Most recent papers:

• Polarized social distancing: Residents of Republican‐majority counties spend more time away from home during the COVID‐19 crisis.
  Damon C. Roberts, Stephen M. Utych.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 29, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nBackground\nThe COVID‐19 pandemic has presented unique challenges across the world in getting citizens to change their behaviors in response to a public health crisis. In the United States, it appears that partisan differences in willingness to comply with these measures have emerged: Democrats are typically more supportive than Republicans in their stated support of and willingness to comply with these measures. However, actual behaviors are notoriously hard to accurately capture with survey items.\n\n\nObjective\nTo determine the extent to which county‐level partisanship influences average willingness to stay at home, and how these effects are moderated by county level characteristics.\n\n\nMethods\nWe use personal device (cell phone) data provided by SafeGraph, aggregated at the county‐level, to determine how county‐level partisanship is correlated with willigness to stay at home. We additionally test whether these effects are conditional upon the prevalence of COVID‐19 in the county, and the percentage of the county under 30 years old.\n\n\nResults\nWe find that county‐level partisanship predicts aggregate level compliance with social distancing behavior—citizens of counties that are more Republican spend more time away from home than Democratic counties. We find that the number of COVID‐19 cases in the county and the percentage of the county under the age of 30 moderate these effects.\n\n\nConclusion\nPartisanship appears to be a powerful predictor, at the county‐level, of willigness to follow stay at home orders in the early stages of the COVID‐19 pandemic.\n\n"]

  November 29, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13101   open full text
• The COVID‐19 pandemic and government responses: A gender perspective on differences in public opinion.
  Daniel Stockemer, Friedrich Plank, Arne Niemann.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 27, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 5, Page 2383-2393, September 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nThe 2019 novel coronavirus disease (COVID‐19) crisis has led to shutdowns of the cultural, associational, and economic life in many parts of the world and had a severe impact on gender relations in many societies. This study engages with gender differences in public support of severe infringements of personal and economic freedoms.\n\n\nMethods\nWe use data from an original survey conducted by CINT in the United States and Germany in June 2020. Descriptive statistics both aggregated for the two countries and then split by country as well as multinomial logistic regression analyses gauge gender differences in support of COVID‐19 related confinement measures.\n\n\nResults\nMen and women rather converge on the level of risk COVID‐19 might cause to their health and economic situation, but the two sexes still differ in their assessment of their preferred government reaction to the disease. Women are approximately one‐third more likely to advocate stricter infringements, compared to men. This finding illustrates that while both sexes share similar risk evaluations, women are more prudent for their health than men.\n\n\nConclusion\nWith this study, we add to the literature on risk aversion and gender differences. In a pandemic situation, women appear to be more risk averse than men.\n\n"]

  November 27, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13028   open full text
• Conservatism and infrequent mask usage: A study of US counties during the novel coronavirus (COVID‐19) pandemic.
  Kelsey E. Gonzalez, Rina James, Eric T. Bjorklund, Terrence D. Hill.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 27, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 5, Page 2368-2382, September 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nAlthough the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention eventually recommended wearing masks in public to slow the spread of the coronavirus, the practice has been unevenly distributed in the United States.\n\n\nMethods\nIn this article, we model county‐level infrequent mask usage as a function of three pillars of conservatism: (1) Republican political leadership (percentage of votes for Donald Trump in the 2016 presidential election), (2) conservative Protestantism (percentage evangelical Christian), and (3) right‐wing media consumption (Google searches for Fox News).\n\n\nResults\nOur analyses indicate that mask usage tends to be lower in counties with greater support for President Trump (in majority Trump counties), counties with more evangelical Christians, and areas with greater interest in Fox News.\n\n\nConclusion\nGiven the effectiveness of masks in limiting the transmission of respiratory droplets, conservative ideological resistance to public health and recommended pandemic lifestyles may indirectly support the spread of the coronavirus.\n\n"]

  November 27, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13025   open full text
• Brexit, COVID‐19, and attitudes toward immigration in Britain.
  Mark Pickup, Eline A. de Rooij, Clifton van der Linden, Matthew J. Goodwin.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 27, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 5, Page 2184-2193, September 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nA key issue in Britain's referendum on European Union membership was the free movement of labor into Britain, with Brexit “Leavers” having more negative attitudes toward immigrants than “Remainers.” Such anti‐immigrant attitudes are driven by feelings of threat. The coronavirus pandemic presented a new threat in the context of ongoing Brexit negotiations. This paper examines how the COVID‐19 pandemic affected anti‐immigrant attitudes and how these effects differ between Leavers and Remainers.\n\n\nMethods\nUsing an online survey in Spring 2020 of 3,708 individuals residing in the UK, we experimentally test the effect of priming COVID‐19 thoughts on anti‐immigrant attitudes, and examine whether this effect varies by Brexit identity.\n\n\nResults\nWe show that COVID‐19 may exacerbate anti‐immigrant attitudes among Leavers while having little effect on Remainers.\n\n\nConclusion\nThese findings support the idea that the coronavirus pandemic might have presented a new, viral, threat that heightened anti‐immigrant attitudes among certain political identities.\n\n"]

  November 27, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13010   open full text
• Job precarity and economic prospects during the COVID‐19 public health crisis.
  Wen‐Jui Han, Jake Hart.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 27, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 5, Page 2394-2411, September 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nAs labor markets in recent decades have become increasingly volatile and precarious, more workers are susceptible to working conditions threatening their economic security. COVID‐19 has further laid bare such economic insecurity from holding a precarious job. We examined the association between precarious employment and the probability of losing income or a job during COVID‐19 pandemic.\n\n\nMethods\nA multivariate regression analysis was conducted using a cross‐sectional data set collected in May 2020 in the United States.\n\n\nResults\nOur results confirm a strong positive association between precarious employment and losing work or income. Specifically, holding part‐time work in the service sector, and feeling disempowered in the workplace, receiving low material rewards, having few benefits, and experiencing obstacles in exercising rights all significantly doubled the probability of losing income or jobs.\n\n\nConclusion\nOur analysis underscores the increasing vulnerability faced by our workforce and how a public health crisis magnifies the dire consequences of a precarious job.\n\n"]

  November 27, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13031   open full text
• Polarization, partisanship, and pandemic: The relationship between county‐level support for Donald Trump and the spread of Covid‐19 during the spring and summer of 2020.
  David S. Morris.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 27, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 5, Page 2412-2431, September 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nRepublicans and Democrats have displayed widely divergent beliefs and behaviors related to COVID‐19, creating the possibility that geographic areas with more Donald Trump supporters may be more likely to suffer from the disease.\n\n\nMethods\nI use 2016 election data, COVID‐19 case and mortality data, and multilevel linear growth models with state fixed effects to estimate the relationship between county‐level support for Donald Trump and the trajectory of cumulative COVID‐19 cases and deaths per 100,000 county residents between March 17, 2020 and August 31, 2020.\n\n\nResults\nCounties more supportive of Trump had fewer COVID‐19 cases and deaths in the early months of the pandemic. However, as the summer moved into July and August, counties less supportive of Trump stopped growth rates of COVID‐19 cases and deaths, while counties more supportive of Trump saw a trajectory of increased cases and deaths in July and August. This is likely due to the widely divergent beliefs and behaviors displayed by Republicans and Democrats toward COVID‐19.\n\n\nConclusion\nThis study underscores the power of polarization and partisanship in the public sphere, even when it comes to a public health issue.\n\n"]

  November 27, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13053   open full text
• Ideology and compliance with health guidelines during the COVID‐19 pandemic: A comparative perspective.
  Michael Becher, Daniel Stegmueller, Sylvain Brouard, Eric Kerrouche.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 27, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 5, Page 2106-2123, September 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nWe measure the prevalence of noncompliance with public health guidelines in the COVID‐19 pandemic and examine how it is shaped by political ideology across countries.\n\n\nMethods\nA list experiment of noncompliance and a multi‐item scale of health‐related behaviors were embedded in a comparative survey of 11,000 respondents in nine OCED countries. We conduct a statistical analysis of the list experiment capturing degrees of noncompliance with social distancing rules and estimate ideological effect heterogeneity. A semiparametric analysis examines the functional form of the relationship between ideology and the propensity to violate public health guidelines.\n\n\nResults\nOur analyses reveal substantial heterogeneity between countries. Ideology plays an outsized role in the United States. No association of comparable magnitude is found in the majority of the other countries in our study. In many settings, the impact of ideology on health‐related behaviors is nonlinear.\n\n\nConclusion\nOur results highlight the importance of taking a comparative perspective. Extrapolating the role of ideology from the United States to other advanced industrialized societies might paint an erroneous picture of the scope of possible nonpharmaceutical interventions. Heterogeneity limits the extent to which policymakers can learn from experiences across borders.\n\n"]

