnation nor Kulturnation, the model is a combination of the two under the auspices of a federal state combined with a strong theory of individual and collective rights. I provide the reader with a comprehensive intellectual biography of Karl Renner, as I argue that an understanding of the man himself, his political pragmatism and his statism are crucial to comprehending this theoretical position. Throughout his life, Renner was a German nationalist, held a strong nostalgia for the Habsburg Empire and voted in favour of the Anschluß. His concurrent careers as a scholar and as a politician account for a series of contradictions. I argue however that these can be reconciled and explained by a careful comparative reading of his scholarly work and his political statements. - 'Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. '

  November 19, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12464   open full text
• Nationalist cosmopolitanism: the psychology of cosmopolitanism, national identity, and going to war for the country.
  A. Burcu Bayram.
  Nations and Nationalism. November 14, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract A frequently expressed criticism of cosmopolitanism by liberal nationalist theorists is that its moral universalism is incompatible with national identity and patriotic obligations, defined as obligations to the nation and to fellow nationals. While some scholars of cosmopolitanism agree with this incompatibility argument, others contend that nationalism, cosmopolitanism, and patriotic duties are not rivals. However, few efforts have been made to examine the relationship between cosmopolitanism, nationalism, and patriotic obligations at the level of individual people. Drawing fresh insights from psychological approaches to social identity, I argue that cosmopolitan individuals have an integrated dual identity that embodies both nationalism and world citizenship, and this dual identity is compatible with patriotic obligations. Using data from the 2010–2014, round of the Word Values Survey, I show that cosmopolitans who identify as world citizens also identify with the nation and are willing to perform the ultimate patriotic sacrifice of going to war to defend their country. Upending certain convention wisdoms, this result indicates that cosmopolitan and national identities are compatible and cosmopolitan identity does not hinder patriotic obligations. - 'Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. '

  November 14, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12476   open full text
• Ethnurgy, mobilization, memory and trauma in consociational systems.
  Eduardo Wassim Aboultaif.
  Nations and Nationalism. October 05, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract I intend to study three characteristics of deeply divided societies that hinder consociationalism: ethnurgy (politicization of ethnic identities), mobilization, memory and trauma. My argument is that consociational practices may be hampered by non‐structural elements, which is a breakaway from the classical study of consociationalism which focuses on institutional functions and external actors. By studying consociationalism from this new dimension, I intend to show that internal factors are critical in understanding the threats and pressure of any consociational arrangement, in an attempt to create better power sharing arrangements and/or improve the existing consociational provisions in deeply divided societies. - 'Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. '

  October 05, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12475   open full text
• New light; friendly soil: affective–discursive dimensions of Anzac Day commemorations in Aotearoa New Zealand.
  Tim McCreanor, Margaret Wetherell, Alex McConville, Helen Moewaka Barnes, Angela Moewaka Barnes.
  Nations and Nationalism. September 30, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract This paper investigates affective–discursive dimensions of nation‐building via commemorations of nationhood within Aotearoa New Zealand to ask about how these assemblages construct feeling trajectories for citizen participants. We report auto‐ethnographic analyses of participation in specific Anzac Day war remembrance events that occurred in the capital city Wellington. Analyses point to the ways in which engagement in the choreographies of commemoration constructs varied emotion‐laden subject positions for participants and how these psycho‐social differences index and evoke contrasting memorial politics. We conclude that while the differences in affective ambience at different events may prompt citizens towards nationalistic or more conciliatory identity politics, the ceremonies create space for participants to feel and enact diverse affective practices. - 'Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. '

  September 30, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12474   open full text
• Secularization of immigration policy vs. religion's influence on integration: Israel's non‐Jewish Jews' immigration in a comparative perspective.
  Netanel Fisher.
  Nations and Nationalism. September 28, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract This article deals with the complex relationship between religion and immigration in Western countries, with an emphasis on Israel. The main argument it presents is that the legal procedures of immigration, i.e. laws relating to the acquisition of civil status, have undergone dramatic secularization, while religion's influence is expressed in the social and cultural aspects of the integration of immigrants belonging to religious minorities. This division reinforces the classical theory of secularization, as the formal boundaries of nations are not subject to religious affiliations, but it also supports the theories of competition and complementation between religion and secularism in the social sphere. The tension in the Israeli case between the immigration, naturalization and integration of non‐Jewish Jews, who are part of the extended Jewish population that is not defined by religious parameters, confirms this thesis. The immigration of hundreds of thousands of non‐Jewish Jews' under the Law of Return based on ethno‐national‐secular parameters is an ultimate expression of the secularization of Jewish nationality. On the other hand, the state's encouragement of non‐Jewish immigrants to convert to Judaism so that they can better assimilate into Jewish society signifies the importance of religion in the social integration aspect. - 'Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. '

  September 28, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12473   open full text
• Ally or competitor? Militant Basque nationalism's reaction to the new Spanish left.
  Stephanie Kerr.
  Nations and Nationalism. August 27, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract With the 2011 ceasefire declaration the Basque patriotic left (IA) has committed itself more firmly to constitutional politics. Concurrently, Spain has experienced an upsurge in the popularity of new political parties in the historically two party dominant general elections. The emergence of a political challenger on the left of the political spectrum (Podemos) may pose an opportunity or a threat to the IA's unilateral strategy, as the parties have numerous points of ideological concurrence. This paper analyses how the IA seeks to translate its strategies into mainstream constitutional politics, by exploring how it responds to the question posed by Podemos – ally, competitor, or both? Using an historical institutionalist approach, the conditions at two critical junctures – those surrounding the formation of new political parties during the democratic transition period and the more recent change in the electoral landscape – are compared to assess the initial impact of Podemos on IA cohesion. - 'Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. '

  August 27, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12461   open full text
• A conflict that did not happen: revisiting the Javakhk affair in Georgia.
  Vahram Ter‐Matevosyan, Brent Currie.
  Nations and Nationalism. August 09, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract During and after the collapse of the Soviet Union, several violent conflicts erupted in different parts of its (former) territory. The South Caucasus region has experienced three ethnically rooted violent conflicts, yet other ethnic disputes in the same region remained dormant. Despite an extensive literature on the South Caucasus conflicts, research on those ethnic disputes that could have erupted during the collapse of the Soviet Union is scarce. This article discusses the case of the Armenian populated region of Javakhk (Javakheti) in Georgia. It explores the questions of how, unlike the Abkhazian and South Ossetian movements that were able to effectively mobilize against Georgian calls for sovereignty leading up to the Soviet collapse, Armenian populated territories in Georgia remained relatively quiet. Considering that the primary ethnic minority groups within the Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic could each be linked by concerns over demographic shifts, economic discrimination/resource allocation, and political representation, the absence of conflict in Javakhk, as well as in Kvemo Kartli, is somewhat surprising. Based on existing theories of nationalism and ethnic conflicts and field interviews with the leaders of the popular movements in Javakhk, the paper examines the underlying reasons for the lack of conflict there. - 'Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. '

  August 09, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12454   open full text
• Issue Information ‐ TOC.
  
  Nations and Nationalism. August 09, 2018
  --- - |2 No abstract is available for this article. - Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 3, Page 493-496, July 2018.
  

  August 09, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12352   open full text
• Elizabeth Buettner, Europe after Empire: Decolonisation, Society and Culture. Cambridge: Cambridge University press, 2016, 553 pp. £69.99 (hbk).
  Christopher Cannell.
  Nations and Nationalism. August 09, 2018
  --- - - Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 3, Page 828-829, July 2018.
  

  August 09, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12439   open full text
• Robin Mann and Steve Fenton, Nation, Class and Resentment. The Politics of National Identity in England, Scotland and Wales. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017. 249 pp. €74.96 (e‐book).
  Ben Wellings.
  Nations and Nationalism. August 09, 2018
  --- - - Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 3, Page 826-827, July 2018.
  

  August 09, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12438   open full text
• John C. Swanson, Tangible Belonging. Negotiating Germanness in Twentieth‐Century Hungary. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2017.456 pp. £59.95 (hbk).
  Peter Pastor.
  Nations and Nationalism. August 09, 2018
  --- - - Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 3, Page 824-825, July 2018.
  

  August 09, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12437   open full text
• Marc Frey and Nicola Spakowski (eds.), Asianisms: Regionalist Interactions & Asian Integration. Singapore: NUS Press, 2016. 282 pp + ix £22.95 (hbk).
  Atsuko Ichijo.
  Nations and Nationalism. August 09, 2018
  --- - - Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 3, Page 821-823, July 2018.
  

  August 09, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12436   open full text
• Şakir Dinçşahin, State and Intellectuals in Turkey: The Life and Times of Niyazi Berkes,1908–1988. New York: Lexington Books, 2015. 186 pp. £54.95 (hbk).
  Nikos Christofis.
  Nations and Nationalism. August 09, 2018
  --- - - Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 3, Page 819-820, July 2018.
  

  August 09, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12435   open full text
• Ben Hillman and Grey Tuttle (eds.), Ethnic Conflict and Protest in Tibet and Xinjiang: Unrest in China's West. New York: Columbia University Press, 2016. 268 pp. £49.95 (hbk).
  David R. Stroup.
  Nations and Nationalism. August 09, 2018
  --- - - Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 3, Page 817-818, July 2018.
  

  August 09, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12434   open full text
• ‘Connor's communist control polities’: why ethno‐federalism does not explain the break‐up of the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia.
  John McGarry.
  Nations and Nationalism. August 09, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract When the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia broke apart, several prominent academics argued that this was because they were federations (or ‘ethno‐federations’ as they put it). This article uses Walker Connor's magnum opus on Marxist–Leninist strategy and practice in communist states to show the flaws in these analyses. Connor's work shows that it is more plausible to link the fate of the three communist states to their anti‐federalist practices than to the fact that they were formally federal. - Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 3, Page 535-545, July 2018.
  

  August 09, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12447   open full text
• Nationalism as legitimation: the appeal of ethnicity and the plea for popular sovereignty.
  Uriel Abulof.
  Nations and Nationalism. August 09, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract Walker Connor is seemingly both a primordialist and a modernist: Nations emanate from basic human sentiments but emerged in late modernity. Is this not an aberration, a contradiction both conceptual and causal? Connor, a champion of academic clarity, obviously thought not, and he was right. What accounts for Connor's unique take on nationalism, and why, for many, does it still seem odd? The answer to both quandaries, I argue, lies in Connor's own unique splice: He effectively delved into, and fused, two thorny matters that most scholars shy away from, let alone try to bring together: human nature and legitimation. Both underpin his remarkable scholarship and its solitude standing. I explore both facets: first, Connor's take on human nature; then, more extensively, his analysis of legitimation – via ‘popular sovereignty’ and ‘self‐determination’. - Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 3, Page 528-534, July 2018.
  

  August 09, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12445   open full text
• Walker Connor's political psychology.
  Stuart J. Kaufman.
  Nations and Nationalism. August 09, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract In a 2002 overview, Daniele Conversi rightly highlights ‘Nationalism as an emotional bond’ as a central theme in Walker Connor's works. Nearly half a century on from Connor's initial assertions, the discipline of psychology has made important strides in understanding the social‐psychological dynamics that influence nationalist feelings. Building on this base of psychological evidence, this essay asks two questions. First, to what degree are Connor's claims supported by or compatible with what psychologists now know? Second, to the extent that Connor's arguments are correct, to what degree have scholarly understandings of nationalist politics recognised the implications of Connor's insights? I conclude that Connor's insights stand up remarkably well, but few have picked up on them, to the lasting detriment of our field of study. - Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 3, Page 519-527, July 2018.
  

  August 09, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12444   open full text
• Nebulous nationalism: Walker Connor in an era of rising populism.
  John Stone, Ioanna Christodoulaki.
  Nations and Nationalism. August 09, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract Walker Connor's extensive writings on nationalism covered a wide range of issues and an even wider range of societies, from North America to Western Europe, from the countries of the Communist bloc to the evolving forms of identity and affiliation throughout the postcolonial, developing world. No theme in his work is perhaps more salient than his critical distinction between state and nation, one that was so often blurred by a loose terminology that saw political units and forms of ethnic identity as synonymous. For Connor, this sin was perpetrated by both academic scholars and general writers and led to a lack of appreciation of one of the foremost forces – what he called ethno‐nationalism – shaping the contemporary world. - Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 3, Page 513-518, July 2018.
  

  August 09, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12443   open full text
• The modernity of nations. A tribute to Walker Connor.
  Paschalis M. Kitromilides.
  Nations and Nationalism. August 09, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract To fully appreciate Walker Connor's contribution to the foundation of the contemporary study of nationalism, two main factors must be taken into account. First, the context of positivist behavioural political science within which in the late 1960s and throughout the 1970s, he articulated his critique of the concept of nation‐building. In this context, Connor emerged as a critic of the limitations and the naivité of positivist modernization theory. His dissenting voice called for critical rethinking and revision of the central concepts of the theory of political development, some of which enjoyed almost doctrinal status. Second, despite his criticism of modernization theory, Connor retained a strong conviction that nations and national sentiment were the products of modernity; indeed, in his judgement, they formed the primary content of modernity. This too was a critical stance within the rising tide of nationalism studies since 1989–1990, when ideology and wishful thinking influenced to a considerable extent the interpretation of nationalism. Walker Connor's intellectual legacy should thus be understood as a heritage of critical thought that is informed by a noteworthy awareness of the moral responsibilities of scholarly analysis. - Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 3, Page 506-512, July 2018.
  

  August 09, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12442   open full text
• The nation in the region: flamenco and canzone napoletana as national icons in modern Spain and Italy (1880–1922).
  Daniele Conversi.
  Nations and Nationalism. August 09, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract Although the relationship between music and nationalism has been at the centre of recent cross‐disciplinary research, many areas remain unexplored. Among them are forms of ‘national music’ that nest overlapping identities, functioning simultaneously as vehicles of regional, ethnic, urban, global and diasporic belongings. This article focuses on the national dimension of these multilevel identities, concentrating on the swings and transmigrations between the national and the regional. It compares two Mediterranean traditions which, particularly between the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, have served as multilevel identifiers of national and regional belongings: flamenco and canzone napoletana (Neapolitan song). I argue that, besides geographically bounded identities, both genres were constructed as ‘national’ primarily abroad, rather than in their home countries, thus contributing to a theory of the ‘international’ dimension of ‘national’ music. In the case of flamenco, I focus on the irradiation centre of the time, Paris, although the modern notion of musical Spanishness was first associated with national identity in Russia. The canzone consolidated its international position mostly through the Italian diaspora, achieving a much wider reach than is ordinarily thought, both nationally and globally. - Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 3, Page 669-694, July 2018.
  

  August 09, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12440   open full text
• Geographies of everyday nationhood: experiencing multiculturalism in Melbourne.
  Tim Edensor, Shanti Sumartojo.
  Nations and Nationalism. August 09, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract In this article, we explore the geographies of nationhood manifest in everyday life, arguing that our quotidian surroundings continually reproduce the nation as we engage with them. We show that nationhood is obvious and ubiquitous in the lives of people when they are asked to attune to it, and that even when not in the forefront of attention, it partly informs how we make sense of our daily experiences. This is not to claim that nationhood is fully formed or coherent, a separate substratum waiting to be tapped into or closely defined by an identifiable symbolic repertoire, if only we pay attention. Instead, we demonstrate that nationhood is emergent in everyday life, is reproduced continuously and intimately entangled with the sensations, routines, material environments, public encounters, everyday competencies, memories, aspirations and a range of other affective and embodied qualities that comprise how we understand and inhabit our worlds. This mundane experience involves shifting between reflexive and unreflexive states, and the method we deploy ‐ photo‐elicitation ‐ is devised to draw out these oscillations and heighten the attunement of participants to the usually unreflexively apprehended taken‐for‐granted national qualities of everyday space. Here, we aim to empirically foreground the neglected spatial dimensions that characterize the experience of banal nationalism. - Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 3, Page 553-578, July 2018.
  

  August 09, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12421   open full text
• Theoretical and methodological considerations for the study of banal and everyday nationalism.
  Jonathan Hearn, Marco Antonsich.
  Nations and Nationalism. August 09, 2018
  --- - - Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 3, Page 594-605, July 2018.
  

  August 09, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12419   open full text
• Introduction: Everyday nationalism's evidence problem.
  Jon E. Fox, Maarten Van Ginderachter.
  Nations and Nationalism. August 09, 2018
  --- - - Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 3, Page 546-552, July 2018.
  

  August 09, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12418   open full text
• Introduction: why a state is not a nation – and whether economics really matters. Walker Connor 50 years on.
  Daniele Conversi.
  Nations and Nationalism. August 09, 2018
  --- - - Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 3, Page 497-505, July 2018.
  

  August 09, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12441   open full text
• ‘There are times when I feel like a bit of an alien’: middling migrants and the national order of things.
  Michael Skey.
  Nations and Nationalism. August 09, 2018
  --- - - Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 3, Page 606-623, July 2018.
  

  August 09, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12422   open full text
• Religiosity or racism? The bases of opposition to religious accommodation in Quebec.
  Yannick Dufresne, Anja Kilibarda, André Blais, Alexis Bibeau.
  Nations and Nationalism. August 07, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract Though Canada is internationally lauded for the success of its multiculturalism policies, debates about immigrant integration have arisen in recent years. These debates have turned on the extent to which religion should be accommodated in the public sphere. They have also been disproportionately concentrated in the French‐speaking province of Quebec. This paper asks whether this disproportionality is due to the Quebec population being particularly unfavourable to religious accommodation and, if so, whether this disfavour is grounded in racial antipathy toward newcomers or in the province's unique religious history. The findings show that while opposition to religious accommodation is higher in Quebec, and higher among francophones, it is rooted more in the low level of religiosity of the francophone population than in racial animus. These results emphasise the importance of correctly conceptualising distinctions between ethnocentric and culturally based sources of group conflict in multicultural settings such as Canada. - 'Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. '

  August 07, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12429   open full text
• Discrimination is what ethnic groups make of it: subjective perceptions of peripherality among the Mohajirs of Pakistan.
  Farhan Hanif Siddiqi.
  Nations and Nationalism. August 07, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract The article attends to the dynamic of subjective interpretation of socio‐economic conditions by ethnic elites in ways that convince co‐ethnics of their relative deprivation and discrimination. The article asserts that it is essential to move beyond structuralist explanations relative to economic deprivation and discrimination for they stand to essentialise social and economic conditions as defined by ethnic entrepreneurs themselves. In studying the crystallisation of Mohajir ethnicity in the 1970s and 1980s, the article seeks to (re) present alternative interpretations relative to political, economic and social facts of discrimination as subjectively presented by the Mohajir ethnic elite. The article locates peripherality not in the political system that disadvantaged the Mohajirs but in the discourse of discrimination propagated by the new Mohajir ethnopolitical elite. It is in this sense that discrimination becomes what ethnic groups make of it. - 'Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. '

  August 07, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12460   open full text
• Ruptures and continuities in nationhood narratives: reconstructing the nation through history textbooks in Serbia and Croatia.
  Tamara Pavasović Trošt.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 21, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract While the (mis) use of history to fuel particular constructions of the nation is well‐documented in the literature, the ways in which nationhood narratives and national ideologies evolve and transform over time are rarely explored. When ruptures – such as state failure or civil war – occur, interpretations of history and nationhood narratives cannot be completely rewritten. Rather, they need to follow up upon previous, established versions, relying on anchoring motives that offer a minimum level of continuity. Relying on a systematic analysis of over forty years of history revisionism in Serbia and Croatia (1974 to 2017), I demonstrate the discursive ways in which nationhood narratives evolved over time and space: from the dismantling of the former common Socialist narrative, replacement with new ethno‐national narratives, the bumpy transformations through the democratic transitions, to the gradual consolidation into the ‘new’ reconstructed nationhood narratives prevailing in the two countries today. - Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 3, Page 716-740, July 2018.
  