  November 27, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13035   open full text
• The effectiveness of government measures during the first wave of the outbreak.
  María Celeste Ratto, Juan Manuel Cabrera, Daniela Zacharías, Juan Martín Azerrat.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 27, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 5, Page 2088-2105, September 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjectives\nThe Covid‐19 pandemic changed the humanity life. Millions of deaths and infections that spread rapidly around the world made all countries take measures to stop the outbreaks and assume the enormous consequences that the Coronavirus is leaving behind. The challenge has been enormous; governments across the world have implemented a wide span of nonpharmaceutical interventions to mitigate the Coronavirus pandemic (SARS‐CoV‐2) and its consequences in economic terms. The aim of this article is to analyze the effects that different kinds of measures taken by Latin American governments had on the daily new infections. The countries analyzed were Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, México, Panamá, Peru, Paraguay, Dominican Republic, Uruguay and Venezuela.\n\n\nMethods\nA time series cross‐section analysis was performed, which allows studying the evolution of the number of daily cases over time and by country. The timeframe of this study was from the day the first case of coronavirus was registered in a country, until September 14, 2020. We used data from Covid‐19 Dashboard database of Johns Hopkins University and the Oxford Covid‐19 Government Response Tracker data set.\n\n\nResults\nThe Stringency Index did not have a significant influence at the beginning of the pandemic but turned out to be significant and inversely related to DNI during Phases 2 and 3. On the contrary, the Economic and the Sanitary Containment Index was not statistically significant for any of the phases. Furthermore, the level of wealthfare of a country, measured from its GDP per capita, exerts a substantive conditional influence on the management of the Covid‐19 crisis.\n\n\nConclusions\nThe scenarios have been changing and strategies had to change as well in order to be successful because they lose effectiveness and have increased social costs with time. Therefore, understanding the relative effectiveness of such measures had on the disease spreading during the first wave of the outbreak, could help governments to make more informed decisions about how to control future outbreaks of the Covid‐19 pandemic.\n\n"]

  November 27, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13043   open full text
• Politically connected companies are less likely to shutdown due to COVID‐19 restrictions.
  Robert Kubinec, Haillie Na‐Kyung Lee, Andrey Tomashevskiy.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 27, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 5, Page 2155-2169, September 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nWhile the aim of COVID‐19 policies is to suppress the pandemic, many fear that the burden of the restrictions will fall more heavily on less privileged groups. We show one potential mechanism for COVID‐19 responses to increase inequality by examining the intersection of business restrictions and business political connections.\n\n\nMethods\nWe fielded an online survey of 2735 business employees and managers in Ukraine, Egypt, and Venezuela over the summer of 2020 to collect data on companies' closures due to COVID‐19 and nuanced information about their political connections.\n\n\nFindings\nWe show that businesses with political connections to government officials were significantly less likely to shut down as a result of COVID‐19 policies. This finding suggests that measures designed to mitigate COVID‐19 are ineffective in countries with a weak rule of law if politically connected firms are able to circumvent restrictions by leveraging political connections to receive preferential treatment. In addition, politically connected firms are no more likely—and sometimes even less likely—to engage in social‐distancing policies to mitigate the pandemic despite the fact that they are more likely to remain open.\n\n"]

  November 27, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13040   open full text
• The crowding of social distancing: How social context and interpersonal connections affect individual responses to the coronavirus*.
  Debra Leiter, Jack Reilly, Beth Vonnahme.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 27, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 5, Page 2435-2451, September 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nThis study investigates the degree to which social connections and social context shape attitudes and behaviors surrounding the COVID‐19 pandemic in the United States.\n\n\nMethods\nIn April and August 2020, we surveyed Americans about their social context and asked a range of questions related to the coronavirus and social distancing.\n\n\nResults\nSocial crowding, social networks, and social context are related to support for social distancing policies and compliance with those policies.\n\n\nConclusion\nThe coronavirus pandemic created hardships; hardships made more difficult by the inability to physically interact with extended family and friends and the inability to find space away from immediate family. This research suggests that understanding compliance with public policies requires attention to interpersonal connections.\n\n"]

  November 27, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13060   open full text
• Who Trusts the WHO? Heuristics and Americans’ Trust in the World Health Organization During the COVID‐19 Pandemic.
  A. Burcu Bayram, Todd Shields.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 27, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 5, Page 2312-2330, September 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nWhy do some Americans trust the World Health Organization (WHO) during the COVID‐19 pandemic, but others do not? To date, there has been no examination of trust in the WHO. Yet the global nature of the pandemic necessitates expanding our scholarship to international health organizations. We test the effects of partisanship, ideology, the cooperative internationalist foreign policy orientation, and nationalism on trust in the WHO and subsequently examine how this trust relates to preventive health behavior.\n\n\nMethods\nMultivariate analysis of original survey data from a representative sample of Americans.\n\n\nResults\nDemocrats, liberals, and those with a strong cooperative internationalist foreign policy orientation are more likely to trust the WHO's competence and integrity in responding to the COVID‐19 pandemic while Republicans, conservatives, and nationalists are less likely. Even though trust in the Centers for Disease Control (CDC) has the largest impact on preventive health behaviors, trust in the competence of the WHO is also an important factor. These results remain robust after controlling for other covariates.\n\n\nConclusion\nPandemic politics in the United States is polarized along party and ideological lines. However, our results show that a fuller understanding Americans’ political trust and health behaviors during COVID‐19 requires taking the international dimensions of the pandemic seriously.\n\n"]

  November 27, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12977   open full text
• Voting in a global pandemic: Assessing dueling influences of Covid‐19 on turnout.
  Sara M. Constantino, Alicia D. Cooperman, Thiago M. Q. Moreira.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 27, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 5, Page 2210-2235, September 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nWe investigate the impact of a global health crisis on political behavior. Specifically, we assess the impact of Covid‐19 incidence rates, and the impact of temporal and spatial proximity to the crisis, on voter turnout in the 2020 Brazilian municipal elections.\n\n\nMethods\nWe use Ordinary Least Squares and Spatial Durbin Error models to evaluate sub‐national variation in municipal‐level Covid‐19 incidence and voter turnout. We include controls for political, economic, health, and state context.\n\n\nResults\nCeteris paribus, increasing deaths in the month leading up to the election from 0.01 to 1 per 1000 people is associated with a 5 percentage point decrease in turnout; higher cases and deaths earlier in the pandemic are generally associated with higher turnout. Covid‐19 incidence rates in nearby municipalities affect local turnout in the same directions.\n\n\nConclusion\nHigher Covid‐19 incidence near the time of the election decreases voter turnout, while incidence farther from the election increases voter turnout.\n\n"]

  November 27, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13038   open full text
• The political science of Covid‐19: An introduction.
  Lorena Barberia, Thomas Plümper, Guy D. Whitten.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 27, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 5, Page 2045-2054, September 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nPolitical decisions, constellations, and behaviors exert a large influence of the dynamics of the severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (Sars‐CoV‐2) pandemic. Politics influences the choice of containment policies and the compliance with these policies—and therefore ultimately the epidemiological situation in each country, state, district, or even neighborhood. This introduction puts the articles collected in this special issue into the broader perspective of the social science literature on Covid‐19.\n"]

  November 27, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13069   open full text
• The strategy of protest against Covid‐19 containment policies in Germany.
  Thomas Plümper, Eric Neumayer, Katharina Gabriela Pfaff.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 27, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 5, Page 2236-2250, September 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjectives\nThe article analyzes the epidemiological and political logics of protest against containment policies in Germany. To maximize the mobilization potential, protest organizers organize more protest events when Covid‐19 mortality rates are low, the stringency of containment policies is high, and in districts in which the vote share of mainstream parties is traditionally low.\n\n\nMethod\nUsing a negative binomial model, we analyze the number of protest events in a sample of 401 German districts over the period from March to May 2020.\n\n\nResults\nWe find robust positive predicted effects of the stringency of containment policies and negative predicted effects for the mortality rate and the strengths of mainstream parties.\n\n\nConclusion\nWe interpret these findings as evidence of the strategic behavior of protest organizers that target protest participation and mobilization to keep the movement alive and potentially grow it.\n\n"]

  November 27, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13066   open full text
• Should I stay or should I go? Embracing causal heterogeneity in the study of pandemic policy and citizen behavior.
  Lorena G Barberia, Maria Leticia Claro Oliveira, Andrea Junqueira, Natália de Paula Moreira, Guy D. Whitten.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 27, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 5, Page 2055-2069, September 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nTo test for multicausality between government policy, health outcomes, economic performance, and citizen behavior during the COVID‐19 global pandemic.\n\n\nMethods\nWe perform Granger‐causality tests to explore the interrelationship between four endogenous variables, social distancing policy, home isolation, balance rate, and average weekly COVID‐19 deaths, in the 26 states of Brazil. As exogenous variables, we included a linear time trend and a dummy for the week in which the World Health Organization (WHO) declared COVID‐19 a global pandemic.\n\n\nResults\nOur analysis of Granger causal ordering between the four variables demonstrates that there is significant heterogeneity across the Brazilian federation. These findings can be interpreted as underscoring that there is no common model applicable to all states, and that the dynamics are context‐dependent.\n\n\nConclusion\nOur suggested approach allows researchers to account for the complex interrelationship between government policy, citizen behavior, the economy, and COVID‐related health outcomes.\n\n"]

  November 27, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13037   open full text
• Gender differences in perceived risk of COVID‐19.
  Andrew Lewis, Raymond Duch.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 27, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 5, Page 2124-2133, September 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nWe examine gender‐based differences in perceived risks related to COVID‐19.\n\n\nMethods\nWe analyze published findings from COVID‐related research on beliefs and attitudes about the health risks posed by the pandemic. We also design and administer a pair of online survey experiments (n = 502) to test if and how responsive men's attitudes are to information about male‐specific risks.\n\n\nResults\nAcross 16 studies, men consistently express lower perceived risk of contracting COVID‐19 and less concern about the potential health consequences if they were to catch it. Our experimental results are mixed: Results for one information treatment indicate that men report greater relative risk of adverse outcomes. Men in one of the risk information treatments express less concern for their health if they were to contract the disease. Risk perceptions are positively correlated with self‐reported propensity toward protective behaviors.\n\n\nConclusion\nOur review of recent studies finds a small‐but‐consistent gap in men and women's beliefs about their health risks related to the present pandemic. These risk beliefs are crucial determinants of whether individuals take protective measures. Our experimental results suggest that informing men of male‐specific risks associated with COVID‐19 can reduce their risk perceptions and perceptions of risk and widen the gap between men and women's perceptions.\n\n"]

  November 27, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13079   open full text
• The Effect of Social Distancing on the Early Spread of the Novel Coronavirus.
  Gregory Price, Eric Holm.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 27, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 5, Page 2331-2340, September 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article quantifies the effect of individual social distancing on the spread of the novel coronavirus. To do so, we use data on time spent by individuals on activities that would potentially expose them to crowds from the American Time Use Survey linked with state‐level data on positive tests from the COVID Tracking Project. We estimate count data specifications of observed COVID‐19 infections at the state level as a function of control demographic variables, and a measure of social distance that captures the amount of time individuals across the states spend in activities that potentially expose them to crowds. Parameter estimates reveal that the number of state‐level novel coronavirus infections decrease with respect to our measure of individual social distance. From a practical perspective, our parameter estimates suggest that if the typical individual in a U.S. state were to spend eight hours away from crowds completely, this would translate into approximately 240,000 fewer COVID‐19 infections across the states. Our results suggest that, at least in the United States, social distancing policies are effective in slowing the spread of the novel coronavirus.\n"]

  November 27, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12988   open full text
• Coping with the COVID‐19 pandemic through institutional trust: Rally effects, compensatory control, and emotions.
  Michele Roccato, Pasquale Colloca, Nicoletta Cavazza, Silvia Russo.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 27, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 5, Page 2360-2367, September 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nExogenous shocks trigger rally effects, leading the public opinion toward increased trust in institutions. Rally effects have an important social function because they help society react to shocks rapidly and efficiently as a single unit and cohesively face the threat. However, little is known about the individual functions that these effects fulfil. In this study, we aimed to analyze the individual functions of the rally effect.\n\n\nMethod\nIn a three‐wave longitudinal study on a quota sample of the Italian adult population (N = 1070), we analyzed the individual consequences of the increase in institutional trust triggered by the COVID‐19 pandemic.\n\n\nResults\nA path analysis showed that increased trust in political, super partes and international institutions fostered well‐being, reducing anxiety, collective angst, and anger via the mediation of participants’ perceived control over their lives.\n\n\nConclusion\nBeyond their well‐known social functions, rally effects fulfil the individual function of favoring people's psychological well‐being.\n\n"]

  November 27, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13002   open full text
• Partisan Differences in Social Distancing May Originate in Norms and Beliefs: Results from Novel Data.
  Jennifer D. Wu, Gregory A. Huber.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 27, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 5, Page 2251-2265, September 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nRecent academic work on the coronavirus (COVID‐19) pandemic has established a persistent difference between Democrats and Republicans in social distancing behaviors. We uncover a potential explanation for this difference—social norms and beliefs.\n\n\nMethods\nWe use a series of ordinary least squares regression specifications on novel survey data collected in April through June of 2020.\n\n\nResults\nWe find that Democrats are more likely to report social distancing than are Republicans, even after controlling for a range of demographic variables that might otherwise account for differences in social distancing and that these differences are found in partisans’ norms and beliefs around social distancing. Our main analysis shows that the partisan difference in social distancing disappears when we control for social norms and beliefs, suggesting their salience in changing social distancing behaviors.\n\n\nConclusion\nOur results contribute to current research focused on mitigating the spread of COVID‐19 by highlighting a mechanism, norms and beliefs, for interventions to target.\n\n"]

  November 27, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12947   open full text
• The Lasting Effects of the COVID‐19 Pandemic on Support for Anti‐Democratic Political Systems: A Six‐Month Longitudinal Study.
  Michele Roccato, Silvia Russo, Pasquale Colloca, Nicoletta Cavazza.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 27, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 5, Page 2285-2295, September 2021. ", "\n\nObjectives\nWe aimed to analyze the enduring effects exerted by COVID‐19 exposure and subjective economic threats on support for anti‐democratic political systems.\n\n\nMethod\nWe performed a two‐wave longitudinal study on a quota panel of the Italian adult population (N  =  1,073), surveyed first in April 2020, during the first peak of the pandemic (T1) and the first lockdown, and second in October 2020, at the onset of the second peak of the pandemic and of the second lockdown (T2).\n\n\nResults\nA mediation model showed that COVID‐19 exposure and subjective economic threats, measured at T1, fostered a negative evaluation of how the government managed the pandemic, which, in turn, had a positive association with support for anti‐democratic political systems, both measured at T2.\n\n\nConclusion\nThe existential threats related to the COVID‐19 pandemic have enduring political consequences, undermining people's support for democracy, even six months after their onset.\n\n"]

  November 27, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12958   open full text
• A Recipe for Madness: Parenthood in the Era of Covid‐19.
  Laurel Elder, Steven Greene.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 27, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 5, Page 2296-2311, September 2021. ", "\n\nObjectives\nThis article seeks to understand the economic, mental health, and political impacts on American parents in the era of Covid‐19.\n\n\nMethods\nWe draw on survey data from a diverse national sample collected in September 2020 and employ multivariate analysis to explore how Covid‐19 has uniquely affected the attitudes and life experiences of American parents.\n\n\nResults\nWe find that Covid‐19 has been unusually burdensome for parents as they are more likely to have experienced negative physical and mental health outcomes and suffer more negative financial impacts. Despite the challenges parents face, they also remain cautious about in‐person school and vaccinations. Although mothers have been the focus of much news coverage, we find that both mothers and fathers have been similarly and negatively impacted by Covid‐19.\n\n\nConclusion\nAmerican parents are suffering at distinctively high levels during this pandemic. In order to recover, policymakers will need to target outreach and support tailored to the needs and issues facing parents.\n\n"]