  June 21, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12433   open full text
• Methodological nationalism and the politics of history‐writing: how imaginary scholarship perpetuates the nation.
  George Vasilev.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 05, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract The aim of this article is to contribute a greater understanding of the processes by which nationalism passes by unnoticed in research and distorts knowledge about the past. It identifies four narrative practices typical of methodologically nationalist history‐writing and explains why they should be rejected as dubious scholarship. These are: concept overstretch; selection bias; the misrepresentation of governing bodies; and the conflation of culture with identity. It is argued that each functions as a hidden authentication route, entrenching nation‐centric understandings of the past as valid perspectives in scholarly discourses under the legitimating cover of scientific protocol. By increasing awareness around methodological nationalism in history‐writing, this article serves at least two normative purposes. First, it emphasises the reflectiveness required for analysts to avoid co‐option by ideology. Second, it functions as a critical vantage point for dispelling misunderstandings that fuel interstate disputes, interethnic tensions, and the oppression of minorities among populations understanding themselves as heirs to timelessly national property. - 'Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. '

  June 05, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12432   open full text
• Untangling liberal democracy from territoriality: from ethnic/civic to ethnic/territorial nationalism.
  Maxim Tabachnik.
  Nations and Nationalism. May 21, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract The term ‘civic nationalism’ as it is used today in nationalism studies is misleading because it combines territorial collective identity with liberal‐democratic values. As such, for example, it does not provide much insight into the comparison of Azerbaijani and Georgian concepts of national identity. Azerbaijan, arguably an authoritarian country, has used unconditional citizenship by birth on territory (jus soli) and refused to naturalize Azeri co‐ethnics from Georgia. Georgia, seemingly a developed liberal democracy, hasn't practiced any jus soli, has bestowed citizenship on Georgian co‐ethnics abroad and refused it to its ethnic minorities. These two cases testify to the need to revise the term ‘civic nationalism’, inapplicable to many, especially non‐Western, empirical cases of national identity. By establishing distinct historical narratives based on premodernist sources, the article argues that the ethnic/territorial tension is premodern, which explains why civic nationalism has a premodern (territoriality) and a modern (liberal‐democratic values) component. Territorial collective identity, in its contrast to an ethnic one, has deep historical roots and needs to be separated from the overall umbrella of civic nationalism. Such an approach resolves many current theoretical objections to ethnic/civic dichotomy, a ubiquitous, but still insufficiently understood, heuristic tool. - 'Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. '

  May 21, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12428   open full text
• National identity and the limits of constructivism in international relations theory: a case study of the Suez Canal.
  Jean Axelrad Cahan.
  Nations and Nationalism. May 10, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract Constructivism in most of its variants emphasises the creation of circumstances and the social construction of reality. In international relations theory (IR), it also emphasises the establishment of international regimes. The Suez Canal and its governing regime, established at a high point of European nationalism and imperialism in the nineteenth century, are explored as a test case. I argue that, while the early history of the Canal is illuminated by a constructivist approach, maintenance of the regime to govern it involved military intervention and debt restructuring. Military force, balance of power considerations and economic interests all have to be invoked to explain the later history of the Canal, that is, factors usually stressed by the realist school. A combination of realist and constructivist approaches is recommended. The paper is also critical of certain constructivist concepts of national identity. - 'Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. '

  May 10, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12423   open full text
• Reconstructing the history of nationalist cognition and everyday nationhood from personal accounts.
  Raúl Moreno‐Almendral.
  Nations and Nationalism. May 07, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract New approaches to nationalism have focused on the role of human agency within nation‐building structures (nationhood from below, everyday nationalism, experiences of nation, personal nationalism, etc.). However, the development of specific methodologies is still scarce. This paper proposes the use of personal accounts (mostly journals and autobiographies, but not only) as sources for qualitative historical research in nations and nationalism. Departing from the concepts of ‘identity’, ‘experience’ and ‘memory’, it is argued that, although very problematic, these sources are a valid path to the study of nations as they are: social phenomena of discursive nature and political frame, whose real agents are individuals. When these agents narrate their lives employing the nation as a meaningful category, they are not producing mere second‐hand reflections of superior and prior realms, but are performing microhistorical acts of nation‐making that are significant for understanding any case of nation‐building. The paper includes an empirical example using British personal accounts from the Age of Revolutions (c.1780–1840). - Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 3, Page 648-668, July 2018.
  

  May 07, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12427   open full text
• Ethnic nationalism versus religious loyalty: The case of Kurds in Iran.
  Güneş Murat Tezcür, Peyman Asadzade.
  Nations and Nationalism. May 06, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract When religious differences are present within an ethnic group, how do they affect the scope of its nationalist mobilization? The Kurds of Iran presents an ideal case to address this question given their religious diversity and varying levels of involvement in Kurdish nationalist movements. Building on an institutional approach to ethnic identity, this article argues that the dynamics of Kurdish ethnic mobilization in Iran reflect the nature of political exclusion in the Islamic Republic that is primarily based on sectarian affiliation. The article, based on original datasets compiled using several languages, including Persian and Kurdish, shows that recruitment into the Kurdish insurgency in Iran is significantly stronger in the Sunni Kurdish areas than the Shiite ones. While religious identity limits the appeal of ethno‐nationalism among the Shiite Kurds, it doubles the sense of marginalization among the Sunni Kurds and makes them more receptive to violent insurgent mobilization. - 'Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. '

  May 06, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12424   open full text
• From adversaries to allies: ethnic gerrymandering and ethnic party behaviour in local elections in Macedonia.
  Brandon Stewart.
  Nations and Nationalism. May 02, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract Constitutional designers often construct political institutions to provide greater autonomy to ethnic minority groups. One tool available to constitutional designers is ‘ethnic gerrymandering’, where the boundaries of local government units are altered to provide greater representation to minority groups. This paper analyses the effects of changes in the ethnic composition of municipalities, which occur as a result of ethnic gerrymandering, on ethnic party behaviour. I compare ethnic party behaviour in local elections in the Republic of Macedonia from 2000 to 2013. I expand on a theory initially proposed by Sherrill Stroschein linking ethnic demography to ethnic party behaviour. I find that changes in the ethnic composition of municipalities influence whether rival ethnic parties engage in outbidding or whether ethnic communities unite behind a single ethnic party. My findings have important implications for those tasked with designing political institutions in ethnically divided societies. - 'Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. '

  May 02, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12425   open full text
• Bourgeois Hong Kong and its South Seas connections: a cultural logic of overseas Chinese nationalism, 1898–1933.
  Huei‐Ying Kuo.
  Nations and Nationalism. April 16, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract This paper elaborates upon a cultural logic of overseas Chinese nationalism. Around the early twentieth century, some bourgeois members of overseas Chinese in Hong Kong, Taiwan, and South Seas mobilised Confucianism as an ethno‐symbol. The latter helped the overseas Chinese bourgeoisie to counter the quest for greater secularisation and to confront the surge of anti‐imperialist movements. The implications of this research include to recentre the role of overseas Chinese in China's modern transformation; to decentre the May Fourth agendas in the understanding of overseas Chinese nationalism; and to situate overseas Chinese nationalism in an extraterritorial space, which includes the Confucian zone created in the dialogical connections between Confucian intellectual elites (such as Zheng Xiaoxu and Chen Huanzhang) and overseas Chinese bourgeois networks that converged in Hong Kong and spread transnationally. - 'Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. '

  April 16, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12413   open full text
• How to gauge banal nationalism and national indifference in the past: proletarian tweets in Belgium's belle époque.
  Maarten Van Ginderachter.
  Nations and Nationalism. April 16, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract Michael Billig's theory of banal nationalism involves the assumption that the absence of an explicit discourse on the nation should be interpreted as the unmindful presence of nationalism and that the mass media faithfully represent or reflect the discourses of ‘ordinary people’. Recent historical research of ‘national indifference’ in imperial Austria has inverted the correlation between the ubiquity of nationalist discourses and their impact in society. This article assesses these conflicting frameworks and refutes AD Smith's critique of everyday nationalism research as necessarily ahistorical and presentist. This case study of the rank‐and‐file of the social‐democratic Belgian Workers' Party at the close of the nineteenth century uses a unique source of working‐class voices: the so‐called ‘propaganda pence’ or ‘proletarian tweets’ from the Flemish‐speaking city of Ghent. Hot, explicit nationalism was absent from these sources, which begs the question: is this proof of banal nationalism or national indifference? A historically contextualized analysis of the absences shows that workers expressed national indifference towards Belgian, but not towards Flemish ethnicity. In Rogers Brubaker's terms: Flemish ethnicity was a relevant social category, but only in a very restricted number of social contexts could it become a basis for ‘groupness’ or political mobilisation in daily life. - Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 3, Page 579-593, July 2018.
  

  April 16, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12420   open full text
• The cognitive structuring of national identity: individual differences in identifying as American.
  Shawn Rosenberg, Peter Beattie.
  Nations and Nationalism. April 06, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract How citizens view the nation and identify with it is an important element of the phenomenon of nationalism. While shaped by culture, this identification is also subjectively constructed by individuals. Most research on the psychology of national identity is oriented by the assumption that all people think in basically the same way, in terms of simple categories. We complement this approach by examining differences in the quality of people's thinking. While many people think in the simple concrete categorical terms assumed in most research, we argue that some individuals either do not think categorically or they think about categories in a reflective, abstract way. Consequently, these other people construct their national identity differently. To test this, we conducted an online survey that included interactive problem‐solving tasks to assess cognitive functioning and standard survey items to measure the quality and affect of participants' American identity. Our results indicate significant differences in the qualities of individuals' thinking that are reflected in differences in their national identification. - 'Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. '

  April 06, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12416   open full text
• Explaining accommodation and resistance to demands for independence referendums in the UK and Spain.
  Daniel Cetrà, Malcolm Harvey.
  Nations and Nationalism. April 03, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract This article examines why the UK Government accepted the 2014 Scottish independence referendum while the Spanish Government opposes a similar referendum in Catalonia. Adopting a most similar research design, we argue that the variation is best explained by perceived political opportunities by the two ruling parties. These are embedded in different conceptions of the state and constitutional designs, mostly mononational in Spain and mostly plurinational in the UK but multiple and contested in both cases. In Spain, vote‐seeking calculations incentivise the Popular Party to oppose a referendum, while its mononational conception of the state and the Spanish constitutional design provide a further constraint and a discursive justification for their position. In the UK, David Cameron's accommodating position was based on the view that the Scottish referendum was low risk – as support for independence was minimal – with a high reward: the annihilation of the independence demand. The Conservatives have recently adopted a more restrictive position because seeming political advantage has changed. The findings suggest that independence referendums will continue to be rare events. - 'Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. '

  April 03, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12417   open full text
• Between a principled and a consequentialist logic: theory and practice of secession in Catalonia and Scotland.
  Emmanuel Dalle Mulle, Ivan Serrano.
  Nations and Nationalism. March 24, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract This paper inquires into whether the three types of arguments usually formulated in the normative literature on the legitimacy of secession – i.e. communitarian, choice, and remedial arguments – are articulated (or not) by separatist parties in Catalonia and Scotland. It concludes that these actors do use such arguments, but they tend to merge them in different combinations making a pluralist case for independence rather than developing monist reasoning as most political philosophers do. Furthermore, it finds a fourth type of argument which is under‐theorised in the relevant literature. This is an instrumental argument whereby independence is depicted not as an end in itself, but as a means to achieve better welfare and governance for the national population. It further proposes a fourfold theoretical scheme that links communitarian and choice arguments to a principled logic based on the belief in the existence of an absolute right to self‐determination and remedial and instrumental arguments to a consequentialist logic that legitimates secession on the condition that it serves the achievement of specific ends. - 'Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. '

  March 24, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12412   open full text
• ‘Forgotten Europeans’: transnational minority activism in the age of European integration.
  David J. Smith, Marina Germane, Martyn Housden.
  Nations and Nationalism. February 15, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract This article examines transnational activism by coalitions of national minorities in Europe from the early 20th century to the present, setting this within the broader ‘security versus democracy dilemma’ that continues to surround international discussions on minority rights. Specifically, we analyse two organisations – the European Nationalities Congress (1925–1938) and the Federal Union of European Nationalities (1949–) – which, while linked, have never been subject to a detailed comparison based on primary sources. In so far as comparisons do exist, they present these bodies in highly negative terms, as mere fronts for inherently particularistic nationalisms that threaten political stability, state integrity and peace. Our more in‐depth analysis provides a fresh and more nuanced perspective: it shows that, in both cases, concepts of European integration and ‘unity in diversity’ have provided the motivating goals and frameworks for transnational movements advocating common rights for all minorities and seeking positive interaction with the interstate world. - 'Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. '

  February 15, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12401   open full text
• Nationality in the open society: Popper versus Hayes and Kohn.
  Gal Gerson.
  Nations and Nationalism. February 15, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract Popper's attitude to nationalism can be analysed by comparison with the position taken by Hayes and Kohn, who distinguished between a communal, malevolent form of nationalism, and a civic and constitutional variant that could coexist with liberalism. By contrast, Popper welcomes communal affiliations whose diversity he perceives as essential to liberalism, while rejecting sovereignty, whether or not invested in a representative body, as a threat to the liberal open society. This perspective reverses the normative priorities that Hayes and Kohn attribute to liberalism. Its basis is Popper's adherence to a pluralist liberalism, which centres on protecting social ties rather than on representation and state organs. This denotation of liberalism competes with the legalist individualism that Hayes and Kohn identify with liberalism and therefore accommodates nationalism differently. - 'Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. '

  February 15, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12399   open full text
• Welshness in ‘British Wales’: negotiating national identity at the margins.
  Daniel John Evans.
  Nations and Nationalism. February 14, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract Popular interpretations of national identity often focus on the unifying qualities of nationhood. However, societies frequently draw hierarchical distinctions between the people and places who are ‘most national’, and those who are ‘least national’. Little attention is paid to these marginal places within the nation and the experiences of their inhabitants. This article helps to address this by analysing the ‘less Welsh’ British Wales region of Wales, a country that has traditionally possessed a hierarchical, regionally constituted nationhood. The article studies the British Wales region both ‘from above’ – considering how some areas develop as ‘less national’ – and ‘from below’, introducing empirical ethnographic work into ‘everyday Welshness’ in this area. Whilst previous work on hierarchical nationhood focuses on how hierarchies are institutionalized by the state, this article demonstrates how people at the margins of the nation actively negotiate their place in the nation. Whilst people in this area expressed a strong Welshness, they also struggled to place themselves in the nation because they had internalized their lowly place within the national hierarchy. The article demonstrates the importance of place and social class for national identity construction and draws attention to the role of power in the discursive construction of hierarchical nationhood. - 'Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. '

  February 14, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12390   open full text
• Carving out the nation with the enemy's kin: double strategy of boundary‐making in Transnistria and Abkhazia.
  Magdalena Dembińska.
  Nations and Nationalism. January 08, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract The 1992–1993 civil wars in Moldova and in Georgia ended with a de facto separation of Transnistria and Abkhazia, respectively. These de facto states are both inhabited by the kin to the ‘enemy’ across the administrative border: Moldovans and Georgians/Mingrelians. How do the de facto authorities foster a collective identity in support of their claim for legitimacy and statehood? Engaging with Wimmer's taxonomy of boundary‐making, this article argues that nation‐building involves not only expansion but also, simultaneously, contraction. Transnistria constructs a higher‐level identity category and co‐opts and contracts the Moldovan category, separating it into ‘our’ and Bessarabian Moldovans in order to incorporate the former into the Transnistrian people. In Abkhazia, the nation‐building project establishes the Abkhazs as the titular nation allowing, however, for the construction of an Abkhazian people that would include minorities, with Gal/i Georgians said to be Mingrelians, distinct from Georgians. These cases show that elites combine different ethnic boundary‐making strategies in order to implement their favoured identity project and to legitimize the claimed statehood. - 'Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. '

  January 08, 2018   doi: 10.1111/nana.12386   open full text
• Domestic troubles, national identity discourse, and China's attitude towards the West, 2003–2012.
  Yinan He.
  Nations and Nationalism. December 11, 2017
  --- - |2 Abstract Prior to its recent, much discussed international ‘assertiveness’, China's attitude to the West had deteriorated, as reflected in official discourse of national identity. Drawing from political science and social psychology literature on identity studies, I argue that the discursive pattern of national identity can shift as a function of an elite strategy to exclude internal others through opposition to foreign others. Internally exclusionary nationalism, often employed by elites during major crises, is instrumental to consolidating control and maintaining order. But when targeting internal opponents alone is politically inconvenient or lacks public resonance, elites will accentuate ethnocentric national identity discourse vis‐a‐vis foreign nations in order to reinforce internal battles and divert popular discontent externally. An interpretive analysis of the official texts of Chinese national identity discourse during the Hu Jintao decade, supplemented by quantitative data, shows a significant correlation between the regime's fear of internal instability and bottom‐up political opposition on the one hand and the timing and intensity of ethnocentric identity discourse regarding the West on the other. The party‐state negatively framed the West in order to shift the blame for domestic troubles onto foreigners and discredit internal resistance. - Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 3, Page 741-766, July 2018.
  

  December 11, 2017   doi: 10.1111/nana.12380   open full text
• Mosaic art in modern Israel and the construction of a sense of place.
  Ze'ev Shavit.
  Nations and Nationalism. November 20, 2017
  --- - |2 Abstract The article deals with the construction of a narrative and sense of place among the Jewish immigrant‐settler society in 20th century Israel in the context of its efforts to establish a national collective identity on indigenous (i.e. authentic) foundations and with the symbolic struggle with the Palestinian national movement as its backdrop. The case study under discussion is the instalment in public spaces of mosaic decorations inspired by ancient Jewish mosaics unearthed in archaeological excavations. I argue that intentionally or unintentionally, these decorations functioned as agents in the construction of an authentic narrative and a sense of place by producing a link between the current and the ancient Jewish presence in the place. This practice went hand‐in‐hand with the hegemonic national dogma about the link between an ancient, allegedly glorious era of the Jewish people in Palestine, and the modern Zionist project. - Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 3, Page 792-816, July 2018.
  

  November 20, 2017   doi: 10.1111/nana.12382   open full text
• About time: age, period, and cohort effects on support for Quebec sovereignty.
  Florence Vallée‐Dubois, Ruth Dassonneville, Jean‐François Godbout.
  Nations and Nationalism. November 08, 2017
  --- - |2 Abstract Can age, period and cohort effects help explain support for Quebec sovereignty? Previous work on this question has focused mostly on the effects of age and cohort. We contribute to this debate by adding a period perspective. As such, our study is the first to investigate the impact of age, cohort and period effects in a single study of opinion towards sovereignty in Quebec. We take advantage of an original dataset that includes survey data collected between 1985 and 2012. We use these data to examine the impact of age, birth year and survey year on support for this constitutional option among francophone Quebeckers. Our results are in line with previous work: we show that younger Quebeckers are more likely to support sovereignty, and that some cohorts – namely, respondents born between 1945 and 1959 – are also more likely to favour this option. Perhaps more surprisingly, we find that specific events are comparatively the most important factor to explain fluctuations in Quebeckers' attitudes towards sovereignty. - 'Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. '

  November 08, 2017   doi: 10.1111/nana.12378   open full text
• Cultural nationalism and everyday resistance in an illiberal nationalising state: ethnic minority nationalism in Russia.
  Guzel Yusupova.
  Nations and Nationalism. November 08, 2017
  --- - |2 Abstract Ethnic minority nationalism has always been one of the most important subfields of nationalism studies, yet it lacks the consideration in illiberal settings. Limitations of civil liberties and restrictive legislation have undoubtedly affected the existence and the ways to express minority nationalism when it is considered a threat to authoritarian government, which is the case of the contemporary Russian Federation. The paper provides a methodological framework that helps to investigate ethnic minority nationalism when its direct articulation is restricted. It argues that the combination of a cultural nationalism approach and complexity theory can be a fruitful way to explore minority nationalism in an illiberal nationalising state using the case of Russian ethnic minorities. It also argues that the complex context of authoritarianism and market economy creates tipping points towards the growing importance of ethnic minority identification as a basis for social solidarity. - Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 3, Page 624-647, July 2018.
  