  November 27, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12959   open full text
• Are School Reopening Decisions Related to Union Influence?
  Corey A. DeAngelis, Christos Makridis.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 27, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 5, Page 2266-2284, September 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThe COVID‐19 pandemic led to widespread school closures affecting millions of K‐12 students in the United States in the spring of 2020. Groups representing teachers have pushed to reopen public schools virtually in the fall because of concerns about the health risks associated with reopening in person. In theory, stronger teachers’ unions may more successfully influence public school districts to reopen without in‐person instruction.\n\n\nMethods\nWe examine the relationship between teachers’ union strength and the reopening decisions of 835 public school districts in the United States using regression analyses.\n\n\nResults\nWe find that school districts in locations with stronger teachers’ unions are less likely to reopen in person even after we control semiparametrically for differences in local demographic characteristics. These results are robust to four measures of union strength, various potential confounding characteristics, a further disaggregation to the county level, and various analytic techniques and datasets. We do not find evidence that measures of COVID‐19 risk are correlated with school reopening decisions.\n\n\nConclusion\nOur findings that school closures are uncorrelated with the actual incidence of the virus, but are rather strongly associated with unionization, implies that the decision to close schools has been a political—not scientific—decision.\n\n"]

  November 27, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12955   open full text
• COVID‐19 and Motivated Reasoning: The Influence of Knowledge on COVID‐Related Policy and Health Behavior.
  Steven M. Sylvester.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 27, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 5, Page 2341-2359, September 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThe spread of misinformation about COVID‐19 severely influences the governments' ability to address the COVID‐19 pandemic. This study explores the predictors of accurate beliefs about COVID‐19 and its influence on COVID‐related policy and behavior.\n\n\nMethods\nData from an original survey collected by Lucid in July 2020 are used. Ordinary Least Squares regression (OLS) is used to predict accurate beliefs about COVID‐19. Ordered logistic regression models are estimated to examine the relationship between COVID‐19 knowledge, policy preferences, and health behavior intentions.\n\n\nResults\nIdeology and education were found to have a positive effect on knowledge about COVID‐19. Moreover, low levels of knowledge about COVID‐19 were found to reduce support for mandatory vaccination policy and willingness to get a coronavirus vaccine when available.\n\n\nConclusion\nThese findings will help policymakers develop communication strategies for the public on the coronavirus vaccination.\n\n"]

  November 27, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12989   open full text
• Did Covid‐19 Kill Trump Politically? The Pandemic and Voting in the 2020 Presidential Election.
  Harold Clarke, Marianne C. Stewart, Karl Ho.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 27, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 5, Page 2194-2209, September 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThis article investigates the impact of public reactions to the Covid‐19 panemic on voting for former President Donald Trump in the 2020 American presidential election.\n\n\nMethods\nThe impact of the pandemic on voting is assessed by multivariate statistical analyses of representative national survey data gathered before and after the 2020 presidential election.\n\n\nResults\nAnalyses show that voters reacted very negatively to Trump's handling of the pandemic. Controlling for several other relevant factors, these reactions affected voting for Trump and exerted a significant impact on the election outcome.\n\n\nConclusion\nBefore the onset of Covid‐19 Trump had a very narrow path to victory in 2020, and the pandemic did much to ensure his defeat.\n\n"]

  November 27, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12992   open full text
• The unanticipated effect of COVID‐19 on house apportionment.
  Jonathan Cervas, Bernard Grofman.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 27, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 5, Page 2432-2434, September 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nIt is well understood thateven small differences in population can have a disproportionate impact on representation in the U.S. House of Representatives after a decennial census because of the peculiarities of rounding rules that require integer allocations. While the COVID‐19 pandemic can be held responsible for accelerating the trend toward the increased use of mail‐in balloting, and it affected the ability of the census to collect in‐person information, here we call attention to an unanticipated effect of the pandemic on the electoral process that, as far as we are aware, has never previously been identified. By rerunning the apportionment numbers for all states under the assumption that deaths from COVID‐19 prior to the start of the Census had not occurred, we show that New York's congressional delegation would not have lost a seat. New York was the only state whose House seat allocation was affected by disproportionate COVID‐19 deaths.\n"]

  November 27, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13058   open full text
• Voters’ view of leaders during the Covid‐19 crisis: Quantitative analysis of keyword descriptions provides strength and direction of evaluations.
  Annika Fredén, Sverker Sikström.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 27, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 5, Page 2170-2183, September 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjectives\nPrevious research suggests that governments usually gain support during crises such as the Covid‐19. However, these findings are based on rating scales that only allow us to measure the strength of this support. This article proposes a new measure of how voters evaluate Prime Ministers (PM) by asking for descriptive keywords that are analyzed by natural language processing.\n\n\nMethods\nBy collecting a representative sample of citizens’ own key words describing their PM in 15 countries in Europe during the outbreak of Covid‐19, and analyzing these by latent semantic analysis and a multiple OLS regression, we could quantify the strength and direction of voters’ view.\n\n\nResults\nThe strength analysis supported previous studies that describing the PM with positive words was strongly associated with vote intention. Furthermore, a change in the direction of the attitudes from “good” to “honest” was found. A new finding was that the pandemic was associated with an increase in polarization.\n\n\nConclusions\nThe keyword evaluation analysis provides opportunities of evaluating both strength and direction of voters’ view of their PM, where we show new results related to increased polarization and shift in the direction of attitudes.\n\n"]

  November 27, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13036   open full text
• The logics of COVID‐19 travel restrictions between European countries.
  Eric Neumayer, Thomas Plümper, Matthew Shaikh.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 27, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 5, Page 2134-2154, September 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjectives\nThe article analyzes the existence of bilateral travel restrictions between European countries during the second wave of the Sars‐CoV‐2 pandemic. The paper tests three sets of theoretically derived predictions, which follow epidemiological, economic, and political logics.\n\n\nMethod\nWe analyze a sample of directed bilateral travel restrictions between 27 European countries: 27.26 = 702 country dyads over a period of 6 months during the second wave of the pandemic.\n\n\nResults\nWe find robust and relevant results for the difference in incidence rates, for income from tourism, for trust in government and public administration and for political inclusiveness.\n\n\nConclusion\nOur analyses demonstrates that economic and political logics exert a strong influence on containment measures and thus stress the relevance of forming a large societal and political coalition against the pandemic.\n\n"]

  November 27, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13016   open full text
• Modeling and forecasting the COVID‐19 pandemic time‐series data.
  Jurgen A. Doornik, Jennifer L. Castle, David F. Hendry.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 27, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 5, Page 2070-2087, September 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nWe analyze the number of recorded cases and deaths of COVID‐19 in many parts of the world, with the aim to understand the complexities of the data, and produce regular forecasts.\n\n\nMethods\nThe SARS‐CoV‐2 virus that causes COVID‐19 has affected societies in all corners of the globe but with vastly differing experiences across countries. Health‐care and economic systems vary significantly across countries, as do policy responses, including testing, intermittent lockdowns, quarantine, contact tracing, mask wearing, and social distancing. Despite these challenges, the reported data can be used in many ways to help inform policy. We describe how to decompose the reported time series of confirmed cases and deaths into a trend, seasonal, and irregular component using machine learning methods.\n\n\nResults\nThis decomposition enables statistical computation of measures of the mortality ratio and reproduction number for any country, and we conduct a counterfactual exercise assuming that the United States had a summer outcome in 2020 similar to that of the European Union. The decomposition is also used to produce forecasts of cases and deaths, and we undertake a forecast comparison which highlights the importance of seasonality in the data and the difficulties of forecasting too far into the future.\n\n\nConclusion\nOur adaptive data‐based methods and purely statistical forecasts provide a useful complement to the output from epidemiological models.\n\n"]

  November 27, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13008   open full text
• Did Brett Kavanaugh's overt partisanship cause severe harm to the legitimacy of the U.S. Supreme Court?
  L. J. Zigerell.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 22, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nCarrington and French (2021) claimed that “our findings suggest that, when a nominee [to the U.S. Supreme Court] behaves in an overtly partisan manner, it can cause severe harm to the legitimacy of the Court by increasing support for efforts to rein in the Court's authority and independence” (p. 1485). The evidence reported in Carrington and French (2021) for this claim is assessed.\n\n\nMethod\nThe research designs in Carrington and French (2021) are discussed, and further statistical analyses are reported.\n\n\nResults\nThe research designs in Carrington and French (2021) cannot support the aforementioned key claim of Carrington and French (2021).\n\n\nConclusions\nCarrington and French (2021) do not support the claim that the behavior of Brett Kavanaugh during his confirmation hearings severely harmed the legitimacy of the U.S. Supreme Court on net among the U.S. public.\n\n"]

  November 22, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13099   open full text
• Race and class patterns of income inequality during postrecession periods.
  Giacomo DiPasquale, Matthew Gomies, Javier M. Rodriguez.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 18, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nRecent research on increasing income inequality focuses on recessions’ role on the income distribution and racial disparities in the United States.\n\n\nObjective\nThis study expands this research by focusing on the evolution of racial income inequality during postrecession periods. We hypothesize that differential recovery trends by race and income rank during postrecession periods exacerbate between‐ and within‐race income inequality. Specifically, we examine postrecession trajectories of race‐specific weekly earnings for the bottom and top 10 percent in the U.S. weekly earnings distribution.\n\n\nMethod\nWe apply a break‐spline regression approach to quarterly weekly earnings data (2001–2018) collected from the Bureau of Labor Statistics and the Federal Reserve Bank of Saint Louis for the 2001 Recession, the Great Recession, and between‐recession periods.\n\n\nResults\nResults show an increase in income inequality between the bottom and top 10 percent in the weekly earnings distribution during recovery periods. For all races, the bottom 10 percent recovered from recessions slower and later than the top 10 percent. We also find that Asian Americans’ weekly earnings influence between‐ and within‐race income inequality during postrecession periods.\n\n\nConclusion\nIncome inequality—overall and across races—is entrenched as racial/ethnic minorities and the poor are particularly vulnerable to recessions and are neither catching up nor recovering during upturns of the economy.\n\n"]

  November 18, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13098   open full text
• “I haven't come a long way, and I'm not a baby”: Task assignment and diversity of the Supreme Court bar.
  John Szmer, Erin B. Kaheny, Tammy A. Sarver.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 16, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nGender disparities in litigation task assignment are not limited to the trial court context; they are present in even the highest of courts in the United States. We explore and seek to explain the gendered patterns of participation by lawyers arguing before the U.S. Supreme Court.\n\n\nMethods\nAfter quantitatively describing participation by female attorneys in Supreme Court litigation, we use logistic regression and fractional logit, respectively, to identify factors that influence the degree to which women deliver oral arguments and participate in writing litigant briefs.\n\n\nResults\nDescriptively, we find that male attorneys present more oral arguments than female attorneys, and most litigant briefs are written by male‐dominated teams. In fact, more than a third of the briefs are only signed by men. In multivariate analyses of Supreme Court oral arguments and briefs, we find that women are more likely to argue and sign briefs on issues in which they are stereotypically perceived as more competent (women's issues) and less likely to participate in issue areas where they are perceived to be less competent, like economic issues. Similarly, women are less likely to orally argue in complex cases.\n\n\nConclusion\nWhile occupational segregation and other factors may play a role, the participation of female attorneys in this forum is likely driven, in part, by stereotyped assessments of their competency.\n\n"]

  November 16, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13090   open full text
• The impact of COVID‐19 and political identification on framing bias in an infectious disease experiment: The frame reigns supreme.
  Amy M. Wolaver, John A. Doces.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 13, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nBackground\nBehavioral responses to the COVID‐19 pandemic have become highly polarized, and public health initiatives often try to use different frames to influence behavior. If the polarization of behaviors is related to differences in responses to frames, then different health messages could be targeted to different groups to influence behavior.\n\n\nObjective\nTo determine whether risk preferences and susceptibility to gain/loss frames have been affected by COVID‐19 and whether they differ along partisan lines.\n\n\nMethods\nUsing repeated cross‐sectional data from a nationally representative dataset in the United States replicating the disease outbreak scenario collected before and after the onset of COVID‐19, we test whether responsiveness to the gain/loss frames has changed over time and whether the responsiveness varies by political affiliation.\n\n\nResults\nThe experimental results show that the risk preferences of the U.S. population is very susceptible to the framing of\nchoices, consistent with the literature finding risk loving preferences under the loss frame and risk aversion under the gain frame. However, the experience of COVID‐19 does not appear to have changed the responsiveness, nor are there\nsignificant differences between conservatives/Republicans and liberals/Democrats.\n\n\nConclusion\nTargeting different partisan groups with different risk‐related message frames is unlikely to be effective at altering behaviors.\n\n"]

  November 13, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13095   open full text
• Exposure to television and support for restrictive immigration policies in the midst of the immigration crisis: A cross‐national comparison.
  Nella Geurts, Roos Geurts, Peer Scheepers, Maurice Vergeer.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 11, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nThis study explored associations between television exposure and public support for restrictive immigration policies in Europe, distinguishing general television exposure from exposure to television news. We explored explanations of generalized social distrust and perceived ethnic threat and, moreover, acknowledged cross‐national variation in asylum applicants.\n\n\nMethods\nWe applied multi‐level regression analyses using the European Social Survey (2014–2015), covering 19 countries (n = 29.161).\n\n\nResults\nGeneral television exposure and support for restrictive immigration policies related positively, whereas exposure to television news related negatively to these policy preferences. Furthermore, both generalized social distrust and perceived ethnic threat mediated the links between both forms of exposure and these preferences. An increase in the number of asylum applicants strengthened the positive relationship between general television exposure and these policy preferences.\n\n\nConclusions\nThis study provides new insights into the role of individual and national factors for support for restrictive immigration policies from a contemporary and cross‐national perspective.\n\n"]

  November 11, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13096   open full text
• “Easy” and “hard” issues: Attitude extremity and a role of the need to evaluate.
  Heysung Lee.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 11, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nBackground\nThis article addresses the topic of issue polarization among the mass public, focusing on the classic typology of “easy” and “hard” issues (Carmines and Stimson, 1980) and the influence of the individual‐level motivational variable, which is the need to evaluate.\n\n\nObjective\nCarmines and Stimson (1980) suggest that issues are characterized by their “hardness,” the degree of how much issues are easy to understand and make political evaluations. This article contends that the NTE would positively relate to attitude extremity of “hard” issues, which require extensive motivations for political judgment but would not necessarily be associated with attitude extremity of “easy” issues, which do not require such motivations.\n\n\nMethods\nIn the analyses, four “easy” issues (abortion, same‐sex marriage, affirmative action, and gun control) and four “hard” issues (immigration, tax, health care, and climate change) were selected to compare the effects of the NTE on attitude extremity, based on previous literature. The data of 2016 American National Election Survey was used to test the hypotheses.\n\n\nResults\nThe analyses using the data of the 2016 American National Election Survey supported the hypotheses by showing that the need to evaluate was related to increased attitude extremity on all “hard” issues, whereas need to evaluate was not associated with extremity on “easy” issues except the issue of affirmative action.\n\n\nConclusion\nNeed to evaluate is related to attitude extremity on “easy” and “hard” issues.\n\n"]

  November 11, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13094   open full text
• Strength in numbers: The forces of constituency size, legislator identity, and institutional position on veterans’ representation.
  Lindsey Cormack.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 09, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nVeterans are overrepresented in Congress, yet few studies focus on how veteran‐related outcomes are related to the veteran status of individual legislators and the size of veterans within a district.\n\n\nMethods\nUsing a novel data set spanning from 2005 to 2017, I assess three measures of substantive representation: placement on a relevant committee, legislative effort, and communication efforts.\n\n\nResults\nVeterans in Congress are not more likely to get a seat on the Veterans Affairs Committee than non‐veterans, but the share of veterans in a constituency is related to committee placement. Though veterans tend to introduce more bills and talk about veterans’ issues more often, the share of veterans within a constituency is also positively related to efforts focused on veterans.\n\n\nConclusion\nVeterans in Congress and size of veterans’ constituencies impact different features of representational politics. Legislators from areas with greater shares of veterans, regardless of their own veteran status tend to get sets on the Veteran Affairs Committee, introduce more veterans’ legislation, and talk about veterans in communications.\n\n"]

  November 09, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13097   open full text
• Sociodemographic correlates of vaccine hesitancy in the United States and the mediating role of beliefs about governmental conspiracies.
  Samuel Stroope, Rhiannon A. Kroeger, Courtney E. Williams, Joseph O. Baker.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 09, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nVaccine hesitancy remains a significant public health challenge, and one that is socially patterned. This study examined whether the vaccine hesitancy effects of identifying as female, race–ethnicity, the number of children, educational attainment, and political conservatism were mediated by governmental conspiracy beliefs.\n\n\nMethods\nLinear mediation models controlling for potential confounders were employed to analyze data from a national survey of adults (2019 Chapman University Survey of American Fears; n = 1,209).\n\n\nResults\nEffects on vaccine hesitancy were significant and negative for educational attainment, and significant and positive for the other focal predictors. Governmental conspiracy beliefs significantly mediated each of these effects; the percent mediated was largest for Hispanic identity (79 percent), followed by female identification (69 percent), educational attainment (69 percent), number of children (55 percent), black identification (34 percent), and political conservatism (30 percent).\n\n\nConclusion\nThis study underscores the importance of nonvaccine‐related conspiracy beliefs for future interventions aimed at reducing sociodemographic disparities in vaccine hesitancy.\n\n"]