  November 08, 2017   doi: 10.1111/nana.12366   open full text
• Boosting nationalism with non‐nationalist ideology: A comparative biographical analysis of the Chinese communist revolutionaries.
  Luyang Zhou.
  Nations and Nationalism. November 08, 2017
  --- - |2 Abstract This article conducts a comparative biographical analysis to explain why the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) revolutionaries used non‐nationalist Marxism to boost a nationalist movement. It argues that these people, based on their own observations of the precommunist Chinese nationalism, thought that China lacked structural conditions for making a solid nationalist movement such as cultural homogeneity, mass literacy, and a shared pride in modern history. They thus turned to seek a non‐national ideology that could still fulfil the functions of integrating leading elites, mobilizing the masses, and motivating the patriots themselves. Then, to explain why the CCP leaders particularly adopted Marxism, this article draws comparison with the Kuomintang (non‐communist nationalists) elites who advocated for more patience and insistence to develop regular nationalism. The comparison shows that the CCP's impatient jump stemmed from their disadvantaged backgrounds that had limited their ideological horizon: lower‐class origins, narrow overseas experiences, poor education, and weak attachment to traditional culture. To pre‐existing literature, this article makes three contributions: (1) provides a more detailed interpretation of the CCP's diagnosis of Chinese nationalism; (2) explains why the same structural dilemmas produced nationalist and non‐nationalist responses alike; and (3) draws a biographical database of the CCP and the Kuomintang. - Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 3, Page 767-791, July 2018.
  

  November 08, 2017   doi: 10.1111/nana.12371   open full text
• Memories of humiliation, cultures of resentment towards Edom and the formation of ancient Jewish national identity.
  Juan Manuel Tebes.
  Nations and Nationalism. October 19, 2017
  --- - |2 Abstract While the impact of wars and national humiliations in the ancient Jewish cultural nationalism has been studied extensively, little has been written about the role of the related phenomena of cultures of resentment against foreigners or minority groups. Well before the Hellenistic period, the Jewish tradition had already created its own perfect enemy whose very name became synonymous of Israel's most malicious antagonist: Edom. This article aims to study the changing attitudes towards the Edomites/Idumaeans from the late Judaean kingdom to the Roman period using a long‐durée perspective, particularly the growth of memories of humiliation and feelings of resentment product of the alleged crimes of Edom during Judah's fall and exile. - 'Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. '

  October 19, 2017   doi: 10.1111/nana.12367   open full text
• Bringing the study of warfare into theories of nationalism.
  John Hutchinson.
  Nations and Nationalism. October 04, 2017
  This article argues that warfare has been marginalised in theories of nationalism but that in conjunction with nationalism is vital for understanding the rise of nation‐states, the formation of nations and the nature of the international system. It offers a critique of statist approaches, suggests mechanisms through which warfare may sacralise nations and explores different patterns of nation‐state formation as they affect the interstate system. In particular, it emphasises tensions between state and nation‐formation as activated by the fortunes of war and the destabilising effects of waves of imperial dissolution, which are accompanied by patterns of re‐imperialization. It suggests that it is simplistic both to claim that war has led to a transition from empires to nation‐states and that contemporary practices of war‐making have led to a postnational era.

  October 04, 2017   doi: 10.1111/nana.12364   open full text
• ‘Primordialism’ in nationalism studies: theory or ideology?
  John Coakley.
  Nations and Nationalism. October 04, 2017
  For several decades, the field of nationalism studies has seen an extended debate about explanations of nationalism and about the process of nation formation. An impressive set of labels has been coined to describe alternative approaches. One of the theories that has enjoyed unusual longevity is the approach known as primordialism, which stresses the deep historical and cultural roots of nations and nationalism and assumes their quasi‐objective character. This resilience is surprising because of the difficulty of marshalling evidence to support such a theory, and because of the line‐up of critics who dismiss it. This article explores the recent debate about primordialism. It suggests that authentic versions of primordialism are extremely hard to find in the academic literature, and that primordialism may better be viewed as an ingredient in nationalism than as an explanation of nationalism.

  October 04, 2017   doi: 10.1111/nana.12349   open full text
• Language as a public good and national identity: Scotland's competing heritage languages.
  Chris Chhim, Éric Bélanger.
  Nations and Nationalism. September 06, 2017
  The preservation of one or several historically and culturally important languages may be a salient political issue in some polities. Although they may not be used as an active means of communication, these languages can also serve a symbolic identitary function. These ‘heritage’ languages can be seen as ‘public goods’ and that even non‐speakers of these languages can have opinions regarding their importance to national identity. In the Scotland example, while Gaelic has been the focus of proactive government legislation and education initiatives, Scots is still struggling for status as a recognised language. Both languages are in some way constituent parts of Scottish identity that at times may seem in competition with one another. Using original survey data, we delve deeper into questions of language, identity and politics in Scotland. First, we describe how public opinion is divided over the importance of Gaelic and Scots to Scottish identity. Second, we use attitudes towards these languages as a dependent variable looking at Scottish identity and attachment. Finally, we use these attitudes towards Gaelic and Scots as an independent variable in models for party identification in Scotland.

  September 06, 2017   doi: 10.1111/nana.12347   open full text
• The smallest ideological and political battlefield: depicting borders on postage stamps – the case of Israel.
  Yehiel Limor, David Mekelberg.
  Nations and Nationalism. September 06, 2017
  There are few dozen areas in dispute around the world, where the borders have not been agreed by the involved parties or by the international community. The dispute over the Israeli border is particularly complex as it not only presents disagreement between the opposing sides in play but also in the international arena and within the Israeli political system and society. This paper examines one way in which the State of Israel is trying to define its borders through postage stamps. The argument raised is that Israel issues stamps that deal with disputed territorial areas in accordance with the ideology of the ruling party of a certain period, as well as the respective social consensus surrounding a particular area. Our findings support this argument and find three meta‐messages incorporated into the stamps, including the historical connection between the State of Israel and the land of Israel, unified Jerusalem, and the Christian connection to Jerusalem.

  September 06, 2017   doi: 10.1111/nana.12348   open full text
• Revitalizing the ‘civic’ and ‘ethnic’ distinction. Perceptions of nationhood across two dimensions, 44 countries and two decades.
  Christian Albrekt Larsen.
  Nations and Nationalism. August 14, 2017
  This article describes how contemporary publics think about the nation along Kohn's classic distinction between ‘civic’ and ‘ethnic’ nationalism. The article makes three contributes to the existing literature. Firstly, it introduces a new statistical tool, multi‐classification analysis, to establish and analyse the two‐dimensional structure found in this and previous studies. Secondly, it derives at an alternative interpretation, with a first dimension distinguishing the level of mobilization of nationalist attitudes and a second dimension distinguishing the relative emphasis given to civic and ethnic elements. Thirdly, it demonstrates how this set‐up can be used to describe differences within countries, across countries and across time using all three rounds of International Social Survey Programme data on national identity. The descriptions demonstrate a move towards mobilized ethnic nationalism in Eastern Europe, while a stable non‐mobilized civic nationalism prevails in many West European countries, despite the rise of new right‐wing parties.

  August 14, 2017   doi: 10.1111/nana.12345   open full text
• Norwegian national day oratory: constructing and reconstructing a national we.
  Bjørnar Buxrud, Katrine Fangen.
  Nations and Nationalism. August 03, 2017
  National day speeches play an explicit part in defining national identities. In this article, we examine how mayors in Norwegian municipalities reflect on Norway's increased diversity in their 17 May speeches. National day speeches in Norway are supposed to focus on unity, not conflict. Yet, what have they become in the context of diversity? In applying theoretical perspectives on nations, rituals and language to data consisting of a selection of speeches, our analysis identifies themes that structure a typical 17 May speech. We explore the use of plural pronouns in the speeches and how they make Norwegian national identity more or less accessible for people with minority backgrounds. By including ethnic minorities in national day rhetoric, the speakers negotiate who belongs in the Norwegian community in a less directly political way than in everyday life. Yet, whilst the genre is celebratory, the national day speeches also echo different political attitudes towards diversity and integration.

  August 03, 2017   doi: 10.1111/nana.12346   open full text
• Kin state non‐interventionism: Albania and regional stability in the Western Balkans.
  Elvin Gjevori.
  Nations and Nationalism. July 24, 2017
  This article provides a comprehensive analysis of Albanian regional policy from 1992 to 2013. Situated in a conflict‐ridden region and surrounded by co‐ethnics living in Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia, Albania has successfully resisted pressure to undertake interventionist regional policies. However, there are no structured accounts as to how Albania fashioned its non‐interventionist regional policy. This article fills this gap and retraces the development of Albanian regional policy as a function of its inter‐mingled domestic politics and regional and international dynamics. The article concludes that the Albanian regional approach has been shaped by its legacy of communist isolation, pro‐Western predisposition and recognition that accommodation of Western interests would overcome its constraints and advance the rights of Albanians living in the Western Balkans. The analysis is important not just for understanding Albania's actions but also for disentangling the relationship between regional policy, nationalism and a kin state's domestic and international constraints.

  July 24, 2017   doi: 10.1111/nana.12344   open full text
• Tourism and nationalism in the production of regional culture: the shaping of Majorca's popular songbook between 1837 and 1936.
  Antoni Vives‐Riera.
  Nations and Nationalism. July 05, 2017
  --- - |2 Abstract This article offers a microhistorical approach to the shaping of regional cultures during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries to show that this process was not only imposed from centres of nationalisation as a complement of national identity, but that it also had to be negotiated with elites in provinces at the periphery. Specifically, the article looks at how the regional songbook of Majorca took shape between 1837 and 1936. In this process of musical regionalisation, the cultural authority of the tourism and colonial discourse about the island was strategically exploited by local musicians to gain some share of power from below in negotiating their own regional identity with nationalising institutions. In this way, the Spanish and Catalan national identities being projected over the island were ultimately decentred and transformed. - Nations and Nationalism, Volume 24, Issue 3, Page 695-715, July 2018.
  

  July 05, 2017   doi: 10.1111/nana.12333   open full text
• Becoming (more) Dutch as medical recommendations: how understandings of national identity enter the medical practice of hymenoplasty consultations.
  Sherria Ayuandini, Jan Willem Duyvendak.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 13, 2017
  This article looks at how Dutch national identity enters the practical setting of a medical consultation. Extending the growing scholarships of everyday nationalism and engaging with the notion of multivocalism, this article shows how Dutchness is understood in the form of desirable personal characteristics. These characteristics are promoted by physicians to patients of migrant ancestry looking for a surgery called hymenoplasty. This article presents unique scholarly observations of a case where a particular understanding of national identity is recommended as part of medical advice. Furthermore, by closely examining exchanges between doctors and patients, this article argues that Dutchness is in a state of flux where a person of migrant ancestry can simultaneously be seen by others as Dutch and non‐Dutch.

  June 13, 2017   doi: 10.1111/nana.12329   open full text
• Performing the national territory: The geography of national‐day celebrations.
  Konstanze N'Guessan, Carola Lentz, Marie‐Christin Gabriel.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 09, 2017
  The nation is a relatively abstract imagined community that is visualised through a variety of symbols as well as communicative and performative practices. In this paper, we explore how the national territory, one of the foundations of the nation‐state, is performed on national‐day celebrations and brings the nation into being. Drawing on ethnographic research on national days in Burkina Faso, Côte d'Ivoire and Ghana, we show how the state's internal administrative divisions and ethnic differences are at once made explicit but also subordinated to the nation. Moreover, we show how in such celebrations, potentially disruptive or competing affiliations such as ethnicity and regional loyalties are re‐imagined. Both the rotation of the central celebration and its replication all over the national territory carry the nation into the regions and integrate the regions into the nation‐state. The ‘co‐memoration’ turns participants and spectators from locals into national compatriots and thus not only performs nationality but also performs the relationship among nation, state and citizen, set within a particular territory.

  June 09, 2017   doi: 10.1111/nana.12332   open full text
• Debate on understanding national identity by David McCrone and Frank Bechhofer.
  Atsuko Ichijo, Jon E. Fox, Arthur Aughey, David McCrone, Frank Bechhofer.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 06, 2017
  There is no abstract available for this paper.

  June 06, 2017   doi: 10.1111/nana.12314   open full text
• Security, ethnicity, nationalism.
  Iver B. Neumann.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 06, 2017
  Using Slavic examples, the article looks at the nationalism/security nexus present today between the birth of ethnicities (early middle ages) and the birth of nationalism (eighteenth century). I discuss how Slavic ethnicity emerged in Greek and Roman security thinking. Others were classified in terms of ethnoi and were then interpellated into this self‐understanding. If ethnicity is an identity for the Other, then nationalism is an identity for the Self. It becomes a security concern not to order the Other polity's identity, as did the Byzantines, but to see to it that groups that may threaten your own nationalism – minorities, imperial subjects – cannot embrace nationalism. The policy of denying nationhood to minorities must be understood amongst other things as security policy. The organic understanding of the nation as young and vital demonstrates a third interstice between security and nationalism. If the young and vital nation is to grow and expand at the expense of the old and tired, then the polity that represents itself as a young and vital nation is by dint of that representation alone a security threat against those that they represent as old and tired. Finally, I discuss how this theme is played out in today's Russia

  June 06, 2017   doi: 10.1111/nana.12330   open full text
• Noble heathens: Jón Jónsson Aðils and the problem of Iceland's pagan past.
  Simon Halink.
  Nations and Nationalism. April 04, 2017
  In the course of the nineteenth century, traditional Christian conceptions of Europe's pre‐Christian paganisms made way for a more favourable image of the ‘noble heathen’, inspired by Romantic primitivism and the quest for national authenticity. Poets and philologists in Scandinavia turned to medieval manuscripts containing the remnants of the worldview of the Vikings (Ásatrú), and cultivated them as a repository of topoi and motifs for patriotic art. In this essay, I investigate how this positive reassessment of paganism tied into the national historiography of Iceland, and how it influenced the idea of an Icelandic ‘Golden Age’. For this purpose, the oeuvre of Jón Jónsson Aðils, Iceland's most prolific historian of the early twentieth century, will be scrutinised. This essay demonstrates how Aðils envisioned Ásatrú's role in the formation of Iceland's national character, and addresses the problem of reconciling a glorified pagan past with the nation's contemporary Christian identity. In so doing, it contributes to our understanding of the complex ways in which processes of national identity formation can affect and transform long‐held ideas on religious and spiritual matters.

  April 04, 2017   doi: 10.1111/nana.12319   open full text
• Narratives of the nation in the Olympic opening ceremonies: comparative analysis of Beijing 2008 and London 2012.
  Jongsoo Lee, Hyunsun Yoon.
  Nations and Nationalism. March 27, 2017
  This paper examines the ways in which nationalism and the narratives of the nation were constructed in the Olympic opening ceremonies in Beijing 2008 and London 2012. The ritual of the opening ceremony represents a concentration of features, qualities and messages that combine the local and global, the culturally specific and universal, in a complex production. Using textual analysis of the telecast of the above two opening ceremonies, the study found that the Beijing 2008 opening ceremony used a grand narrative of progress, emphasising the unified identity of Chineseness, while privileging the official narrative of the nation and one collective identity. In contrast, the London 2012 opening ceremony highlighted the fragmented but diversified identity of Britishness, transpiring social inclusivity, cultural hybridity and multiculturalism. This may be related to the rise of different type of nationalism in the context of increasing globalisation. The Beijing opening ceremony represented the Sinocentric Chinese new nationalism, whereas the London 2012 counterpart, up to a point, highlighted civic‐based multicultural nationalism.

  March 27, 2017   doi: 10.1111/nana.12318   open full text
• Influences of nationalisms on citizenship education: revealing a ‘dark side’ in Lebanon.
  Bassel Akar, Mara Albrecht.
  Nations and Nationalism. March 17, 2017
  The development of education policies is in many aspects driven by nationalist aims, especially when demonstrating postcolonial autonomy. In the case of Lebanon, Arab and Lebanese forms of nationalism have framed education policy development when transitioning out of the French mandate to an independent republic and during pan‐Arab movements against colonialism. Following 15 years of armed conflict (1975–1990), the reformed national curriculum for citizenship drew on a negotiated compromise between advocates of Lebanese and Arab nationalism to foster a unifying national identity. The practices and outcomes of citizenship education, however, reveal degrees of social exclusion, barriers to learning active citizenship, infringement on intellectual freedoms and denial of thinking historically. Evidence is drawn from empirical studies, the state of affairs of history education and student registration figures in Lebanese and non‐Lebanese systems. The findings raise debates on the role of language in citizenship education and suggest a need to reconceptualise the implementation of nationalist aims in education policies, especially by incorporating elements of cosmopolitanism.

  March 17, 2017   doi: 10.1111/nana.12316   open full text
• The importance of being Ernest: a Comment on Riga and Hall.
  Hudson Meadwell.
  Nations and Nationalism. March 12, 2017
  Ernest Gellner's work on nationalism continues to draw a mix of both admiration and criticism. In a recent article, Riga and Hall find fault with a new line of criticism of Gellner's theory of nationalism that I introduced in a series of articles in this journal. They claim that I have merely repeated a well‐known criticism of Gellner – that his work is functionalist. This would be convenient for their arguments if it were true. While I would agree, and have explicitly acknowledged, that there is nothing new in the charge of functionalism, I do not take a functionalist line on Gellner. Functionalism is not the issue. My work shows that his theory of nationalism is plagued with problems that have little or nothing to do with functionalism.

  March 12, 2017   doi: 10.1111/nana.12315   open full text
• Hans Kohn: the idea of secularized nationalism.
  Zohar Maor.
  Nations and Nationalism. February 20, 2017
  More than seventy years after its publication, Hans Kohn's 1944 The Idea of Nationalism is still regarded as a ground‐breaking contribution to the study of nationalism. This essay is aimed to highlight a significant theme in this work which has largely gone unnoticed, namely, the pivotal role of religion and secularism in Kohn's account of nationalism, and especially, in his persistent struggle for a ‘perfect’ nationalism. Kohn's conception – and personal experience – of the relationship of nationalism and religion will be examined through several stages of his turbulent life. First, as a young Zionist in Prague, when he parlayed Martin Buber's Zionist creed into an ethnic concept of nationalism. Then, in Kohn's journalistic writing in the 1920s and in his first theoretical works on nationalism in the years 1929–1942. Finally, Kohn's more mature and crystallized account of nationalism in his 1944 book will be revisited from the perspective of the nationalism–religion relationship.

  February 20, 2017   doi: 10.1111/nana.12313   open full text
• Rebuilding Indigenous nations through constitutional development: a case study of the Métis in Canada.
  Janique Dubois, Kelly Saunders.
  Nations and Nationalism. February 20, 2017
  For the Métis Nation in Canada, self‐government remains the ‘essence of the struggle’ for which their political leader, Louis Riel, sacrificed his life in 1885. As one of Canada's founding peoples, the Métis have sought to reclaim their Indigenous right to self‐government by establishing democratic governance bodies, enhancing their economic capacity and pursuing state recognition of their rights. In addition to these efforts, the Métis have been developing a national constitution, which is anticipated to form the basis of a government to government relationship between the Métis Nation and the Canadian state. Through a case study of the Métis, this article explores the role of contemporary constitution‐building in rebuilding Indigenous nations from within and reclaiming self‐government in settler societies. We conclude that the Métis Nation's pursuit of these goals through constitutionalism will depend on its ability to build legitimacy internally amongst its citizens and externally with state decision‐makers.

  February 20, 2017   doi: 10.1111/nana.12312   open full text
• Identity formation through national calendar: holidays and commemorations in Pakistan.
  Ali Usman Qasmi.
  Nations and Nationalism. February 16, 2017
  This article contributes to academic literature on the project of identity formation in a postcolonial nation‐state. The article argues that a nation‐state emphasising certain aspects of the past for commemorative or celebratory purposes, while suppressing or ignoring the memories of some other event or historical figure, are both parts of the same process. Both these processes, in different ways, seek to give a certain direction to the narrative about the history of the nation and the nation‐state. These aspects of national memory and amnesia have been explained through the prism of national/public holidays while foregrounding the case study of Pakistan. The article argues that although this process of shaping a specific narrative (referred to as commemorative narrative in this article by using Yael Zerubavel's work) is common to every project of identity formation, its peculiarity is more pronounced in a postcolonial state like Pakistan, which has certain cut‐off dates and ruptures but is, simultaneously, eager to emphasise continuities in its trajectory and antiquity in historical tradition. The study of the process of developing a national calendar in case of Pakistan will show that identity formation is a transient process in which various identarian values, political considerations and social processes play an important part. In particular, it requires an attempt on the part of the state to try impose a homogenising historical narrative by envisaging a national calendar, i.e. by announcing a national or public holiday. This helps accord prestige to persons credited as founding fathers or ideologues, ascribe solemnity to days remembering wars and festivity to mark independence or religious occasions. By discussing these themes in detail, this exploratory study of the history of national calendar will lend an alternative lens through which to look into the processes of identity formation in postcolonial nation‐states in general.

  February 16, 2017   doi: 10.1111/nana.12310   open full text
• My neighbour, the criminal: how memories of the 1991–1995 conflict in Croatia affect attitudes towards the Serb minority.
  Ivor Sokolić.
  Nations and Nationalism. January 31, 2017
  This paper investigates how Croats view the minority Serb population in Croatia. It is based on focus groups, dyads and interviews conducted in Croatia in 2014 and 2015. Serbs constitute the ‘other’ to Croatian identity, which is defined primarily through language and religion. The analysis finds that the predominant war narrative related to the 1991–1995 conflict, one of defence against a larger Serbian aggressor, influences both of these notions of identity, as well as perceptions of the Serb minority in the state. Participants displayed contradictory attitudes in a discourse that featured many key facets of the war narrative. Most respondents agreed that Serbs should be equal members of Croatian society, but they also did not believe Cyrillic signs should be put up in Vukovar. The introduction of bilingual signs both reduced trust in government institutions and was interpreted as a continued threat against the Croatian people and state.

  January 31, 2017   doi: 10.1111/nana.12311   open full text
• Extranational spaces and the disruption of national boundaries: Turkish immigrant media and claims against the state in 1980s West Germany.
  Amy Foerster, Jennifer Miller.
  Nations and Nationalism. January 19, 2017
  After the 1980 coup that shook Turkey and almost twenty years after the bilateral ‘guest worker’ treaty shifted Germany's demographic make‐up, West German policy makers proposed increasingly restrictive regulations on the ‘guest workers’ who had heavily contributed to West Germany's economy. In this crucial historical moment, Turkish‐language newspapers, published in West Germany, created a politically motivated extranational public sphere in which they launched claims against both the West German and Turkish states. These claims shaped immigration and integration policy between the two countries, fostered diasporic activism and cross‐national religious and political organisations and gave rise to a variety of unexpected organisational outcomes that continue to impact both Germany and the Turkish Republic.

  January 19, 2017   doi: 10.1111/nana.12298   open full text
• What is ‘needed’ to keep remembering? War‐specific communication, parental exemplar behaviour and participation in national commemorations.
  Manja Coopmans, Tanja Van der Lippe, Marcel Lubbers.
  Nations and Nationalism. January 17, 2017
  Given the abundance of literature on collective memory practices, there is relatively little empirical research on the socialization processes explaining the transmission of such practices. This article examines to what extent war‐specific communication and parental exemplar behaviour function as a link between the collected memories of individuals and society's collective memory. Utilizing data from an online survey conducted in 2014, we focus on participation in the activities organized on Remembrance Day and Liberation Day in the Netherlands in remembrance of the Second World War. We distinguish between public and private practices. Our findings highlight that different forms of socialization substitute for one another. Whereas communication with non‐relatives is particularly relevant for those communicating less frequently with parents about past war experiences, parental exemplar behaviour, such as participating in the two‐minute silence on Remembrance Day, plays a bigger role amongst those with lower levels of communication with either relatives or non‐relatives.

  January 17, 2017   doi: 10.1111/nana.12300   open full text
• International solidarity and ethnic boundaries: using the Israeli–Palestinian conflict to strengthen ethno‐national claims in Northern Ireland.
  Rawan Arar.
  Nations and Nationalism. January 05, 2017
  While scholars have described vertical nation‐building narratives that genealogically anchor a specific group to a specific territory (Smith 1981; Eriksen 2002), I argue that, in addition to vertical strategies, expressions of international solidarity constitute horizontal nation‐building strategies. Expressions of international solidarity can be used to maintain local ethnic boundaries and reinforce local divisions. By adopting an ally, expressions of international solidarity also designate an adversary, making the boundary between the two a possible incentive for solidarity. In Northern Ireland, some Unionist and Nationalist political entrepreneurs rely on expressions of international solidarity with Israelis or Palestinians, respectively, to make adversarial ethno‐national claims to the nation‐state. This study examines flags, graffiti, murals and political speech on display in Northern Ireland that advocate for either Israelis or Palestinians. Through the concept of ‘borrowed legitimacy’, I acknowledge the strategic use of the ethnic boundary in expressions of international solidarity.

  January 05, 2017   doi: 10.1111/nana.12294   open full text
• Liberal intolerance in European education debates.
  Tore Vincents Olsen.
  Nations and Nationalism. November 10, 2016
  The reaction against non‐western immigrants and especially Muslims has been analysed both in terms of an exclusionary civic nationalism and in terms of an assertive liberalism. Similar to exclusionary civic nationalism, assertive liberalism purports to defend liberal democratic principles and society against illiberal principles and forces predominantly represented by Muslims. This article argues that nationalism and liberalism are analytically distinguishable but difficult to disentangle empirically. It contends that a more detailed analysis of assertive liberalism can be obtained by subdividing it into four categories of liberal intolerance and demonstrates this by analysing six national debates on the accommodation of cultural and religious diversity in education. The analysis indicates that the nature of liberal intolerance understood as the combination of the four categories of liberal intolerance varies with the state tradition regarding religious neutrality of public institutions and the type of welfare state, but also that many liberal arguments for and against accommodation repeat themselves across national contexts.

  November 10, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12292   open full text
• Repertoires of national boundaries in France and Germany—within‐country cleavages and their political consequences.
  Sabine Trittler.
  Nations and Nationalism. October 27, 2016
  This article analyses how members of the majority population in France and Germany define membership in the nation and how they relate to the various civic, cultural, or ethnic visions of national belonging available in the cultural repertoires of historical models, institutional arrangements, and elite discourses. To scrutinize within‐country differences in the configurations of the symbolic boundaries of national belonging, this article applies cluster analysis techniques for each country separately using data from the International Social Survey Program (ISSP). Overall, the results suggest that people choose and arrange different criteria from cultural repertoires, resulting in various configurations of national boundaries. Furthermore, the number and types of symbolic boundaries used are decisive for explaining restrictive and hostile attitudes towards immigrants. Contrary to the civic and ethnic historical models, the national boundary configurations display very similar patterns across the two countries, especially attesting to the considerable process of liberalization of citizenship regulations in Germany.

  October 27, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12291   open full text
• The nationalisation of the domestic sphere.
  Eric Storm.
  Nations and Nationalism. October 18, 2016
  Banal forms of nationalism permeate our everyday life. However, it is not very clear when all kinds of banal objects and practices became nationalised. In this article, I focus on the domestic sphere by analysing how around 1900 a small group of activists began to propagate the nationalisation of domestic architecture, decorative arts and even gardening. Domestic practices such as cooking, cleaning and consuming were nationalised at about the same time, at least in Western Europe. Although in the beginning the nationalisation of the domestic sphere was perceived as something new, within a few decades the existence of national cuisines and architectural styles was taken for granted. As a consequence, it becomes clear that the nationalisation of the domestic sphere constituted a new and very successful phase in the nation‐building process, which now also began to affect quotidian practices and objects in the private realm.

  October 18, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12290   open full text
• The changing definition of China in middle school history textbooks.
  Zhaojin Lu.
  Nations and Nationalism. October 02, 2016
  Inspired by the dichotomous understanding of nationhood contributed by Brubaker (1992), this paper explores how Chinese nationhood is constituted by particular symbols in middle school historiography since the 1950s. In response to the analysis on the high school textbooks done by Baranovitch (2000), this study finds that the narratives in the middle school history textbooks have a similar transition from equating China to Han to defining China as a multi‐ethnic nation. However, the analysis also demonstrates that the transition of the middle school history textbooks is not as complete and absolute as that of their high school counterparts. A textbook may follow different principles in nationhood configuration simultaneously. In the textbook narratives before the change, the jus sanguinis logic was dominant over the jus soli logic; in those in the textbooks after the change, Chinese nationhood was constituted by the jus soli principle and the jus sanguinis principle complementarily. This study questions the perception that a nation only consistently follows one philosophy in the symbolic consolidation of nationhood, and casts doubt on the understanding that jus sanguinis or jus soli logic is deeply rooted in the historical development of a nation and cannot change.

  October 02, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12278   open full text
• Between banality and effervescence?: a study of Japanese youth nationalism.
  Kazuya Fukuoka.
  Nations and Nationalism. September 29, 2016
  The study of taken‐for‐granted nationalism has been bourgeoning in the last two decades. With Michael Billig's seminal thesis of banal nationalism, it is now more common to see those studies that focus on day‐to‐day unconscious flagging of national symbols in established (as opposed to new) nations. There are also studies that re‐emphasize Durkheimian moments of collective effervescence through ecstatic events (such as the Olympics and the Soccer World Cup) that concretize national identities. By critically engaging with these concepts, this exploratory study delves into the nature of Japanese youth nationalism. What are the sources of their national pride? How proud are they? Or, not? How do the Japanese youth perceive the national symbols such as the national flag and how is it related to the sense of nation?

  September 29, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12276   open full text
• The nation‐state in its state‐istics (Belgium, 1846–1947).
  Kaat Louckx.
  Nations and Nationalism. September 29, 2016
  Statistics are, as the etymology of the term suggests (state‐istics), intimately connected with the construction or administration of the nation‐state. This paper addresses the genesis and development of the nation‐state by studying one of the main instruments that states use to ‘embrace’ their populations, viz. population statistics. More particularly, the paper presents a critical analysis of the conceptual and ‘scientific’ representations of modes of belonging to the nation‐state as produced in the Belgian (Queteletian) population censuses from the mid‐nineteenth until the mid‐twentieth century. It is shown how the analyses of the statisticians' interests, techniques and classification schemes shed light on the various ways in which inclusion in, or exclusion from, the Belgian nation‐state have been articulated in its population censuses. It is argued that these shifting interests and classification schemes also inform us about the construction and administration of the contemporary nation‐state.

  September 29, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12277   open full text
• The edges of the nation: a research agenda for uncovering the taken‐for‐granted foundations of everyday nationhood.
  Jon E. Fox.
  Nations and Nationalism. September 19, 2016
  In many parts of the world, nationalism has gone underground. It's there, just beneath the surface, underpinning the social order without requiring, or even permitting, much tinkering. This is the realm of the unselfconscious: nationhood not as an object of purposeful manipulation, but as an unspoken set of assumptions about the national order of things. But if the nation is unseen, unheard, unnoticed, how do we know this? Indeed, how can we know this? In this paper, I elaborate a breaching approach for uncovering the ways the nation is taken for granted. I look to the edges of the nation: the places, times and situations where the nation is on the periphery – the edges – of consciousness, lurking just beneath the surface where it might be teased out with a carefully concocted breach. My aim is to explore and exploit these edges to turn unselfconscious suppositions about the nation into explicit articulations of the nation.

  September 19, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12269   open full text
• Explaining age differences in positive attitudes towards national commemorations: the role of what people commemorate.
  Sabrina Regt, Eva Jaspers, Tanja Lippe.
  Nations and Nationalism. September 11, 2016
  Commemorations of shared national history are important to the process of nation‐building. Support for such national commemorations is not, however, evenly distributed in societies. Because this could endanger the possible integrative function of commemorative ceremonies, it is important to understand the sources of structural differences in support. In this article, age differences in support for national commemorations in the Netherlands are examined. It is argued that because age cohorts grow up with different ideas on what should be commemorated they also differ in value attached to such commemorations. Data from the National Freedom Enquiry 2012 show that older persons more often associate national commemorations with the Second World War than younger persons do, and that this is the reason why they are more supportive of the annual celebration of Liberation Day. In the concluding section, it is argued that more (quantitative) studies should be conducted in order to truly understand the mechanisms behind support of national commemorations as this may help us to better comprehend the processes construing feelings of national belonging.

  September 11, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12263   open full text
• ‘Rocking the nation’: the popular culture of neo‐nationalism.
  Margit Feischmidt, Gergő Pulay.
  Nations and Nationalism. September 07, 2016
  The aim of this paper is to understand contemporary forms of nationalism in a socio‐political context in which neo‐nationalism has obtained a dominant role not just in politics but in public discourse and in the cultural field as well. It investigates the emergence of a particular music scene in the beginning of the 21st century, shaped by rock bands and performers and supported by far‐right political actors, which has made the ‘national’ imagination emotionally and ideologically appealing to a considerable part of Hungarian society and first of all to young people.

  September 07, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12264   open full text
• The mirage of Balkan Piedmont: state formation and Serbian nationalisms in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
  Siniša Malešević.
  Nations and Nationalism. September 05, 2016
  The continuous rise of the Serbian state in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries is often described as a typical example of the Piedmont‐style of national unification. The conventional historiography emphasises the role popular nationalism has played in this process, making little if any distinctions between the forms of Serbian nationalisms within and outside of the Serbian state. This article challenges such interpretations and argues that the formation and expansion of Serbia had less to do with society‐wide national aspirations and much more with the internal elite politics within the Serbian state. Moreover, the paper makes a case that, rather than being a driving force of national unification, the expansionist nationalism was a by‐product of the state development. This argument is articulated further through the comparison of the different nationalist trajectories in Serbia and among the ethnic Serbian populations in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

  September 05, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12267   open full text
• Complexity and nationalism.
  Eric Kaufmann.
  Nations and Nationalism. September 05, 2016
  Classic theories of nationalism, whether modernist or ethnosymbolist, emphasise the role of elites and spread of a common imagined community from centre to periphery. Recent work across a range of disciplines challenges this account by stressing the role of horizontal, peer‐to‐peer, dynamics alongside top‐down flows. Complexity theory, which has recently been applied to the social sciences, expands our understanding of horizontal national dynamics. It draws together contemporary critiques, suggesting that researchers focus on the network properties of nations and nationalism. It stresses that order may emerge from chaos; hence, ‘national’ behaviour may appear without an imagined community. Treating nations like complex systems whose form emerges from below should focus research on four central aspects of complexity: emergence, feedback loops, tipping points and distributed knowledge, or ‘the wisdom of crowds’. This illuminates how national identity can be reproduced by popular activities rather than the state; why nationalist ideas may gestate in small circles for long periods, then suddenly spread; why secession is often contagious; and why wide local variation in the content of national identity strengthens rather than weakens the nation's power to mobilise.

  September 05, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12270   open full text
• ‘United by blood’: race and transnationalism during the Belle Époque.
  Musab Younis.
  Nations and Nationalism. August 30, 2016
  The Belle Époque, often thought to be a period defined by nationalism, also saw the remarkable global proliferation of transnational affinities – especially those centred on race. Across Europe and its settler territories, notions of pan‐racial affinity spread alongside imperial nationalism, in the context of technological advancement that permitted novel imaginative possibilities. Meanwhile, texts of political imagination in Africa and Asia during this period – particularly those of pan‐Africanism and pan‐Islamism – demonstrate not only an awareness of the significance of racial thinking for Europe but a theorisation of the connections between Europe's racial imagination and its policies in the colonised world. The same advances in the fields of communication and travel that opened the door for new imaginative possibilities in Europe also enabled disparate communities in the colonised world to conceive of themselves, often for the first time, as collectively racialised subjects of a European world order.

  August 30, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12265   open full text
• Oppressed nationalities: Italian responses to the Polish Uprising of January 1863.
  Elena Bacchin.
  Nations and Nationalism. August 22, 2016
  This article analyses the activities organised in Italy to support the Polish Uprising of 1863 and the speeches and narratives used to present this foreign question to the Italian public. This international event brought to the forefront the same issues that had been raised by Italian nationalism, and also when discussing foreign national movements, Italy reflected both on her own identity and past history. In particular, the democratic ideals of the Risorgimento found their fulfilment in supporting the Polish rebels. The article, using archival sources, tries to build a transnational approach to Italian nationalism with a particular focus on how both Italian patriots and public opinion perceived and acted towards other ‘oppressed nationalities’ while also struggling to complete its own unification. Supporting a foreign cause was not only an expression of solidarity, but it also strengthened national sentiment and provoked a reflection on Italian national pride and identity.

  August 22, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12266   open full text
• Sub‐state national identities among minority groups in Britain: a comparative analysis of 2011 census data.
  Ross Bond.
  Nations and Nationalism. August 08, 2016
  Using data from a new question in the 2011 UK census, national identities across minority ethno‐religious groups in England, Wales and Scotland are compared. The findings not only substantiate earlier work showing high levels of British identification among minority groups but also demonstrate that this does not extend to sub‐state national identities. The extent of sub‐state national identification varies between different minorities, but the nature of this variation also depends on the specific (sub‐state) national context. The findings may be understood in relation to key biographical ‘markers’ of national identity. These markers help explain variations in sub‐state national identities to a much greater extent than British identity, but their effect also varies across the different nations. The analysis demonstrates the importance of examining sub‐state as well as state (British) identities and heeding differences in the ways in which these identities might be conceived and asserted across national borders within the same state.

  August 08, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12253   open full text
• The contentious politics of nationalism and the anti‐naturalization campaign in Tunisia, 1932–1933.
  Christopher Barrie.
  Nations and Nationalism. August 02, 2016
  This article asks how, when, and why people came to mobilize en masse in the name of the Tunisian nation against French Protectorate rule. Rather than taking anti‐colonial nationalism as an inevitable response to the imposition of colonial rule, the account offered here insists that it is an outcome to be explained. Building on more recent theoretical directions that stress the processual, relational, and eventful dynamics of nationalism, the article shows that nationalism and nationalist mobilization cannot be attributed simply to the workings of nationalist intellectuals, to long‐standing grievances, or to larger macro‐level transformations. Rather, seeing nationalism as part of struggle and as a domain in which various forms of contentious politics are played out, I show how attention to a particular contentious event in the anti‐naturalization campaign can help us to understand how a certain version of the nation becomes salient as a mobilizing rubric for mass‐level mobilization and how various forms of contention coalesce to produce nationalist outcomes.