  November 09, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13081   open full text
• Value orientations and support for guaranteed income.
  Donald R. Richards, Thomas L Steiger.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 09, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nBackground\nThe idea of a “guaranteed annual income” (GAI) is at least 40 years old. While debated by academics and experimented with in several countries, it has not carried much weight in US public opinion until recently. Andrew Yang's support for it in his run for the 2020 Democrat nomiation for US President and the recently completed “Stockton Experiment” has garnered more press attention.\n\n\nObjective\nExamine support for a guaranteed annual income (GAI) in relation to attitudes regarding the role of work as an individual and social value.\n\n\nMethods\nA representative sample of United States adults were surveyed about their attitudes toward work, their view of government and support for GAI.\n\n\nResults\nA solid majority support GAI. This support comes in the face of a rather strong endorsement of the work ethic. Far from seeing the GAI as a disincentive to work, respondents indicate, on the whole, that they would not reduce their work hours if they received a GAI.\n\n\nConclusion\nData were collected during a pandemic that disrupted daily life. Thus, people may be ready to re‐examine some basic assumptions about the roles that state and market should play in society as well as re‐examine just what they are willing to define as “fair” and “just” in terms of economic responsibilities and rewards.\n\n"]

  November 09, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13086   open full text
• Evaluating diffuse support for state high courts among individuals with varying levels of policy agreement.
  Damon Cann, Jeff Yates.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 09, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nBackground\nCourts are unusually vulnerable governing institutions that rely upon deeply seated public support and notions of institutional legitimacy to flourish and remain policy‐relevant. This diffuse support allows courts to be viable policy entities while simultaneously issuing edicts that are counter‐majoritarian. A recent debate centers on whether policy disagreement affects members of the public's diffuse support stores for the nation's High Court.\n\n\nObjective\nHere, we investigate whether policy disagreement between citizens and their state courts influences public perceptions of state court legitimacy (diffuse support). We also examine how those who disagree with state court policy making (policy “losers”) assay the legitimacy of their state courts differently than those who feel that their policy preferences are promoted by state courts (policy “winners”).\n\n\nMethods\nWe draw data from the 2012 Cooperative Congressional Election Study (CCES), where researcher‐specific content for 1000 respondents allowed us to ask a number of questions about citizens’ perspectives on their state high courts. We employ Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) to analyze these citizen views of state legal institutions.\n\n\nResults\nWe find that policy agreement is quite relevant to citizens’ levels of diffuse support for their state courts and that the relative drivers of policy “winners” and “losers” assessments of their courts’ legitimacy do evince overlap but in important ways are distinct.\n\n\nConclusion\nOur findings provide important insight on how citizens view courts and the law. Our investigation also sheds light on the dynamics of citizen disagreement with government outcomes and perceptions of institutional legitimacy.\n\n"]

  November 09, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13093   open full text
• Are police obsolete in Minneapolis? Racial capitalism and police abolition.
  Jack Post Gramlich.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 07, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nThis article seeks to illustrate the theoretical foundations of the contemporary abolitionist movement. It aims to equip scholars and practitioners with an understanding of conceptual linkages between the beliefs, goals, and practices of abolitionists.\n\n\nMethods\nThis is a case study of organizing in Minneapolis, Minnesota. It draws from policing data, local news, and statements by community organizers and political leaders.\n\n\nResults\nMinneapolis police transfer power away from Black communities as part of a racial capitalist system. The racial contract, which facilitates political acceptance of police behavior, is a pillar of this system. Police abolition responds to racial capitalism. Based in the city's black community, Minneapolis abolitionists aspire to build new social structures to support public health and eventually render policing obsolete.\n\n\nConclusion\nRacial capitalism is an indispensable component of the system of policing in Minneapolis, and the local abolitionist movement represents a political alternative in which state programs prevent harm.\n\n"]

  November 07, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13089   open full text
• Dreams from the Trap: Trap music as a site of liberation.
  Claire B. Crawford.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 03, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nThis article makes a case for trap music as a form of political engagement and political mobilization for young Black folks. I use the concept of Fanonian freedom to unpack the complex politics of recognition that trap music holds for Black liberation.\n\n\nMethods\nUsing a case study of Lil Baby's (2020) “The Bigger Picture” as emblematic of the political possibilities of trap music, I demonstrate how trap music functions as a mode of liberation when seen through Fanon's framework.\n\n\nResults\nLike Black spiritual and political anthems before it, trap music represents a powerful but often dismissed political tool of Black liberation. I suggest that social scientists who study social movements and politics must recognize aurality—in this case, Black Southern aurality—as a communal well of liberatory pursuit and infrapolitical realities.\n\n\nConclusion\nMainstream social scientific definitions of “politics” as state‐centered must be expanded to recognize the power of cultural representation and everyday acts, especially by the most dispossessed groups in society, such as young Black folk in the urban South. Such inaccurate social scientific conceptualizations uphold exclusionary logics that can alienate the dispossessed from political engagement and, ultimately, further blame them for this alienation.\n\n"]

  November 03, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13085   open full text
• Impact of the Special Zone for Asian Headquarters policy implementation in Tokyo.
  Yu Takata.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 03, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nDesignated by the Japanese National Government, the Tokyo Metropolitan Government established the Special Zone for Asian Headquarters in 2011. This study analyses the impact of this Special Zone Policy on the attraction of foreign companies.\n\n\nMethods\nThe data on the number of foreign companies in Tokyo is used, and a difference‐in‐differences estimation model is adopted.\n\n\nResults\nThe empirical results indicate that there has been a significant positive impact, considering an increase in the concentration of foreign companies in the designated areas of the Special Zone.\n\n\nConclusion\nFrom the perspective of area agglomeration, the policy has a good process as first step. Therefore, the Tokyo Metropolitan Government should consider implementing a policy to increase the communication among Japanese and foreign companies as next step, while taking the agglomeration profit into account.\n\n"]

  November 03, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13091   open full text
• Scientists, presidents, and pandemics—comparing the science–politics nexus during the Zika virus and COVID‐19 outbreaks.
  Thomas G. Safford, Emily H. Whitmore, Lawrence C. Hamilton.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 29, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nWe investigate how beliefs about scientists and presidents affect views about two pandemics, Zika virus (2016) and COVID‐19 (2020).\n\n\nMethods\nThree New Hampshire surveys in 2016 and 2020 provide data to test how beliefs about scientists’ practices and presidential approval relate to pandemic views.\n\n\nResults\nSupport for presidents consistently predicts perceptions of scientists’ integrity and trust in science agencies for information, but the directionality changes from 2016 to 2020—increased trust among Obama‐supporters; decreased trust among Trump‐supporters. Respondents who believe scientists lack objectivity are also less likely to trust science agencies during both Zika and COVID‐19 and are less apt to be confident in the government's response in 2016. Assessments of pandemic responses become increasingly political during 2020; most notably, support for President Trump strongly predicts confidence in the government's efforts.\n\n\nConclusion\nResults highlight how beliefs about scientists’ practices and presidents are central to the science–politics nexus during pandemics.\n\n"]

  October 29, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13084   open full text
• Looking in a mirror: Asylum in the United States as a reflection of white supremacy.
  Adriano Udani, Maria Torres Wedding.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 29, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nWe contend that the asylum process in the United States exhibits how confinement, surveillance, and deportation work together to extend the primary logics of white supremacy: genocide, anti‐blackness, and orientalism. We envision abolition work that uplifts not only asylum seekers but all people with lived experiences of coerced mobility.\n\n\nMethods\nThrough the lenses of critical race, decolonial theory, and abolition, we conceptualize the asylum process beyond only one violent system that coerces the mobility of migrants.\n\n\nResults\nWe build a theory that extends scholarly conversations about asylum processes as a system of racial/colonial surveillance, control, and state‐sanctioned violence and that informs abolitionist practices.\n\n\nConclusion\nIn order to eradicate all forms of detention, we must build robust strategies that demolish the pillars of white supremacy and rebuild new politics that reject the notion of freedom as a reward to well‐behaved people, resist coerced mobility, foster shared power arrangements in which people with lived experiences of oppression organize to help each other, and reorient a capitalist system that commoditizes and exploits people's oppression. Striving for anything less will lead to more violence.\n\n"]