  August 02, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12254   open full text
• The Lilliputian dreams: preliminary observations of nationalism in Okinawa, Taiwan and Hong Kong.
  Rwei‐Ren Wu.
  Nations and Nationalism. July 28, 2016
  This paper is a preliminary comparative analysis of three polity‐seeking nationalisms that emerged in the contiguous peripheral areas – the overlapping ‘spheres of influence’ of three contending imperial centres: Taiwan, Okinawa and Hong Kong. Specifically, it examines and compares the pattern of nation‐formation and the form, ideology and politics of nationalism in each case, and in doing so it tries to suggest a possible explanatory framework for the rise of these nationalisms. Its tentative conclusion is that the rise of nationalism in Taiwan, Okinawa and Hong Kong should be understood as a macro‐historical sociological phenomenon caused by both the short‐term penetration from centralizing colonial and geopolitical centre(s) that triggered nationalist mobilization in the periphery and the long‐term process of peripheral nation‐formation that created the social basis for mobilization. The three cases also demonstrate some other traits of anti‐centre peripheral nationalism: they all adopted a similar ideological strategy of indigeneity, and all developed a differentiation between radical and pragmatic lines characteristic of minority or peripheral nationalisms. A final observation is that while the geopolitics of states in the region is powerfully shaping the development of the three nationalisms, interactions on the societal level may over time create a counterforce from below.

  July 28, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12251   open full text
• Democracy and national destinies on Taiwan.
  Steven Phillips.
  Nations and Nationalism. July 26, 2016
  In the case of Taiwan, experts have debated whether passionate national loyalties (Taiwanese or Chinese) facilitated or stymied democratization. This paper argues that nationalism facilitated political change in Taiwan. In fact, democratization during the 1980s and the 1990s was spurred in part by the pursuit of two conflicting national destinies. The Chinese Nationalist Party legitimized reform as the end of a century‐long process for the reconstruction of the Chinese nation. To many Nationalists, particularly those born on the mainland, Taiwan was the fulfilment of Sun Yat‐sen's vision of China known as the Three Principles of the People. At the same time, many opponents of the regime saw successful reform as one step towards the realization of a Taiwanese nation. Dominated by those who identified themselves as Taiwanese, generally those of Chinese descent whose ancestors had lived on Taiwan prior to 1945, these activists hoped to take power through the ballot box, then implement a series of policies to strengthen an island‐wide identity.

  July 26, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12250   open full text
• Imagining the borderlands: managing (to prolong) conflict in Tibet.
  Robert Barnett.
  Nations and Nationalism. July 26, 2016
  The current phase of political conflict in Tibet began with pro‐independence protests in the late 1980s and saw a significant surge of unrest in 2008. But that unrest was not continuous and for much of the last 25 years was at a low level of intensity. Yet the Chinese authorities have categorised the situation in Tibet as a ‘life‐and‐death struggle’ against pro‐independence forces throughout this period. This paper notes earlier debates in Chinese history about political strategies for managing borderland peoples, including late imperial era attempts by Chinese officials to forcibly change Tibetan culture that provoked rather than assuaged conflict. It suggests that this happened again in the 1990s when a group of Chinese officials proposed policies that sought directly to change core cultural practices among Tibetans. These policies of selective cultural intervention, unprecedented in the post‐Mao era in Tibet, fuelled long‐term resentment, leading to the violence and unrest of 2008. The paper argues that these policies were inseparable from the institutional interests of the agency within the Chinese Communist Party, the United Front, which had promoted them, to the extent that its status and influence within the state bureaucracy depended on it preventing them from being challenged or reversed. It made cultural intervention in Tibet seem normative to the Chinese policy elite by invoking three interlocked imaginings about ways of managing borderland peoples – the perception of perpetual war, Han expertise at borderland management, and latent threat within borderland cultures. That these have led to the prolonging of conflict in Tibet for over a quarter‐century is a reminder of the importance of considering institutional dynamics in the analysis of ethnic conflict.

  July 26, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12252   open full text
• Majority versus minority religious status and diasporic nationalism: Indian American advocacy organisations.
  Prema Kurien.
  Nations and Nationalism. July 26, 2016
  Studies of the homeland‐oriented activism of diasporic groups focus on cases where those who share national origins also share common political interests. But other literature indicates that ethnic majority and minority groups may have different attitudes towards their homelands. This paper examines how majority and minority religious status in the homeland affects the foreign policy activism of immigrant organisations. It also examines how competing groups mobilising around foreign policy concerns frame their issues in such a way as to resonate with their Western audiences. Using examples of the mobilisation of Indian American groups around religious issues in India, it demonstrates that there are fundamental differences in the concerns and goals of Hindu American organisations and those representing Muslims, Sikhs and Christian Americans of Indian ancestry. These differences often result in opposing patterns of mobilisation around homeland issues.

  July 26, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12255   open full text
• Visions of Albion: ancient landscapes, Glastonbury and alternative forms of nationalism.
  Sharif Gemie.
  Nations and Nationalism. July 13, 2016
  Nationalist visions are often connected with a cult of the land. This article considers some of the cultural‐nationalist ideas linked to the Somerset town of Glastonbury, a prominent New Age centre. It discusses the legacy of British pastoralism as shown in the work of H. V. Morton and Cecil Sharp. It considers the evolution of an English–Celtic tradition, drawing on the legacy of the Arthurian legend, but being re‐formulated in the late twentieth century as a vehicle for New Age conceptions of British society. The article concludes by evaluating the political values inherent in the New Age.

  July 13, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12234   open full text
• Between Islam and the nation; nation‐building, the ulama and Alevi identity in Turkey.
  Ceren Lord.
  Nations and Nationalism. July 13, 2016
  This article analyses the relationship between Islam and nationalism by considering the role of the ulama in Turkey, housed within the Presidency of Religious Affairs (PRA). The ulama – religious scholars and experts of Islamic law – in Muslim majority contexts are typically closely linked with the state and play a key role in shaping the boundaries of Islam and of what is Islamically acceptable. However, this is also of consequence for the boundaries of the nation, since in Turkey Islam and nationalism has been intertwined, with Islam playing a central role in nation‐building, as a basis of ethnic identity formation and a source of symbols and myths. This articles shows, firstly, that the PRA has acted as a carrier and preserver of Sunni (Hanefi) Muslim identity in continuity with the Ottoman ulama and, secondly, that it has delimited nation‐building, by considering its approach to and interventions against Alevi identity.

  July 13, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12238   open full text
• Recalling modernity: how nationalist memories shape religious diversity in Quebec and Catalonia.
  Marian Burchardt.
  Nations and Nationalism. July 12, 2016
  In this article, I explore how nations without states, or ‘stateless nations’ respond to new forms of religious diversity. Drawing on the cases of Quebec and Catalonia, I do so by tracing the historical emergence of the cultural narratives that are mobilized to support institutional responses to diversity and the way they bear on contemporary controversies. The article builds on recent research and theorizations of religious diversity and secularism, which it expands and specifies by spelling out how pre‐existing cultural anxieties stemming from fears over national survival are stored in collective memories and, if successfully mobilized, feed into responses to migration‐driven religious diversification. I show that while Quebec and Catalonia were in many ways similarly positioned before the onset of powerful modernization processes and the resurgence of nationalism from the 1960s onwards, their responses to religious diversity differ dramatically.

  July 12, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12233   open full text
• The mobilisation of identities: a study on the relationship between elite rhetoric and public opinion on national identity in developed democracies.
  Marc Helbling, Tim Reeskens, Matthew Wright.
  Nations and Nationalism. July 10, 2016
  Over the last decade, the topic of national‐identity has gained considerable importance after various heads of states have made it an important political issue in the context of ongoing globalisation and European integration processes. There is also a large, mainly historical literature that has emphasised the role of the political elite in the formation of national‐identities. While this argument is widely discussed in both public and academic debates, there is, surprisingly, hardly any empirical research on this issue. We do not know whether elite positions resonate with how the masses think about these issues. We therefore set out to test this relationship by combining the 2003 wave of the International Social Survey Programme and content analysis of elite mobilisation rhetoric from the Comparative Manifesto Project. Results indicate that an overlap exists between politicians' articulation of exclusive notions about the contours of national‐identity and heightened expressions of civic and ethnic national‐identity within public opinion. By contrast, elite mobilisation along more inclusive lines appears ineffective. From this, it appears that exclusionary arguments play a more important role, at least in terms of attitudes about national‐identity, than inclusionary ones.

  July 10, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12235   open full text
• The strange case of ‘John Black’ and ‘Mr Hyde’: constructing migrating Jamaicans as (un)worthy nationals.
  James Braun.
  Nations and Nationalism. July 05, 2016
  This paper examines how migrating Jamaicans were constructed as ‘worthy’ or ‘unworthy’ of Jamaican diasporic membership in the early years of statehood, to demonstrate the role of nationalist cultural repertoires in constructing particular diasporic imaginaries. I conduct a discourse analysis of Jamaica's national newspaper, The Daily Gleaner, between 1962 and 1966, a period encompassing crucial transitions in Jamaican migration movements and from colony to statehood. I argue that tropes of respectability present in Afro‐creole nationalist ideology form the cultural repertoires used to distinguish migrants' actions as worthy or unworthy of national membership. These distinctions specify who ‘counts’ as part of the diaspora and how migrants of different social positions may claim and articulate their membership.

  July 05, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12237   open full text
• Constitution‐writing, nationalism and the Turkish experience.
  Yeşim Bayar.
  Nations and Nationalism. June 01, 2016
  Until recently there has been relatively little attention paid to the question of how the relationship between the state, its citizens and the nation is articulated in constitutional texts. This paper seeks to address this gap through an examination of how the rules of belonging to the nation are discussed by the political elite and how these discussions find their final formulation in the constitutional texts. The analysis focuses on the Turkish case at two constitution‐writing moments (1924 and 1961). While such moments have conventionally been assumed to be ‘revolutionary’, the data on Turkey highlights continuities rather than radical changes over time. More particularly, it underscores the resilience and salience of the principle of nationalism over time.

  June 01, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12221   open full text
• Nation‐building and Canada's national symbolic order, 1993–2015.
  Tim Nieguth, Tracey Raney.
  Nations and Nationalism. May 25, 2016
  This article examines the symbolic construction of Canadian national identity by the 1993–2006 Liberal governments and the 2006–2015 Conservative governments. To do so, it employs the concept of a ‘national symbolic order’, which refers to the complex set of public symbols that invoke, transport, and define claims to a shared national identity. Within Canada's national symbolic order, we focus on the state's use of national symbols across two domains: Speeches from the Throne and banknotes. Our analysis shows that Canada's recent Conservative government has used both of these domains to reshape Canadian national identity in ways that accord with neo‐conservative values and ideology, and that it has done so in a coherent, consistent, and comprehensive fashion. This analysis highlights the symbolic strategies employed by state actors in linking particular ideologies to their nation‐building projects; these strategies span multiple political and policy spaces.

  May 25, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12170   open full text
• ‘Scientific’ nationalism.
  Ico Maly.
  Nations and Nationalism. May 11, 2016
  This paper investigates how the discursive battle for the Flemish nation is waged in the Flemish mass media by politicians of the Flemish nationalist party, the New Flemish Alliance (N‐VA). I focus on the ‘new nationalism’ that N‐VA politicians advocate as a means to ‘banalise’ a hot Flemish nationalism. I establish that N‐VA spokespeople and especially their chairman Bart De Wever invoke discursive alliances with established scholars such as Anderson, Hroch, Calhoun and Billig. On the one hand, these alliances are used to sell their nationalism as a non‐ideological or non‐discursive project. On the other hand, the analyses of these intellectuals are used as manuals to ‘banalise’ a hot nationalism. The concept of ‘scientific’ nationalism refers to the entextualisation of scientific discourses in order to legitimate and banalise the nationalist project of the party as ‘in line with science’.

  May 11, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12144   open full text
• Anti‐nationalist nationalism: the paradox of Dutch national identity.
  Josip Kešić, Jan Willem Duyvendak.
  Nations and Nationalism. May 02, 2016
  Academic research on contemporary Dutch nationalism has mainly focused on its overt, xenophobic and chauvinist manifestations, which have become normalised since the early 2000s. As a result, less radical, more nuanced versions of Dutch nationalism have been overlooked. This article attempts to fill this gap by drawing attention to a peculiar self‐image among Dutch progressive intellectuals we call anti‐nationalist nationalism. Whereas this self‐image has had a long history as banal nationalism, it has come to be employed more explicitly for political positioning in an intensified nationalist climate. By dissecting it into its three constitutive dimensions – constructivism, lightness and essentialism – we show how this image of Dutchness is evoked precisely through the simultaneous rejection of ‘bad’ and enactment of ‘good’ nationalism. More generally, this article provides a nuanced understanding of contemporary Dutch nationalism. It also challenges prevalent assumptions in nationalism studies by showing that post‐modern anti‐nationalism does not exclude but rather constitutes essentialist nationalism.

  May 02, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12187   open full text
• The fragmentation of the nation state? Regional development, distinctiveness, and the growth of nationalism in Cornish politics.
  Joanie Willett, John Tredinnick‐Rowe.
  Nations and Nationalism. April 08, 2016
  Stateless nations across the European Union have become increasingly vocal and confident in asserting a desire for autonomy, devolved governance and independence. Meanwhile, identity politics has become a key factor of contemporary European regional development, with utility as a social, economic and governance tool. Culture has become a resource for regional branding to attract inward investment and differentiate in terms of competitiveness. The paper considers whether the utility of identity to regional development might provide an explanation for the growing confidence of European Union stateless nations. We use the case study of Cornwall to explore the correlation, arguing that economic regionalism has provided a space for the articulation of national identities.

  April 08, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12188   open full text
• Celebrating British multiculturalism, lamenting England/Britain's past.
  Jack Black.
  Nations and Nationalism. March 29, 2016
  Drawing upon Littler and Naidoo's ‘white past, multicultural present’ alignment, this article examines English newspaper coverage of two ‘British’ events held in 2012 (the Diamond Jubilee and the London Olympic Games). In light of recent work on English nationalism, national identity and multiculturalism, this article argues that representations of Britain oscillated between lamentations for an English/British past – marred by decline – and a present that, while being portrayed as both confident and progressive, was beset by latent anxieties. In doing so, ‘past’ reflections of England/Britain were presented as a ‘safe’ and legitimate source of belonging that had subsequently been lost and undermined amidst the diversity of the ‘present’. As a result, feelings of discontent, anxiety and nostalgia were dialectically constructed alongside ‘traditional’ understandings of England/Britain. Indeed, this draws attention to the ways in which particular ‘versions’ of the past are engaged with and the impact that this can have on discussions related to multiculturalism and the multiethnic history of England/Britain.

  March 29, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12164   open full text
• The rediscovery of ‘the national’ in the 1990s – contexts, new cultural forms and practices in reunified Germany.
  Irene Götz.
  Nations and Nationalism. March 29, 2016
  This article examines how and in which societal and political contexts nationhood is expressed and symbolised in reunified Germany. This ‘rediscovery’ of nationhood since the 1990s mixes new and old motifs of the cultural repertoire of ‘the national’ for different purposes. Three main contexts triggered a rediscovery of ‘the national’ after 1989: reunification, immigration and the retrenchment of the social state. I argue, by analysing ethnographic material and political discourses, that these contexts, on the one hand, rearticulate old forms of ethnic and cultural nationalism and, on the other hand, create new images and symbols of an open civic society and immigration country. There are ‘playful’ forms, such as campaigns of nation branding, that symbolically include the ‘productive’ and ‘useful’ immigrant into the national project. Moreover, such campaigns serve to legitimatise the downsizing of the national state that – according to a neoliberal attitude – relies on a new community spirit of entrepreneurial, ‘activated’ citizens who ‘help themselves’. Thus, focusing on these pluralised renationalisation processes makes evident how polyvalent ‘the national’ still is. It can be employed by those who attempt to ‘reunite’ the East and West Germans, by businesses to sell their goods and ideas and by almost any political orientation, be it right‐wing or left‐wing.

  March 29, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12171   open full text
• Everyday nationalism and international hockey: contesting Canadian national identity.
  Scott D. Watson.
  Nations and Nationalism. March 04, 2016
  This paper examines how hockey is used to construct and demarcate the Canadian national community from external others, namely, the USA, Europe and Russia/USSR. The paper suggests popular nationalist narratives around the sport of hockey construct difference from external others in ways that place them in tension with state and corporate interests. Drawing on the concept of everyday nationalism, this article explores how the interplay between international competition, national identity and commercial sport has made hockey an ambiguous and contested national symbol in Canada.

  March 04, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12163   open full text
• The idea of a Jewish nation in the German discourse about emancipation.
  Doron Avraham.
  Nations and Nationalism. March 04, 2016
  This article compares the German conservative conceptualization of Judaism and Jewish emancipation with that of liberals, from the Vormärz (1830–1848) to the Neue Ära (1858–1861). It argues that both conservatives and liberals understood Judaism not merely as a religion but also as a nationality. Yet while liberals acknowledged the national dimension of Judaism as a secularized culture, and even supported Jewish emancipation, conservatives developed a different concept. Since the 1830s, conservatives accommodated nationalism while investing the Christian State ideal with national meaning. This national‐religious construction was imposed on Judaism, which was similarly interpreted now as a synthesis between religion and nationality. In accordance with this conceptualization, conservatives rejected Jewish emancipation on national ground while advocating for the establishment of a Jewish nation‐state. This thesis diverges from the existing literature, in which the reluctance of conservatism to embrace nationalism until the 1870s stands as the consensual view.

  March 04, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12160   open full text
• National narratives and the Oslo peace process: How peacebuilding paradigms address conflicts over history.
  Nadim Khoury.
  Nations and Nationalism. March 04, 2016
  National narratives are an essential part of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. Little is said, however, on how the Oslo Peace Process sought to address these narratives. Conventional wisdom argues that the peace process initiated in the 1990s largely ignored the matter. This article challenges this view, arguing instead that the peace process was and continues to be actively engaged in solving the narrative wars that divide Israelis and Palestinians. To shed light on these solutions, this article looks beyond the agreements of the Oslo Peace Process and focuses on the peacebuilding paradigms that informed it, more specifically, the national partition and the liberal peace paradigms. These prescribe two solutions to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict over history: narrative partition and evasion. In their implementation, the article concludes, these solutions imposed greater identity costs on the Palestinian narrative than on the Israeli one.

  March 04, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12166   open full text
• Anatomy of the national myth: archetypes and narrative in the study of nationalism.
  Michael Morden.
  Nations and Nationalism. March 03, 2016
  This paper argues that recognising types of underlying narrative form which repeatedly occur across cases is critical to the study of nationalism. It proposes a method borrowed from the literary theory of Northrop Frye – archetypal criticism – for identifying the four basic forms of emotional architecture that characterise the myths of particular nations: tragic, romantic, comic and satiric. The study of nationalism has long acknowledged the importance of narrative in political behaviour. But consideration of how distinct types of narratives affect specific emotions is missing. The ‘narrative turn’ in the social sciences, which has responded to instrumentalist scepticism, has thus far focused on the cognitive functions of narrative. That is, how narrative influences the acquisition and interpretation of information and how stories are used to construct or reinforce a collective understanding of events. The undertheorised dimension of narrative in nationalism relates to the emotional structures embedded within narrative. This is where this paper makes its contribution.

  March 03, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12167   open full text
• Greek nationhood and ‘Greek love’: sexualizing the nation and multiple readings of the glorious Greek past.
  Anna Apostolidou.
  Nations and Nationalism. March 03, 2016
  The paper addresses the ways in which the idea of homosexuality has been expelled from local dominant narrations about the Modern Greek nation and seeks to culturally frame this historical erasure. The ancient past and Ottoman rule are viewed as the two key moments of negotiating (and repeatedly placing in oblivion) any link between ‘Greekness’ and homoeroticism. Placing this institutional silence in juxtaposition to multiple Western readings of ‘Greek love’, the study provides ethnographic instances that reveal the appropriations of the Western gaze and moments of breaking the silence about Greek homosexuality. Selected individuals and cultural locales serve as terrains of negotiating the present‐day Greek state's façade as cosmopolitan, Western and post‐modern. On the one hand, Greece is perpetually re‐constituted as a topos, appropriate(d) for projections of varying versions of history‐telling from Western and local agents alike; on the other hand, homoeroticism is being negotiated through consecutive articulations of Greekness in past and present tense.

  March 03, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12186   open full text
• Faith in China: religious belief and national narratives amongst young, urban Chinese Protestants.
  Phil Entwistle.
  Nations and Nationalism. March 01, 2016
  This paper investigates the national narratives of young, urban Protestants in contemporary China. Based on 100 interviews conducted in Beijing and Shenzhen, it argues that in constructing their national narratives, Chinese Protestants display critical selectivity in adopting the values of official party‐state nationalism. They display affection towards China, a sense of responsibility for improving the country and a concern for society's morality, all of which echo official nationalist priorities. However, they are critical of China's political arrangements, dispute the primacy of economic growth and are less hawkish on international and territorial issues. They see no contradiction between their Protestant and Chinese identities, but generally prioritise the former. This selectivity is explained by the fact that Protestantism generally attracts those less satisfied by the social and political status quo, and because of, in Carlson's terms, the ‘boundary‐spanning’ nature of the Protestant identity and morality to which these converts then subscribe.

  March 01, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12162   open full text
• Charles Gleyre's ‘Les Romains’: Classics and nationalism in Swiss art.
  Richard Warren.
  Nations and Nationalism. March 01, 2016
  This article looks at an example of how classical antiquity was used by a nineteenth‐century Swiss painter and explores the national dimension of one of his works. Through an examination of the painting, Les Romains passant sous le joug, its Swiss artist Charles Gleyre and his commission from the canton of Vaud, it will elaborate an example of how a classical legend was transformed in an artistic representation of the nation.

  March 01, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12149   open full text
• Using an awakening narrative to leave behind a former national‐identity: an investigation of the conversion of national‐identity in Taiwan.
  Hsin‐Yi Yeh.
  Nations and Nationalism. March 01, 2016
  National‐identity has become a civil religion and a major source of how people define themselves. Changing one's nationality thus is a salient event/social process in today's society; therefore, people's nationality conversion deserves more academic attention. Treating the convert as a social type and regarding people's self‐reports (or converts' accounts) as topics for analysis, this article examines the Taiwan case to illuminate how people tell their stories of converting nationality. ‘Converts’ usually employed an awakening narrative to leave their former national‐identity behind: For example, the ‘awakening’ plot is readily apparent, a huge contrast between a previous ‘wrong’ self and a current ‘correct’ self is mentioned, and the ‘awakening’ is delineated as an achievement. The symbolic awakening is harnessed as a strategic tool to create discontinuity autobiographically, to justify one's major change, to ensure that one's cognitive security remains intact, and to call for more awakenings. This article further notes that, since narrative itself is a practice, people always have ‘a self in the making’ which determines (and is determined by) how people (re)tell their life stories. Moreover, in Taiwan's case, we see that ‘awakeners’ usually admired early awakeners but blamed late awakeners (which constitutes an interesting triadic group relationship); people may also describe their experience of having multiple awakenings before the ‘grand’ awakening (‘Awakening’). © The author(s) 2015. Nations and Nationalism © ASEN/John Wiley & Sons Ltd 2015

  March 01, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12161   open full text
• Raising the question: articulating the Dutch identity crisis through public debate.
  Rogier Reekum.
  Nations and Nationalism. March 01, 2016
  In place of a ‘tolerant no more’ narrative, this article proposes a different conception of nationalism's re‐articulation in the Dutch context. The salience of nationhood in public and political life, particularly concerning issues of immigration, religion and diversity, is not reconstructed as a backlash against a purported multiculturalism. Instead, attention is given to a re‐articulation of the very notion of nationhood. A long‐term historical move away from characterology is assessed and applied in understanding the emergence of a national‐identity discourse. This discourse not merely embellishes talk of Dutchness with new terms, but indicates – so the articles aim to demonstrate – a different conception of nationhood all together. Apart from what the nation is – about which very little disagreement took place – discussions formed about how Dutchness was imagined and to what extent people themselves were able to form a national image. The emergence of national‐identity discourse is empirically reconstructed. Not only is it made clear how a logic of popularity begins to be reiterated across a variety of positionings, but public debate and dissensus acquire a new significance and performativity in the process.

  March 01, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12154   open full text
• ‘We are the new Jews!’ and ‘The Jewish Lobby’ – antisemitism and the construction of a national identity by the Austrian Freedom Party.
  Karin Stoegner.
  Nations and Nationalism. March 01, 2016
  In this article I will analyse the role of antisemitism for the construction of a national identity and an exclusive national in‐group in the discourse of the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ). The analysis will show that this discourse of the FPÖ, one of the most successful extreme right‐wing parties in Europe, utilises various forms of Holocaust inversion and victim perpetrator reversal in order to delegitimise political opponents. The analysis of these incidents and of the legitimising strategies used by the FPÖ when criticised involves discussing the increasing abstraction of the codes characteristic of latent antisemitism and forms of post‐Nazi antisemitism. I will focus on how the FPÖ's use of the term Holocaust and other terms referring to Nazi atrocities against the Jews corresponds to a universalisation of the term Holocaust in social constellations that are permeated by the culture industry.

  March 01, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12165   open full text
• ‘We disputed every word’: how Kyrgyzstan's moderates tame ethnic nationalism.
  Erica Marat.
  Nations and Nationalism. February 19, 2016
  In post‐violence Kyrgyzstan, a small group of civic‐minded nationalists are fighting to tame extremist voices by formulating their own reconciliation policies. These moderates have adopted several strategies, including persuasion and bargaining with nationalistic elites. This process is not without its limitations. Important issues, such as forging a civic identity for the majority ethnic group, remain unaddressed. Still, moderates' policy achievements and concrete actions are likely to continue to undercut nationalist rhetoric. The case of Kyrgyzstan offers one possible alternative to the Soviet paradigm of framing nationhood alongside citizenship.

  February 19, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12156   open full text
• Ethnic belonging of the children born out of rape in postconflict Bosnia‐Herzegovina and Rwanda.
  Marie‐Eve Hamel.
  Nations and Nationalism. February 18, 2016
  Sexual violence has been used as a weapon of war in ethnic conflicts, and forced impregnations have been central to this strategy. Scholars however disagree on whether the cultural assimilation to the maternal group influences these children's identities, or whether they are perceived as belonging to the enemy group (Carpenter; Nikolic‐Ristanovic). Drawing on preliminary qualitative findings collected in 2013 in Rwanda and Bosnia‐Herzegovina, this paper analyses the ethnic identification imposed by the enemy group, the mothers and their community on the children born out of rape. It first explores how the mothers' ethnic identities are often subordinated to their fathers' ethnic background, and how this then justifies their social exclusion from their maternal ethnic group. This paper suggests that sexual violence is extremely effective in ensuring the continuation of the ethnic conflict in the aftermath of the violence by attacking the children's senses of belonging.

  February 18, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12151   open full text
• Nationalism, religion, and abortion policy in four Catholic societies.
  Iga Kozlowska, Daniel Béland, André Lecours.
  Nations and Nationalism. February 18, 2016
  Over the last decade, a growing number of scholars have tackled the changing relationship between national identity and social policy. In this article, we explore the relationship between abortion policy and the historical and political construction of national identity as it relates to religious norms and symbols. Focusing on two main cases, Ireland and Poland, Catholic societies in which abortion rights are severely restricted, we argue that, in political discourse and institutions, a strong relationship between the Catholic Church and national identity helps opponents of abortion enact and maintain such restrictions in the name of religious norms embedded in strong claims about national identity. After exploring these two main cases, we briefly turn to Spain and Québec, Catholic societies that, in recent decades, have witnessed a secularisation of their national identity correlated to a liberalisation of abortion rights. This suggests that, at least in Catholic societies, the decline of a religious national identity is likely to favour a liberalisation of abortion rights.

  February 18, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12157   open full text
• Who supports secession? The determinants of secessionist attitudes among Turkey's Kurds.
  Zeki Sarigil, Ekrem Karakoc.
  Nations and Nationalism. February 12, 2016
  Who supports secession in a multiethnic country? What factors lead to secessionist or separatist attitudes? Despite the substantial interest in secessionist movements, the micro‐level factors and dynamics behind mass support for secession have been understudied. Using original and comprehensive data derived from two public opinion surveys, conducted in 2011 and 2013 with nationwide, representative samples, this study investigates the determinants of separatist attitudes among Turkey's Kurds. The empirical results show that perceptions of discrimination, ideological factors (i.e. a left‐right division and partisanship), region and religious sect do affect support for secession. Our findings provide strong support for the grievance theory and, further, show that ideology is an important factor. However, the results call into question arguments drawing attention to the role of modernisation (i.e. socio‐economic status) and of religiosity. The study also discusses some practical implications of the empirical findings.

  February 12, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12150   open full text
• Europe's odyssey?: political myth and the European Union.
  Vincent Della Sala.
  Nations and Nationalism. February 04, 2016
  The article argues that the European Union, despite being a different kind of polity, has political myths that are similar to those that have characterised nation‐states. It examines two types of political myth – foundation and exceptionalism – and demonstrates that they have been used in an attempt to make the European Union understandable and acceptable as a form of governing. The article also argues that political myths about the EU have had limited success not only because they are based on the same content as national myths but also because they do not always conform to recognisable narrative forms. The EU, with its ambiguous aim of creating ‘an ever closer union’, does not provide the basis for sacred narratives that become normative and cognitive maps that make the new polity ‘normal’ and provide the EU with ontological security.

  February 04, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12159   open full text
• Jewish conditions, theories of nationalism: cartographical notes.
  Liliana Riga, John A. Hall.
  Nations and Nationalism. January 14, 2016
  Thinkers with Jewish backgrounds contributed powerfully to our understanding of nationalism. We examine the different Jewish conditions in East Central Europe and Russia at the end of the nineteenth and at the start of the twentieth century so as to map the theories of nationalism that resulted. Four such theories are identified, each illustrated with reference to particular thinkers.

  January 14, 2016   doi: 10.1111/nana.12141   open full text
• Irish language education and the national ideal: the dynamics of nationalism in Northern Ireland.
  Cathal McManus.
  Nations and Nationalism. November 05, 2015
  Since the beginning of the Northern Ireland conflict in the late 1960s, Irish nationalism has been identified as a prominent force in the political culture of the state. Recent studies have suggested, however, that the ‘Nationalist’ population has become increasingly content within the new political framework created by the peace process and the aspiration for Irish unity diminished. In placing the Northern Ireland situation within the theoretical framework of nationalism, this paper will analyse how these changing priorities have been possible. Through an analysis of Irish language study in Northern Ireland's schools, the paper will examine how the political ideals espoused by the nationalist Sinn Féin Party reflected the priorities of the ‘nationalist community’. It will be contended that the relationship between the ideology and ‘the people’ is much more complex than is often allowed for and that educational inequalities are a significant contributing factor to this.

  November 05, 2015   doi: 10.1111/nana.12142   open full text
• Ethnonationalism and attitudes towards gay and lesbian rights in Northern Ireland.
  Bernadette C. Hayes, John Nagle.
  Nations and Nationalism. November 03, 2015
  Disputes over gay and lesbian rights occupy a central place on both national and international agendas in recent years. This is also the case in societies emerging from chronic ethnonational conflict where debates over gay and lesbian rights vs. ethnic‐based rights predominate. While much scholarly work focuses on the influence of socio‐demographic factors in determining attitudes toward gay and lesbian rights in postconflict societies, to date, the role of political influences, such as ethnonationalism, is noticeably under‐researched. It is with this omission in mind that this paper focuses on the influence of ethnonationalism, or congruency in religious, national and communal identity, on attitudes towards gay and lesbian rights issues. Using nationally representative data from Northern Ireland, the results suggest that while ethnonationalism is a key predictor of attitudes among Protestants, it is socio‐demographic factors, such as gender, age and educational attainment, that are the primary determinants of Catholic views.

  November 03, 2015   doi: 10.1111/nana.12146   open full text
• Civil society, radicalism and the rediscovery of mythic nationalism.
  Virág Molnár.
  Nations and Nationalism. October 30, 2015
  The article argues that contrary to the widely held view that traces the recent rise of illiberalism in Hungary and Eastern Europe to a weak civil society, the past decade has witnessed a surge of civil society activism. But rather than working exclusively towards strengthening and complementing liberal political institutions, civil society has also provided fertile soil to the spread of right‐wing populism, radicalism and xenophobia. The analysis suggests that civil society organisations have in fact played an important role in the right‐wing radicalisation of contemporary Hungarian politics. Conservative civic groups have been instrumental in reinvigorating the symbolic vocabulary of a mythic nationalism that was widespread at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth century as well as in the 1930s. The resurrection of nationalist, irredentist and anti‐Semitic symbols and paraphernalia (e.g. greater Hungary car stickers) has been a major vehicle for increasing the public visibility and political impact of these groups. The article shows through case studies of specific organisations how this seemingly anachronistic symbolic repertoire has found new resonance in contemporary Hungarian public life.

  October 30, 2015   doi: 10.1111/nana.12126   open full text
• Secular Façade, Neoliberal Islamisation: Textbook Nationalism from Mubarak to Sisi.
  Hania Sobhy.
  Nations and Nationalism. September 28, 2015
  Beneath the secular veneer of official rhetoric, nationally unified school textbooks provide a striking image of the Islamist message promoted to young people in Egypt. While distorting the struggles and complexity of Egyptian history and heritage, the textbooks construct patriotic devotion and a form of docile ‘neoliberal Islamism’ as the route to national renaissance. They present a notion of ideal citizenship where personal piety, charity and entrepreneurship are the proposed solutions to ‘Egypt's problems’. However, to actually relieve its ‘problems’, the regime has relied on religious associations for the provision of social services, depended on significant foreign assistance and periodically activated anti‐western nationalism. This article details textbook constructions of national identity and citizenship in the late Mubarak era and reflects on whether the 2011 uprising proves their failure in securing his legitimacy. It describes key changes since 2011 and explores whether the Sisi regime is offering alternative formulas of legitimation.

  September 28, 2015   doi: 10.1111/nana.12147   open full text
• Nationalism studies between methodological nationalism and orientalism: an alternative approach illustrated with the case of El Greco in Toledo, Spain.
  Eric Storm.
  Nations and Nationalism. September 28, 2015
  Methodological nationalism is still dominant in nationalism studies. When studying the construction of national identities, scholars generally limit their study to the borders of one nation‐state, while only paying attention to members of that particular nation. Implicitly, foreign actors and influences are left out of the picture. I will challenge this methodological nationalism with a case study, which demonstrates that the place of Toledo within the Spanish national imagination, and more particularly that of El Greco, the most important representative of the city's artistic heritage, was largely determined by foreigners. During the nineteenth century, El Greco was rediscovered primarily by foreign scholars and artists. Moreover, it would be the rise of international tourism in the early twentieth century that convinced Toledans to adopt El Greco as the city's main artistic icon. This case, thus, clearly shows that in nationalism studies methodological nationalism can be avoided by also including foreign actors.

  September 28, 2015   doi: 10.1111/nana.12111   open full text
• In pursuit of independence: the political economy of Catalonia's secessionist movement.
  Brandon M. Boylan.
  Nations and Nationalism. September 28, 2015
  This article examines the fiscal dimensions of recent support for Catalan secession. Since the region is a cultural community distinct from the rest of Spain, much research has spotlighted national identity features in the calculus of Catalan political aspirations. This study supplements this work by contextualising support for Catalan independence in terms of the state's fiscal arrangements with the use of public opinion survey data. Even after controlling for self‐reported cultural identity and other relevant factors, it argues that support for independence is a function of grievances rooted in the desire for Catalonia to assume responsibility for taxation and spending policy. Meanwhile, it validates some observations about Catalonia's separatist movement, while bringing others into question, and offers support for the theoretical framework linking political economy to secessionism. The results suggest that Spain might be able to stave off Catalonia's separatist bid through some form of political and taxation policy reconfiguration, with the caveats that cultural identity factors and the existence of other separatist movements across the country complicate this strategy.

  September 28, 2015   doi: 10.1111/nana.12121   open full text
• Performing dialogical Dutchness: negotiating a national imaginary in parenting guidance.
  Rogier Reekum, Marguerite Berg.
  Nations and Nationalism. September 28, 2015
  In contemporary Europe, national identities are fiercely contested and governments have sought ways to strengthen national identification. Notwithstanding this European pattern, government policies are implemented differently and belonging to the nation comes to involve different images and enactments across contexts. In the Netherlands, especially, belonging to the nation is at stake in many high‐profile public and political struggles. In this context, a pervasive public imaginary we call ‘dialogical Dutchness’ represents the Dutch as distinctly anti‐nationalist and open to difference. This raises the question whether national boundaries actually become traversable in view of such a national imaginary. How does one become a Dutch subject if Dutchness entails not being nationalist? Through the analysis of a Dutch social policy practice – state‐provided parenting courses – we show how dialogical Dutchness is negotiated and transformed in actual enactments of national difference and belonging. Although dialogical Dutchness foregrounds openness to difference and valorises discussion, it comes to perpetuate and substantiate boundaries between those who belong to the nation and those whose belonging is still in question.

  September 28, 2015   doi: 10.1111/nana.12101   open full text
• Cultural legacies and electoral performance of ethnic minority parties in post‐communist Europe.
  Adam Bilinski.
  Nations and Nationalism. September 28, 2015
  Although there are numerous contributions on ethnic electoral politics, relatively little research has been devoted to explain the scope of success of ethnic minority parties. This article addresses the issue within the bounds of post‐communist Europe, paying particular attention to the effect of cultural legacies. It was confirmed, first of all, that ethnic parties are likely to emerge only if their titular minority has a number of voters larger than what is necessary to obtain parliamentary representation. Otherwise, the most successful were the ethnic parties representing the minorities characterised by legacy of regional domination, that is, those whose members had once enjoyed a dominant position as a ruling nation on a given territory (e.g. Hungarians in Slovakia). The second‐successful were the parties representing homeland minorities, that is, those which have resided on a given area for more than two centuries, but have never been members of a ruling nation. The parties representing diaspora or immigrant minorities were the least successful. Further research could assess the importance of these factors in other regions of the world.

  September 28, 2015   doi: 10.1111/nana.12143   open full text
• Redefining ‘sub‐culture’: a new lens for understanding hybrid cultural identities in East‐Central Europe with a case study from early 20th century L'viv‐Lwów‐Lemberg.
  Robert Pyrah, Jan Fellerer.
  Nations and Nationalism. September 28, 2015
  This paper proposes a new definition of the term ‘subculture’, as a way of better understanding hybrid identities specific to East‐Central Europe, before applying this definition to a case study from the now‐Ukrainian city of L'viv from around 1900. The first section outlines the theory, arguing that the continued focus on the nation state – either from the ‘top down’, or else the ‘bottom up’ as a source of contestation, by historians and anthropologists, has limited the ability to study groups in the interstices of the national projects that typically remain defined in monolithic ethno‐linguistic terms. It examines the theoretical term ‘subcultures’ to propose a new definition that accounts for such hybridity, by having particular sensitivity to context (historical, social, geographical) and cultural practice, in addition to any prevailing national narratives at a given time. The case study in the second section focuses on linguistic hybridity in the city then known more commonly as Lemberg (German) or Lwów (Polish). It argues that Lemberg/Lwów/L'viv produced an urban dialect that blended Polish, Ukrainian, Yiddish and German elements. This dialect should be reassessed as a mixed, hybrid or transitional code, rather than as a linguistic variant of a titular nation. Archival evidence – in particular, court records – is quoted to show that at the lower end of L'viv society, people routinely mixed and transcended linguistic and, thereby, ethnic and religious boundaries. This offers direct evidence of a specific subsection, or subculture, in urban life where people interacted and intermingled intensely. As such, the paper offers new possibilities for investigating ‘hybrid’ identities, as well as proposing a counterpoint to recent research focusing on deliberate indifference or opposition to national segregation for various socio‐political, economic and cultural reasons (Judson 2006: 19–65; King 2002; Zahra 2008).