  October 29, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13088   open full text
• Interaction effects on support for climate‐change mitigation.
  Adrienne R. Brown, Lawrence C. Hamilton.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 29, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nBackground\nResearch on the social bases of environmental concern has established robust findings across various sociodemographic characteristics. This includes interaction effects between education and political identity, as well as particularly low concern among supporters of President Trump.\n\n\nObjectives\nUsing 2016 survey data, we extend such research to examine U.S. public support for four climate‐change mitigation strategies: investment in renewable energy, lifestyle changes, a revenue‐neutral carbon tax, and cap‐and‐trade.\n\n\nMethods\nWe perform ordered logit regression of belief in anthropogenic climate change and support for these strategies on several key independent variables.\n\n\nResults\nSupport follows some of the patterns expected for environmental concern generally but with new details. Trump support is a dominant predictor, and education × party interactions show significant variations in levels of support.\n\n\nConclusion\nThis provides important insights for public policy decision making related to climate change by considering which characteristics are most predictive of support for specific strategies.\n\n"]

  October 29, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13087   open full text
• Twitter and the electoral connection.
  Thomas R. Gray, Carlos Gutierrez‐Mannix.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 24, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nU.S. politicians use social media to engage directly with citizens, though the motivations that determine the choice to use social media remain opaque. We argue that there is a clear “electoral connection” in using social media that exceeds the influence of other motivations. Politicians use social media to cultivate support from electorally relevant actors.\n\n\nMethods\nWe analyze Twitter usage from 2017 to 2020 by state attorneys general (AGs), who vary in being appointed or elected.\n\n\nResults\nWe find that elected AGs are more likely to have Twitter accounts, use the accounts more often, and receive more engagement from other users as a result. We also find that they automate their tweeting more often. We replicate our primary findings on state secretaries of state and find similar results.\n\n\nConclusion\nOur findings point to the importance of elections for motivating social‐media use by politicians.\n\n"]

  October 24, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13080   open full text
• Earnings mobility and the Great Recession.
  Brett Mullins, David L. Sjoquist, Sally Wallace.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 21, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nThe Great Recession of 2007‐09 was a very significant economic event with substantial effects across the economy. An important but unexplored consequence of the Great Recession is its effect on income or earnings mobility. In this paper we explore the effect of the Great Recession on earnings mobility among low‐wage workers.\n\n\nMethods\nUsing Georgia administrative data, we identify quarterly earnings of low‐income individuals over 14 years. We calculate earnings mobility indices for 7‐year periods and explore the differences in mobility between the pre‐ and post‐Great Recession periods. We also calculate earnings mobility indices for 51 overlapping three‐year (12‐quarter) intervals over the 2000 to 2015 period.\n\n\nResults\nWe find that mobility is greater in the post‐Great Recession period. We also find that there is substantial variation in mobility indices in the post‐2007 period and that the variation in three‐year mobility indices is closely related to the unemployment rate.\n\n\nConclusions\nThe magnitude of earnings mobility was affected by the Great Recession and by the unemployment rate in general. An understanding of earnings mobility during times of economic upheaval helps policy makers better evaluate the overall impact of recessions.\n\n"]

  October 21, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13083   open full text
• Why black women activists stay in the room when they are not being heard.
  Karlia Nicole Brown.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 21, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nDespite the vital roles that black women play in black activist organizations, they are often overlooked and mistreated within such spaces. The purpose of this article is to examine why black women remain engaged in black activist spaces given this treatment.\n\n\nMethods\nI conducted in‐depth interviews with 25 black women engaged in activist organizations in the Chicagoland area.\n\n\nResults\nThis study found that black women remain engaged in black activist spaces where they experienced mistreatment because (1) they believed that the black community's fight for freedom was worth their radical sacrifice, and (2) they felt both empowered by the legacy of black activist women of past movements and responsible for continuing that legacy in order to improve the lives and path to liberation of the black women that will come after them.\n\n\nConclusion\nI suggest that the sacrifices of black women activists are ultimately motivated by an ethic of care that stems from a love for their community and themselves. While some do find the legacy of black women activists to be burdensome, many aim to continue the legacy of their predecessors by establishing a foundation onto which future generations can build a path to black liberation.\n\n"]

  October 21, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13092   open full text
• Income sorting by specialized services: Service differentiation by overlapping governments.
  HyungGun Park.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 21, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nBackground\nThe flexible boundaries of special districts allow for overlaps with each other that generate various specialized service bundles on a territorial basis. The combined overlapping boundaries may reveal willingness to have more services at additional costs as the special districts generally provide services selectively to those who reside within their boundaries.\n\n\nObjective\nThis study aims to investigate whether overlapping special districts sort citizens by income level as reflected by the Tiebout model.\n\n\nMethods\nThis study utilizes a cross‐sectional block group data of Ventura County in California, taking numbers of vertices of special districts as independent variable and household income as dependent variable.\n\n\nResults\nEstimation result demonstrates that a greater number of specialized services is associated with higher income levels and varies by service type.\n\n\nConclusion\nFindings of this study imply that income segregation could be predetermined by jurisdictional boundary, and that other subjects of urban segregation may have similar pattern.\n\n"]

  October 21, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13078   open full text
• Reclaiming the public space.
  Kimberly Turner, Kiela Crabtree.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 21, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nThe spread and energy of protests against racial injustice and police brutality throughout summer 2020 featured the forcible removal of monuments by members of the public. In this article, we argue that these “publicly initiated” monument removals are a novel tactic in the protest repertoire that can be differentiated from the removal of monuments by public officials.\n\n\nMethods\nUsing data from the Confederate Monuments Project, we analyze whether factors such as protest momentum and state repression of demonstrators differentiate removal type.\n\n\nResults\nWe find that monuments in locations with a greater number of protests in June 2020 were more likely to be removed by the public. We do not find support for a relationship between the use of state repression and public monument removal.\n\n\nConclusion\nOur findings suggest that scholars should continue to pursue the distinction between these two types of monuments, particularly in regards to the study of protest and political mobilization.\n\n"]

  October 21, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13075   open full text
• Rigid rules and slippery standards: How the nature of U.S. Supreme Court precedents influences subsequent state court treatments.
  Matthew D. Montgomery, Michael P. Fix, Justin T. Kingsland.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 21, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nThis research develops a new theoretical framework that explains how the U.S. Supreme Court's decision between a rigid rule and a flexible standard influences compliance with the decisions of state high courts over time.\n\n\nMethods\nTo assess the effects of doctrinal rules and standards on state court compliance, we apply our theoretical framework to an examination of state court responses to Miller v. California (1973) and Atkins v. Virginia (2002).\n\n\nResults\nOur findings show that doctrinal characteristics of Supreme Court precedents influence state court treatments. Our central theoretical argument posits that applications and positive treatments of deterministic rules should decrease the likelihood of future positive treatments, whereas applications and positive treatments of indeterministic standards should increase the likelihood of future positive treatment. Our findings provide support for this expectation.\n\n\nConclusion\nThis research demonstrates the importance of doctrinal characteristics in shaping state court compliance with U.S. Supreme Court precedent. Our findings suggest that rigid, deterministic rules, and slippery indeterministic standards influence lower court compliance in unique ways.\n\n"]

  October 21, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13082   open full text
• Immigration and public opinion: Will backlash impede immigrants’ policy progress?
  Benjamin G. Bishin, Thomas J. Hayes, Matthew B. Incantalupo, Charles Anthony Smith.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 19, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nWe investigate the question: How should immigrants pursue policy in a system that privileges majority rule? Scholars suggest that opinion backlash impedes policy gains by marginalized groups. That is, pushing too hard for policy leads to backlash, a sharp and sustained negative reaction among citizens that delays these groups’ ability to obtain their desired policy.\n\n\nMethods\nExamining immigration, we develop and test two plausible alternatives to backlash: opinion elite cues and opinion stability. We use experimental and observational data.\n\n\nResults\nWe find no evidence of backlash. Instead, we find modest evidence attitudes move in the direction of the cues provided by party elites.\n\n\nConclusion\nImmigrants and other marginalized groups should pursue rights without fear of opinion backlash.\n\n"]