  September 28, 2015   doi: 10.1111/nana.12119   open full text
• Is there weak nationalism and is it a useful category?
  Maria Todorova.
  Nations and Nationalism. September 28, 2015
  Introducing the category ‘weak nationalism’, this article emphasises the scales of intensity and the different operational modes of nationalism across time and space, as well as within the same space. It refuses to create a model or another dichotomy – strong/weak – on a par with earlier ones like organic/civic, Eastern/Western, bad/good. Rather, it approaches nationalism as a binary variable on a scale from weak/low to strong/high. It argues to extend the research focus beyond the fixation on extreme cases to so‐called weak or weaker manifestations that remain subordinate and under‐researched, all the time stressing the changeability of nationalisms in their local context and in the course of time. While it is a category more recognisable in a common sense approach than in a strictly quantifiable one, it can be identified and comparatively evaluated by the mobilising ability of the nationalist message in the public sphere.

  September 28, 2015   doi: 10.1111/nana.12112   open full text
• ‘The people want(s) to bring down the regime’: (positive) nationalism as the Arab Spring's revolution.
  Uriel Abulof.
  Nations and Nationalism. September 28, 2015
  When and what is the nation, and nationalism, and when have both emerged in the Arab world? I suggest new ways of approaching these questions, and new answers. Revisiting the ‘dating debate’, I propose distinguishing between negative nationalism (rejecting foreign rule) and positive nationalism (holding ‘the people’ as the source of legitimacy), the latter distinctively modern, the former not. Empirically, I examine these theoretical propositions in light of the Arab Spring's dual revolution, vividly captured by its popular slogan: ‘The people want(s) to bring down the regime’. I submit that the manifest revolution of toppling regimes pales in comparison with the ideational revolution of engendering positive nationalism. While the former revolution has been a huge surprise, the history of the Arab world abounds in precedents; conversely, Arab societies' subscription to ‘the people’ as the prime political legitimator – asserting their own inalienable political right to tell right from wrong – is novel. In that sense (positive) nationalism is the revolution of the Arab Spring, challenging both authorities and polities.

  September 28, 2015   doi: 10.1111/nana.12137   open full text
• John Breuilly: ‘Eric Hobsbawm: nationalism and revolution’.
  John Breuilly.
  Nations and Nationalism. September 28, 2015
  This article considers how Eric Hobsbawm (1917–2012) connected the concepts of revolution and nationalism, analysing this in relation to his biography, his politics and his work as a professional historian. It traces major changes in Hobsbawm's understanding of revolution and nationalism as he, the political world and the ways of writing history all changed over the course of his long life.

  September 28, 2015   doi: 10.1111/nana.12138   open full text
• Have tropical Africa's nationalisms continued imperialism's world revolution by other means?
  John Lonsdale.
  Nations and Nationalism. September 28, 2015
  Many scholars argue that European imperialism shaped today's tropical Africa, for better or worse. Some imperial historians see the British empire as a fertile capitalist pioneer, kindling class‐conscious, national, politics overseas. Economists of differing persuasions can see it, to the contrary, as the engineer of an underdevelopment that strangles popular sovereignty. Together with most Africanist historians, this article doubts that Europe had such creative or destructive power; British rule, among others, had to respond as much to African history as to metropolitan will. Anti‐colonial nationalisms, in turn, were neither class not ideological vanguards but regional coalitions. Nation‐building thereafter was an elusive aim, steered by minority visions imperfectly seen and widely disputed, from capitalism to socialism. All these complexities rest, it is widely argued, on the historic difficulty of exercising power in what was until recently an underpopulated continent with openly available resources.

  September 28, 2015   doi: 10.1111/nana.12136   open full text
• Nationalism and revolution: friends or foes?
  Krishan Kumar.
  Nations and Nationalism. September 28, 2015
  Nationalism and revolution have generally been held to go together. Many nation‐states have had their origins in revolution, from the Americans in the 18th century to a host of Third World nation‐states in the 20th century. Generally, both modern revolutions and modern nationalism have the same origins, in 18th century Enlightenment thought. But this paper argues that, despite this common origin, the principles of revolution and nationalism are divergent, and can set one against the other. Revolutions emphasise freedom and equality; nationalism emphasises integration and unification. These principles can clash, though not inevitably and not always. The paper examines the 1789 French Revolution, the 1848 revolutions and the 1917 Russian revolution. It shows that in the first two cases, revolutionary aspirations came up against and were eventually displaced by nationalist aims. In the case of 1917, revolution paradoxically, and unintentionally, institutionalised nationalism. These examples show that, though linked at some high level of modern thought, revolution and nationalism express different and at times divergent strands of modernity.

  September 28, 2015   doi: 10.1111/nana.12135   open full text
• Multicultural iteration: Swedish National Day as multiculturalism‐in‐practice.
  Carly Elizabeth Schall.
  Nations and Nationalism. March 14, 2014
  This paper examines the creation of ‘national day’ in Sweden in order to understand how such a holiday works to shape the Swedish nation's relationship with diversity. Analyzing parliamentary debates and press coverage, the author finds that official national day coverage tends to invest the nation with progressive and multicultural meanings, foregrounding immigrant voices. However, this multiculturalism is polysemic, vague and subject to contestation, both from far right ‘traditionalists’ seeking to ‘protect’ Swedishness from outside influences and cosmopolitans who see the nation as outdated and dangerous. The creation of a new national holiday can be seen as a ‘democratic iteration’ wherein democracy is restated and reinvested with meanings, and new lines of cleavage are drawn, and also as a ‘multicultural iteration’ where multiculturalism is invested with new meaning. Finally, the author argues that multiculturalism benefits from polysemy in that the concept can then adapt to changing circumstances, and, thus, survive.

  March 14, 2014   doi: 10.1111/nana.12070   open full text
• Minority nations and attitudes towards immigration: the case of Quebec.
  Luc Turgeon, Antoine Bilodeau.
  Nations and Nationalism. March 14, 2014
  Growing international migration constitutes a tremendous challenge for contemporary democracies, no more so than for minority nations. An important challenge for the latter is one of acceptance of immigration from the native‐born population, in a context in which immigrant can be seen as both a cultural and a political threat. In this article we ask what explains attitudes towards immigration in minority nations. More specifically, we seek to provide answers to these questions: What is the impact of cultural insecurity on attitudes towards immigration in minority nations? Is strong attachment to a minority nation associated with less positive attitudes towards immigration? And finally, are proponents of independence for minority nations more likely to favour a reduction in the level of immigration than those who oppose it? The article seeks to answer these questions by exploring the case of Quebec.

  March 14, 2014   doi: 10.1111/nana.12068   open full text
• One image, multiple nationalisms: Face to Face and the Siege at Kanehsatà:ke.
  Rima Wilkes, Michael Kehl.
  Nations and Nationalism. March 13, 2014
  Iconic news photographs, particularly those taken during wars and national crises, provide visual synopses of important historical events – events about which stories of triumph and tragedy are superimposed. In this paper, we systematically trace the appearances and discussions of a single, iconic image, given the moniker Face to Face, over time. In the twenty plus years since its initial publication, media discourses around the image referenced Kanien'kehaka /Mohawk, Indigenous, Quebecois and Canadian nationalisms. We conclude that discourses surrounding war and conflict imagery can be read as reflecting plural nationalisms and that while a dominant meaning can be projected onto such imagery, this is neither singular nor fixed.

  March 13, 2014   doi: 10.1111/nana.12067   open full text
• What's (not) in a parade? Nationhood, ethnicity and regionalism in a diasporic context.
  João Leal.
  Nations and Nationalism. March 07, 2014
  Long‐distance nationalism and political transnationalism have been concepts largely explored in the analysis of the attachments of contemporary migrants to home. In some cases, this focus on the trans‐nation has downplayed competing or complementary identifications to the home country and to the context of settlement, based on locality, region or ethnicity. Focusing on the commemorations of Portugal Day among the Portuguese diaspora in Toronto, this paper seeks to explore how the national script of the event coexists with other narratives of identity and belonging, linked to Portuguese‐Canadian ethnicity and to Azorean long‐distance regionalism. It thus argues for the need of a more balanced study of the role of national identity in diasporic contexts, able to articulate different layers of collective selfhood and belonging.

  March 07, 2014   doi: 10.1111/nana.12062   open full text
• Celebrating the prophet: religious nationalism and the politics of Milad‐un‐Nabi festivals in India.
  Z. Fareen Parvez.
  Nations and Nationalism. March 01, 2014
  The traditional honoring of the birth of the Prophet Mohammed (Milad‐un‐Nabi) has shifted in numerous Indian cities from private prayer and ritual meals in the home to grand public festivals that bear resemblances to Hindu religious processions. In 2010 in the southern Indian city of Hyderabad, large‐scale Milad‐un‐Nabi festivals became implicated in Hindu–Muslim nationalist riots that erupted weeks later at the commencement of a Hindu festival for Hanuman Jayanthi. This paper explores the political production of Muslim ethno‐nationalism and the intra‐community debates over the legitimacy and piety of Milad‐un‐Nabi celebrations. It argues that Milad‐un‐Nabi as a public performance is a (re)invented tradition that is part of the struggle for material, political and symbolic goods of the nation‐state. It is shaped by local party politics and history of anti‐Muslim discrimination. However, as the festivals highlight community divisions and religious ambiguities, they ultimately reveal the fragility of ethnic groups.

  March 01, 2014   doi: 10.1111/nana.12061   open full text
• The devil in disguise: action repertoire, visual performance and collective identity of the Autonomous Nationalists.
  Jan Schedler.
  Nations and Nationalism. February 27, 2014
  Adopting protest tactics and visual performance of the far left, many neo‐Nazis in Europe, particularly in Germany, have developed a new style. Referencing their political opponents, the far‐left Autonomous Movement, they call themselves the Autonomous Nationalists. Though this new style caused intense conflicts in the beginning, Autonomous Nationalists have gained strong influence in the neo‐Nazi movement. What drives neo‐Nazis to adopt tactics such as ‘black blocs’ and certain symbols and dress of their political enemies? Based on movement's documents, semi‐structured interviews and observing demonstrations, this article uses empirical data to identify central dimensions of the Autonomous Nationalist's action repertoire and visual performance and their impact on the neo‐Nazi movement's collective identity. The analysis of external and internal effects reveals that the shift in public appearance strengthened the movement's mobilization potential, but otherwise decreased ideological internalisation and may increase the turnover of activists.

  February 27, 2014   doi: 10.1111/nana.12060   open full text
• Two bullocks, a ladder and a lamp: electoral symbols in Nehruvian India.
  Simona Vittorini.
  Nations and Nationalism. February 25, 2014
  There is a substantial body of literature on nation‐building that, from a variety of theoretical approaches, examines the role of symbolic constructs in the process of construction and consolidation of new nation‐states. Among these works, the dramatic and symbolic aspects of election and their function in the nation‐building project have been investigated by political scientists and anthropologists alike. However, analysis of electoral emblems as constitutive elements in the nation‐building process has been largely missing from most studies of nation‐building and official nationalism. A case study of postindependence India suggests how national belonging was also made to hinge upon on competent democratic participation of the masses in the political life of the country. Central to this process of identity work was the establishment of an independent Election Commission and of strict rules for the design, selection and allotment of election emblems. Conventional accounts have argued that these procedures were introduced primarily for the benefit of the uneducated masses who were suddenly invited to participate in India's democratic process. I argue against this simplistic interpretation. Far from being only tools for the simplification of electoral processes, India's election symbols were one of India's institutional mechanisms designed to nurture the development of a correct democratic conduct and therefore ultimately contributing to the Nehruvian national project.

  February 25, 2014   doi: 10.1111/nana.12057   open full text
• Accommodation and the politics of fiscal equalization in multinational states: The case of Canada.
  Daniel Béland, André Lecours.
  Nations and Nationalism. February 24, 2014
  The politics of accommodation in multinational states sometimes features an important, yet often overlooked, fiscal dimension. In fact, the scholarly literature on the accommodation of nationalist movements emphasizes territorial autonomy, access to power and representation within central institutions, and the promotion of the state national identity, but it is virtually silent on how patterns of territorial fiscal redistribution, and more specifically programs of horizontal fiscal equalization, may contribute to accommodating sub‐state nationalism. This article looks at the Canadian case and analyses the multidimensional relationship between equalization policy and Québécois nationalism. It explains how a key motivation behind the creation of Canada's fiscal equalization program in 1957 was to “end” the institutional and political isolation of Québec and how equalization may have, thereafter, contributed to making Québec's secession less appealing to a good number of Quebeckers than it would have been in the absence of this program. Simultaneously, the article discusses how equalization may have contributed to a certain political backlash against Québec in the other provinces, thus providing mixed evidence in the assessment of the accommodation potential of equalization policy.

  February 24, 2014   doi: 10.1111/nana.12049   open full text
• Demonstrating for a Kosovo Republic in Switzerland: emotions, national identity and performance.
  Romaine Farquet.
  Nations and Nationalism. February 24, 2014
  National ceremonies are often designated as a means of crafting or strengthening the ‘national identity’ of the participants, thanks to their potentially emotional effects. This article seeks to examine in greater detail the relationship between emotions, ‘national identity’ and performance. First, it presents evidence from the literature to demonstrate the crucial role played by emotions in the process of national identification, then highlights the conditions responsible for generating these. Second, it explores these issues by adopting an oral history approach in relation to the demonstrations organised by Albanian‐speaking migrants from Yugoslavia in Switzerland in the 1980s. This approach makes it possible to explore issues from the participants' own perspective. The marchers' narratives not only provide a taste of the demonstrations' excitement but also provide clues about the conditions that lead to the emotions they experienced. They are particularly insistent about locating the demonstrations within a much broader life picture.

  February 24, 2014   doi: 10.1111/nana.12053   open full text
• ‘Singing oneself into a nation’? Estonian song festivals as rituals of political mobilisation.
  Karsten Brüggemann, Andres Kasekamp.
  Nations and Nationalism. February 24, 2014
  This article argues that Estonian song festivals were a powerful ritual of political mobilisation. Throughout their history, however, they had to be accommodated to narratives of ruling regimes. Taking Patrick Hutton's concept of such events as a ‘moment of memory’ with which images of the past are being reconstructed in a selective way, song festivals are on each occasion made to suit present needs. During the history of Estonian nationhood, these needs have been guided first and foremost by forms of political authority: during years of independence, the festivals were to serve different purposes than under imperial or Soviet Russian rule. Thus, the concept of ‘singing oneself into a nation’, popular in Estonian history textbooks, is only partly true. Although the performance of the festival changes only slightly through the years, its political significance changes enormously.

  February 24, 2014   doi: 10.1111/nana.12059   open full text
• Nation versus class in Ukraine.
  Stephen Shulman.
  Nations and Nationalism. December 11, 2013
  This article evaluates the long‐standing but rarely‐tested proposition that nationalism and nationhood mask the extent of class divisions in a society. Specifically, it examines three possible routes by which state‐nationhood might subjectively mitigate the importance of class. Nationhood may shape people's perception of the magnitude of economic inequalities, their perception of the magnitude of class conflict or their assessment of their own class position. An analysis of a mass public opinion survey from Ukraine in 2011 demonstrates that contrary to theoretical arguments advanced by a wide variety of scholars, national identity and national sentiments have very little or no impact on the perceived salience of class divisions in Ukraine. Contradictory forces within the national idea itself are identified to explain this outcome.

  December 11, 2013   doi: 10.1111/nana.12056   open full text
• Articulating minority nationhood: cultural and political dimensions in Québec's reasonable accommodation debate.
  Emily Laxer, Rachael Dianne Carson, Anna C. Korteweg.
  Nations and Nationalism. December 11, 2013
  Given their precarious position within larger states, national minorities cannot rely on federal governments to affirm their nationhood. Moreover, insofar as nationhood is predicated on a shared history, language and culture, immigrants place additional strains on the maintenance of national distinctiveness and the political claims that derive from it. In 2006–2007, following a series of confrontations over religious practices in the public sphere, Québec's provincial government appointed the Bouchard–Taylor Commission to investigate avenues for the accommodation of immigrant‐related cultural and religious differences. While it failed to generate policy, the commission did provide a discursive space for the (re)assertion of Québécois nationhood. Analysing the production of national identity in newspaper debates of the Bouchard–Taylor report, we offer an alternative to the ethnic–civic paradigm in nationalism theory. Rather than treat ethnic and civic as two separate ends of a single continuum, we conceptualise a relationship between two dimensions: one of culture and one of politics. We show that in contemporary articulations of Québec national identity, the prerequisites of political membership derive their meaning from a productive tension between blood‐based and adoptive conceptions of national culture.

  December 11, 2013   doi: 10.1111/nana.12046   open full text
• The paradox of contemporary linguistic nationalism: the case of Luxembourg.
  Nuria Garcia.
  Nations and Nationalism. December 11, 2013
  Through a case study of the mobilisation around the Luxembourgish language in the 1970s and 1980s, this article investigates the paradox of contemporary linguistic nationalism, resulting from a hiatus between the continued influence of the classic nation‐state model and the new constraints linked to a changed socio‐historical context. Based on an analysis of actors' discourses, parliamentary debates and legislative documents, the investigation retraces the social, political and economic dynamics as well as the cognitive mechanisms leading to a change in the social perception of the Luxembourgish language. It shows how the contemporary context implies specific constraints and difficulties for mechanisms of the invention of tradition, but that at the same time the traditional nation‐state model, where one nation equates with one state and one language continues to function as a reference. Through the Luxembourgish case is raised the more general question of the relation between linguistic nationalism, modernity and change in a contemporary context.

  December 11, 2013   doi: 10.1111/nana.12043   open full text
• Focusing on Chinese nationalism: an inherently flawed perspective? A reply to Allen Carlson.
  Anna Costa.
  Nations and Nationalism. December 11, 2013
  My article replies to Allen Carlson's critique of the existing literature on Chinese nationalism (Carlson's article was published in Volume 15, issue 1 of Nations and Nationalism, 2009). I address Carlson's criticisms and proceed to evaluate his proposal to move away from an allegedly unhelpful focus on nationalism towards the allegedly more illuminating framework of national identity construction. My approach to the existing literature on Chinese nationalism acknowledges efforts made within it at grappling with issues of theory and definition and builds on this acknowledgement to operate a selective appraisal of its strengths and weaknesses. I argue that while some of the problems identified by Carlson do indeed plague the literature, his advocacy of abandoning nationalism as a focus of research is unwarranted. There is continuing validity in using nationalism as a lens for understanding how China sees its place in the world.

  December 11, 2013   doi: 10.1111/nana.12048   open full text
• Vox populismus: a populist radical right attitude among the public?
  Matthijs Rooduijn.
  Nations and Nationalism. December 11, 2013
  In the last two decades, populist radical right (PRR) parties have been electorally very successful in Western Europe. Various scholars have argued that these parties share an ideological core that consists of a specific form of nationalism (nativism), in combination with two other attitudes (authoritarianism and populism). The aim of this research note is to assess whether this ideological core also exists as a consistent attitude among citizens. Exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses of the attitudes of Dutch citizens indicate that we can indeed speak of a consistent PRR attitude among the public. I also show that this attitude is strongly related to the probability of voting for the PRR Freedom Party (Partij voor de Vrijheid) of Geert Wilders.

  December 11, 2013   doi: 10.1111/nana.12054   open full text
• Do nationalist parties shape or follow sub‐national identities? A panel analysis on the rise of the nationalist party in the Flemish Region of Belgium, 2006–11.
  Joris Boonen, Marc Hooghe.
  Nations and Nationalism. December 11, 2013
  In this article, we examine the steep and unprecedented rise of the New Flemish Alliance (N‐VA), a Flemish nationalist party in Belgium that succeeded in gaining almost thirty per cent of the vote in a couple of years. During this period, a panel survey among 3,025 late adolescents and young adults was conducted. Our analyses suggest that support for a sub‐nationalist ideology is far more successful in explaining a subsequent vote for the nationalist party than vice versa. In terms of supply and demand mechanisms, we find that N‐VA has managed to address a preexisting reservoir of Flemish nationalist voters (demand), rather than attributing to a development of a stronger Flemish identity among its followers (supply). We should therefore not overestimate the constructionist power of (sub‐)nationalist political elites for the development of (sub‐)nationalist identities.

  December 11, 2013   doi: 10.1111/nana.12044   open full text
• Re‐evaluating otherness in genocidal ideology.
  Elisabeth Hope Murray.
  Nations and Nationalism. December 11, 2013
  Ideas of otherness in both nationalism and genocide studies do not sufficiently explain genocidal levels of policy and ideological development, nor do they help identify groups that may be selected in the future for this particular kind of destruction. This article sets out to introduce the typology of ‘anti‐nation’ to the dialogue of nationalism studies in order to more aptly identify prospective groups at risk of future possible genocidal aggression. This article looks to the Armenian genocide to provide analysis for a greater understanding of the way radicalising ideology evolves regarding the anti‐nation during the early years of identity development in states radicalising towards genocide.

  December 11, 2013   doi: 10.1111/nana.12031   open full text
• Is the classic diaspora transnational and hybrid? The case of the Ukrainian Canadian Congress.
  Halyna Mokrushyna.
  Nations and Nationalism. September 20, 2013
  Scholars studying migration processes through the transnational prism have expanded the concept of ‘diaspora’ with a new meaning as a transnational, hybrid identity and condition, which has displaced the classical interpretation constructed around ethnicity and territory. By analyzing the activities of the Ukrainian Canadian Congress, which represents the organised Ukrainian community in Canada, an old‐type diaspora, this paper argues that transnationality and hybridity have always been the inner attributes of diaspora identity and experience and stresses the importance of an essential characteristic of diaspora: the conscious effort to maintain a distinctive collective identity. Only if a community succeeds in maintaining its collective identity throughout multigenerational change can it qualify as a diaspora. These two dimensions – the self‐consciousness of diaspora as a distinctive group and the survival of its distinctive identity through multigenerational change – set diasporas apart from transnational communities.

  September 20, 2013   doi: 10.1111/nana.12032   open full text
• Interactive nationhood: the relation between Croatian and Yugoslav national identity in the interwar period.
  Pieter Troch.
  Nations and Nationalism. September 20, 2013
  Croatian and Yugoslav national identity have been closely connected throughout the nineteenth and twentieth century. This article questions the assumption that Croatian national identification inherently opposed the Yugoslav nationalising efforts of the interwar Yugoslav state by means of a study of commemorative activities. In the commemoration of the millennial anniversary of the Croatian Kingdom in 1925, the Yugoslav level of national identity was activated as a complement to Croatian national identity. During the 1930s, commemorations of Matija Gubec and the Illyrian movement conveyed a mutually exclusive relation between Croatian and Yugoslav national identity. I argue that the dismissal of grassroots Croatian historical commemorations that were indifferent but not averse to Yugoslav nationhood in the integral Yugoslav policy of the authoritarian state during the 1930s curtailed the potential of these commemorations as vehicles for Yugoslav national identification and complicated the concurrence of Croatian and Yugoslav nationhood.

  September 20, 2013   doi: 10.1111/nana.12045   open full text
• Gellner redux?
  Hudson Meadwell.
  Nations and Nationalism. September 09, 2013
  The work of Ernest Gellner continues to be an influential part of nationalism studies. A recent appraisal has raised questions about the argument that Gellner offered in his central text on nationalism, Nations and Nationalism. This article takes up other issues in Gellner's work on nationalism. The article examines Gellner's influential definition of nationalism and the interpretation that he placed on that definition, as well as his treatment of ‘political cohabitation’. It also pays more attention to Gellner's later work, namely, Gellner's discussion of ‘the time zones of nationalism’. The paper draws on secondary literature but its primary purpose is to assess the coherence of Gellner's arguments.

  September 09, 2013   doi: 10.1111/nana.12029   open full text
• Using cultural trauma: Gandhi's assassination, partition and secular nationalism in post‐independence India.
  Mira Debs.
  Nations and Nationalism. September 02, 2013
  Nationalism theorists have noted the link between traumatic events and national identity, and cultural trauma theory presents a framework for understanding how these events become trauma narratives. I argue for greater consideration of how these narratives are strategically linked to ideological frames of national identity. A case study of post‐Independence India considering the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi and the Partition of India and Pakistan demonstrates how two very different events were promoted as cultural traumas by various carrier groups in order to promote a secular vision of the Indian nation. Adapting Armstrong and Crage (2006), I suggest that the success of these trauma narratives depend on several criteria: the ease of narrating the event, how it is linked to underlying cultural meanings/frames and how the event interacts with historical contingencies.

  September 02, 2013   doi: 10.1111/nana.12038   open full text
• Nation‐building in contemporary Germany: the strange conversion of Hitler's ‘word made of stone’.
  Martin Beckstein.
  Nations and Nationalism. August 30, 2013
  This article examines the contending redefinitions of national identity in contemporary Germany's memorial culture, focusing particularly on the ensemble of monuments and parade fields known as the former Nazi Party rally grounds in Nuremberg. In a detailed case study, I analyse the recent conversion of one of the physical remnants of National Socialism – Albert Speer's transformer station – into a fast‐food restaurant and interpret this conversion as a novel contribution to the discourse on German nationhood. I argue that the provocative commercial reutilisation of the former Nazi monument gives expression to a renewed self‐confidence that Germany has gained from displaying a willingness to face up to its past as perpetrator nation. While the intervention thus deviates from the self‐indicting spirit that had been characteristic for Germany's memorial culture after World War II, an ironic note is conspicuous in this act of commemorative politics that indicates a way of dealing with the fascist legacy that is, surprisingly in some respects, superior to more conventional memory strategies.

  August 30, 2013   doi: 10.1111/nana.12024   open full text
• The Parthenon Marbles as icons of nationalism in nineteenth‐century Britain.
  Fiona Rose‐Greenland.
  Nations and Nationalism. August 27, 2013
  Theories of nationalism place native culture at the core of national self‐fashioning. What explains a state's adoption of foreign objects to sustain national identity? In this paper, I argue that the incorporation of the Parthenon Marbles into British public life is an early example of supranational nationalism. The nineteenth‐century ‘art race’ was a competitive field in which European nation‐states vied for prestige. Of the thousands of art trophies that were brought to Britain from Mediterranean and North African countries, the Parthenon Marbles were uniquely iconicised. Using data from period newspapers and official documents, I assert that this was because they were assiduously presented as prenational by British authorities. In this way, they belonged simultaneously to no nation, to every nation, and to Britain. The case demonstrates the emergence of a particular form of national distinctiveness that transcended the smallness of particularity and rose to the level of universal civilisation.

  August 27, 2013   doi: 10.1111/nana.12039   open full text
• Reconciling custom, citizenship and colonial legacies: Ni‐Vanuatu tertiary student attitudes to national identity.
  Matthew Clarke, Michael Leach, James Scambary.
  Nations and Nationalism. August 23, 2013
  Nation‐building remains a key challenge in Vanuatu. From the origins of this new nation in 1980, it was clear that creating a unifying sense of national identity and political community from multiple languages and diverse traditional cultures would be difficult. This paper presents new survey and focus group data on attitudes to national identity among tertiary students in Vanuatu. The survey identifies areas of common attitudes towards nationalism and national identity, shared by both Anglophone and Francophone Ni‐Vanuatu. However, despite the weakening ties between language of education and political affiliation over recent years, the findings suggest that there remain some key areas of strong association between socio‐linguistic background, and attitudes to the nation, and national identity. These findings cast new light on the attitudes of likely future elites towards regional, ethnic, intergenerational and linguistic fault lines in Vanuatu and the challenges of building a cohesive sense of political community and national identity.

  August 23, 2013   doi: 10.1111/nana.12009   open full text
• Performing the nation in anti‐colonial protest in interwar Morocco.
  Jonathan Wyrtzen.
  Nations and Nationalism. August 23, 2013
  This article applies a process approach to the study of nationalism, analysing anti‐colonial protest in interwar Morocco to address how and why elite‐constructed national identity resonates for larger audiences. Using Alexander's social performance model to study nationalist contention, it examines how a Muslim prayer ritual was re‐purposed by Moroccan nationalists to galvanise mass protest against a French divide‐and‐rule colonial policy towards Moroccan Berbers that they believed threatened Morocco's ethno‐religious national unity. By looking at how national identity was forged in the context of contentious performances and why certain religious (Islam) and ethnic (Arab) components were drawn on to define the Moroccan nation, this study offers a model for answering why national identity gets defined in specific ways and how the nation gains salience for broader publics as a category of collective identity.

  August 23, 2013   doi: 10.1111/nana.12037   open full text
• Making time for national identity: theoretical concept and empirical glance on the temporal performance of national identity.
  Liron Lavi.
  Nations and Nationalism. August 22, 2013
  Despite global, economic, technological and social transformations, nationality has remained an influential identity category. It still forms the basis for collective self‐determination, political sovereignty and sense of belonging. This article puts forward the concept of ‘Chrono‐Work’ to offer a critical approach to national identity. Employing temporal and performative perspectives, the concept addresses the conditions for establishing and constructing national identity. Drawing on Judith Butler's performance theory, it is suggested that performance of national acts loads national identity with meaning through the construction of a chronological narrative. To complete the theoretical picture, a case study of ‘Chrono‐Work’ among the Jewish settlers on the Golan Heights in Israel is offered. It is shown that national identity is constantly performed through temporal strategies that aim at achieving a chronological order. Therefore, it is suggested that national identity is not given, but rather is the result of continuous ‘Chrono‐Work’.

  August 22, 2013   doi: 10.1111/nana.12027   open full text
• Coming to terms with a difficult past: the trauma of the assassination of Hrant Dink and its repercussions on Turkish national identity.
  Gülay Türkmen‐Dervişoğlu.
  Nations and Nationalism. August 22, 2013
  This paper takes as its subject the question of why some nations are less willing to acknowledge past atrocities. To answer that question, it focuses on the assassination of Hrant Dink – a Turkish‐Armenian journalist – and its repercussions on Turkish national identity. Scrutinising newspaper articles written before and after the assassination (2004–2007), it casts a detailed glance at the struggle between two carrier groups – pro‐ and anti‐acknowledgement groups – and argues that the assassination increased the likelihood of the acknowledgement of the mass killing of Armenians in 1915 by creating a cultural trauma informed by collective guilt. However, the relief generated by the funeral, combined with the strength of the master commemorative narrative regarding the mass killings, decreased that likelihood, and despite the huge public reaction created by the assassination there was no attempt at acknowledgement. As such, the paper contributes to our understanding of the trauma of perpetrators and claims that, in addition to other factors listed by earlier studies, cultural trauma is a necessary but not a sufficient condition for coming to terms with difficult pasts.

  August 22, 2013   doi: 10.1111/nana.12040   open full text
• German modernity, barbarous Slavs and profit‐seeking Jews: the cultural racism of nationalist liberals.
  Marcel Stoetzler, Christine Achinger.
  Nations and Nationalism. August 22, 2013
  This paper examines emblematic texts by two important protagonists of post‐1848 liberalism in Germany, Gustav Freytag and Heinrich von Treitschke, focusing on their treatment of Jews and Poles. The paper analyses the social content of their statements and argues that the elements of anti‐Semitism and anti‐Slav racism that they contain were motivated by the specific kind of nationalist liberalism that frames their affirmation of the process of modernisation. This affirmation was directed against the Poles on the one hand, seen as backward Easterners who had to be pushed into civilisation by Prussian–German colonialism, and, on the other hand, the Jews, largely perceived as representing the wrong kind of modernity against which benign (supposedly German) modernity had to be protected. At the same time, the image of the Jew in Freytag and Treitschke also participates in that of the backward Easterner, permitting to see undesirable, allegedly Jewish aspects of modernity also as distortions resulting from an alien and ancient culture. This analysis has consequences for theorisations of both liberalism and nationalism: it suggests that the racism and anti‐Semitism of nationalist liberals were intrinsically related to core aspects of the liberal world‐view rather than being merely contingent opinions held by particular individuals. It also indicates that the nationalism of many German post‐1848 liberals was ethnic as well as liberal. In this way, the paper contributes to the growing body of literature discussing the illiberal aspects of liberalism as well as the shortcomings of the long‐established conceptual dichotomy of ethnic vs. liberal nationalism.

  August 22, 2013   doi: 10.1111/nana.12035   open full text
• Excesses of nationalism: Greco‐Turkish population exchange.
  Biray Kolluoğlu.
  Nations and Nationalism. May 31, 2013
  This article studies 1923 compulsory population exchange between Greece and Turkey through a case study of its experience in Izmir. It traces the ways the early Republican state engaged in the project of reshaping the population by eliminating the non‐Muslims who were rendered as ‘excesses’ in the spatial and discursive matrices of the nation‐state. Through the experience of the exchange in Izmir, it argues that the process of the accommodation and assimilation of the exchangees played a significant role in shaping the modalities of Turkish nationalism by creating new lines and fissures, further dividing the ‘Muslim brethren’ into ever restrictive constructions of Turkishness. It also underlines that this forced displacement is not just a significant episode in Greek and Turkish histories but that it represents a turning point in the project of nation formation in general.

  May 31, 2013   doi: 10.1111/nana.12028   open full text
• Conflicting nationalist traditions and immigration: the Basque case from 1950 to 1980.
  Julen Zabalo, Txoli Mateos, Iker Iraola.
  Nations and Nationalism. May 29, 2013
  Immigration from the different regions in Spain to the Basque Country has traditionally opposed Basque and Spanish nationalism. This article provides an overview of the discourse of both nationalist traditions with respect to the intra‐regional migration movement of the second half of the twentieth century as well as of the resulting controversy. Whereas the Basque nationalist movement claims to have defended the need to integrate immigrants since the middle of the twentieth century, particularly through politics, Spanish nationalism claims that Basque nationalism has helped marginalise these same immigrants. A qualitative analysis is used to contrast this controversy by consulting the opinion of the Spanish immigrants who settled in the Basque Country and did not avail of the political integration proposed by Basque nationalism. The main conclusion is that these immigrants tend to avoid the heart of the matter of discord between both nationalist traditions, granting little importance to political and cultural elements though stressing their social integration in the Basque Country.

  May 29, 2013   doi: 10.1111/nana.12025   open full text
• Market civilisation meets economic nationalism: the discourse of nation in Russia's modernisation.
  Anni Kangas.
  Nations and Nationalism. May 22, 2013
  This article examines how the discourse of nation functions as a mechanism furthering the expansion of a neoliberal market civilisation in Russia. It contributes to discussions that have challenged the assumed mutual exclusivity of economic nationalism and neoliberalism. The article develops its argument in the context of the idea of contemporary international society as a market civilisation characterised by an adaptation to and adoption of neoliberal standards by states. The ongoing modernisation project in Russia illustrates the workings of such standards, as exemplified by the project for an innovation city in Skolkovo, in the Moscow metropolitan area. Building on an analysis of the Skolkovo debate, the article agues that there is no inherent contradiction between economic nationalism and neoliberalism. Rather, the nation is an important symbolic system that produces a cultural susceptibility to, and a discursive field for, the introduction of neoliberal standards of market civilisation in Russia.

  May 22, 2013   doi: 10.1111/nana.12023   open full text
• The practical limits of inventing traditions: the failed reinvention of the Sinjska Alka.
  M. Ozan Erözden.
  Nations and Nationalism. May 20, 2013
  The Alka is a traditional game in Croatia, held to commemorate the victory of the local warriors of the region of Cetina over the Ottoman army in 1715. The Croatian nationalist discourse of the 1990s tried to reinvent the Alka as symbol of a certain national identity, by nationalising this local event and emphasising its religious aspect. In a period of just over a decade, however, the project of reinventing the Alka has failed completely. This paper analyses the reinvention of the Alka and its failure in order to argue that concrete cases of invented tradition are context dependent and may encounter practical limits.

  May 20, 2013   doi: 10.1111/nana.12030   open full text
• Which national group will I identify myself with? The role of preferred and perceived identity representations.
  Bart Duriez, Arjan Reijerse, Koen Luyckx, Norbert Vanbeselaere, Joke Meeus.
  Nations and Nationalism. April 29, 2013
  Research shows that the more people identify with a national in‐group, the more their citizenship representation becomes in line with the citizenship discourse attached to this national‐identity. However, although national identification may lead to a preference for a specific citizenship representation, national identification might itself depend on preexisting citizenship representation preferences. In line with this, a longitudinal study among Flemish‐Belgian high‐school students (N = 275) showed reciprocal relations between national identification and citizenship representation. A second study among Flemish‐Belgian high‐school students (N = 407) then showed that strength of national identification does not simply depend on preexisting citizenship representation preferences but on the (mis)match between such preferences and the citizenship representation perceived to be attached to a national‐identity. In addition, results showed that the relation between national identification and out‐group attitudes depends on the national‐identity under consideration.

  April 29, 2013   doi: 10.1111/nana.12004   open full text
• Religion and ethno‐nationalism: Turkey's Kurdish issue.
  Zeki Sarigil, Omer Fazlioglu.
  Nations and Nationalism. April 25, 2013
  One approach within the Islamic camp treats Islam, which emphasizes overarching notions such as the ‘Islamic brotherhood’ and ‘ummah’, as incompatible with ethno‐nationalist ideas and movements. It is, however, striking that in the last decades, several Islamic and conservative groups in Turkey have paid increasing attention to the Kurdish issue, supporting their ethnic demands and sentiments. Even more striking, the leftist, secular Kurdish ethno‐nationalists have adopted a more welcoming attitude toward Islam. How can we explain such intriguing developments and shifts? Using original data derived from several elite interviews and a public opinion survey, this study shows that the struggle for Kurdish popular support and legitimacy has encouraged political elites from both camps to enrich their ideological toolbox by borrowing ideas and discourses from each other. Further, Turkish and Kurdish nationalists alike utilize Islamic discourses and ideas to legitimize their competing nationalist claims. Exploring such issues, the study also provides theoretical and policy implications.

  April 25, 2013   doi: 10.1111/nana.12011   open full text
• The status of religion in emergent political regimes: lessons from Turkey and Israel.
  Aviad Rubin.
  Nations and Nationalism. December 07, 2012
  Why do some newly formed regimes incorporate religion in various dimensions of public affairs, while others relegate religious actors and content to the private sphere? This article offers an explanatory model with four key components that together determine the status of religion in newborn political regimes: (1) the pervasiveness of religion in the old order; (2) the overlap among different ingredients of national‐identity; (3) the constraints of demographic realities; and (4) the period before and during the formation of the new regime as critical juncture. The model is applied and tested in the cases of Israel and Turkey, which in many respects represent opposite trends – accommodation and marginalization, respectively – that produced broad and long‐term consequences for their respective political regimes.

  December 07, 2012   doi: 10.1111/nana.12007   open full text