  October 19, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13077   open full text
• Social distance attitudes, educational mobility, and European ancestry groups in the post‐World‐War II United States.
  Robert L. Boyd.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 18, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nThis study examines the improvement of U.S. natives’ social distance attitudes toward Southern, Central, and Eastern (SCE) European ancestry groups in the post‐World‐War II United States, applying the idea that prejudice against these groups was due to racial/ethnic prejudice and social class prejudice.\n\n\nMethods\nAnalyzing data from the Bogardus surveys and other published sources, the study tests the proposition that U.S. natives’ social distance attitudes toward SCE European ancestry groups improved because social class prejudice against these groups diminished as the groups’ educational attainment levels increased from the second‐ to third‐generations.\n\n\nResults\nContrary to modernization and classical assimilation theories, the favorable trend in U.S. natives’ social distance attitudes toward SCE European ancestry groups was unaffected by the groups’ intergenerational educational mobility.\n\n\nConclusion\nThe decline in prejudice against SCE European ancestry groups in the postwar United States resulted from a decrease in racial/ethnic prejudice against these groups, independently of social class prejudice.\n\n"]

  October 18, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13076   open full text
• How the media construct happiness under cultural perspective in China: Through collectivistic and individualistic values.
  Zhenhua Su, Qian Zhou, Yanyu Ye, Dongxiao Li.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 18, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nThe attributes affecting happiness include endogenous material factors such as income and social comparison, and exogenous cultural factors like individual values and national ideology. And the latter is greatly affected by media in China. This study seeks to explore the influence path of media construction on happiness under cultural perspective in China.\n\n\nMethods\nUsing Chinese General Social Survey 2015 data, we apply the ordered logit model to calculate the influence of the usage of television and Internet on happiness conspicuously.\n\n\nResults\nThe use of television and Internet both have positive influence on happiness, and the influence path is that state media shapes collectivism and Internet shapes individualism. As the state‐controlled media in China, television continuously promotes nationalism and patriotism, thus strengthens audience's collectivistic value. Meanwhile, Internet which enjoys certain speech freedom in China boosts the user's individualistic value which makes a difference in promoting happiness.\n\n\nConclusion\nThe U‐shaped effect of “collectivism‐individualism” on happiness found in this paper empirically illustrates that collectivistic and individualistic values can both facilitate happiness, and also further shows that television and Internet can enhance happiness by influencing cultural values.\n\n"]

  October 18, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13073   open full text
• Gender differences in the perceptions of green spaces characteristics.
  Olta Braçe, Marco Garrido‐Cumbrera, José Correa‐Fernández.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 18, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nUrban green spaces provide a wide range of health benefits for the population and, therefore, their use should be promoted. However, men and women perceive and value the characteristics of urban green spaces differently, as both have different sensitivities and expectations. The present study aims to identify gender differences in the perceptions of urban green spaces characteristics.\n\n\nMethods\nGender differences in the perceptions of eleven urban green spaces characteristics were assessed, including lighting, safety, cleanliness, walking routes, bike lanes, shaded areas, recreational areas, off‐leash dog areas, children's playgrounds, drinking fountains, and pleasant views.\n\n\nResults\nOur results showed that women attribute a higher value to all the characteristics of the urban green spaces analyzed, being the most appreciated the presence of off‐leash dog areas, lighting, children's playgrounds, pleasant views, drinking fountains, safety and recreational areas. In addition, older and more educated people, unemployed women, and single men consider green spaces to be highly important.\n\n\nConclusion\nThe results of this study provide evidence for the adequate planning, design and development of urban green spaces that meet the needs of all users.\n\n"]

  October 18, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13074   open full text
• “Deep questions for a Saturday morning”: An investigation of the Australian and Canadian general public's definitions of gender.
  Jennifer Hall, Limin Jao, Cinzia Di Placido, Rebecca Manikis.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1866-1881, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nMany studies exist about people's views of gender in a wide variety of fields. However, participants are not typically asked what they think gender means; rather, gender is presumed to have a taken‐as‐shared meaning.\n\n\nMethods\nAs part of a larger study conducted in Australia and Canada about the general public's views of gender and mathematics, we investigated participants’ definitions of the term gender. We considered overall trends and trends by demographic group (country, gender, age, and education level).\n\n\nResults\nMost commonly, gender was defined as a person's feelings or self‐identification. Participants also frequently solely used the terms male and female or discussed biological features. However, response patterns varied widely by demographic group.\n\n\nConclusion\nDue to these diverse and sometimes contradictory definitions, we argue that researchers cannot assume that participants have common understanding of the term gender. We conclude by providing suggestions for how gender‐focused research can be done in more transparent ways.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13021   open full text
• Does foreign capital dependence affect carbon dioxide emissions in less‐developed countries? A cross‐national analysis, 1980–2014.
  Steven Andrew Mejia.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1982-1993, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nI estimate the effect of foreign investment dependence on carbon dioxide emissions in developing countries with methods and data that address the numerous limitations of previous research on the same topic.\n\n\nMethods\nI use fixed effects panel regression models that account for first‐order autocorrelation with a sample of 109 developing countries from 1980–2014.\n\n\nResults\nI find that foreign capital dependence is positively associated with carbon dioxide emissions. I also find economic development, total population, urbanization, and export intensity are positively associated with carbon dioxide emissions, while domestic investment is inversely associated with carbon dioxide emissions.\n\n\nConclusion\nThis analysis provides even stronger empirical support for the ecostructural theory of foreign capital dependence than previous research on the same topic.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13034   open full text
• State‐level immigration legislation and social life: The impact of the “show me your papers” laws.
  Christopher Maggio.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1654-1685, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nFrom 2010 to 2011, several states passed legislation aimed at identifying and deporting undocumented immigrants. Despite partial or full enjoinment at various times, there are reasons to believe that the passage of these laws could have had a negative impact on social life for immigrants and Hispanics. This study attempts to quantify the impact of these restrictive laws on time spent socializing, as reported in the American Time Use Survey.\n\n\nMethod\nThis study uses a natural experiment and difference in differences design.\n\n\nResults\nI find that Hispanics in states that passed these laws spent less time socializing after their passage, though only in counties with relatively low Hispanic populations around the time of passage.\n\n\nConclusion\nOverall, this study provides evidence of a negative impact of extreme immigration policy on social life in the Hispanic community.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13018   open full text
• Racial prejudice, education, and views of climate change.
  Salil D. Benegal, Mirya R. Holman.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1907-1919, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nWe examine the role of education in shaping attitudes about climate change and how it interacts with racial prejudice.\n\n\nMethods\nWe analyze data from the 2012 and 2016 American National Election Study (ANES) and 2018 Cooperative Congressional Election Study (CCES).\n\n\nResults\nWe identify a paradoxical relationship in which education is associated with both lower levels of racial prejudice and increased support for climate policies, but also strengthens the negative effects of prejudices that persist at higher levels of educational attainment. For individuals with racially prejudiced views, we find that educational attainment decreases both agreement with the scientific consensus and support for climate policies. Our results hold up in evaluating Democrats and Republicans and using alternative measures of racial bias.\n\n\nConclusion\nOur results contribute to our understanding of the barriers to action on climate change and the continued salience of racial prejudice in the United States.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13004   open full text
• Direct and indirect influences of political regimes on corruption.
  Rajeev K. Goel, Michael A. Nelson.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1569-1589, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nThis paper studies the direct and indirect impacts of political regimes on corruption. Whereas the interplay of government is fundamental to corrupt acts, the present research sheds new light by showing the direct and indirect influences of dimensions of government structure on corruption.\n\n\nMethods\nWe employ two different estimation techniques. First, we use OLS regressions, with year and regional dummies. Second, we employ mediation analysis to account for the intermediate role of government size in the relation between government structure and corruption in order to gauge the direct and indirect influences on corruption\n\n\nResults\nResults show that government structure, across various dimensions of authoritarian and nonauthoritarian regimes, significantly impacted cross‐national corruption. In particular, a nation's stock of democracy and parliamentary systems lowered corruption, while executive tenure and dimensions of authoritarianism added to corruption. On the other hand, the size of the legislature did not matter when it came to corruption. However, the direct influences of these government structure variables are mitigated or reinforced when the intermediate role of government size is considered in a mediation analysis.\n\n\nConclusions\nThe breakdown into the direct and indirect effects on corruption is a novel insight of this work, with useful policy implications.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13006   open full text
• Evaluating federated voluntary associations’ membership data: An application of Benford's Law.
  Adam Chamberlain, Alixandra B. Yanus.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1590-1601, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nLarge, federated voluntary associations of the late 19th and early 20th centuries produced detailed reports of national meetings that included comprehensive data on state‐level membership. Though used in previous scholarship, the veracity of these data has never been evaluated.\n\n\nMethods\nWe test 16 associations’ state‐level membership data, generally between 1880 and 1920, using Benford's Law, a mathematical principle used to discern whether data are potentially problematic—through error, fraud, or other reasons—and require further investigation.\n\n\nResults\nOur initial analyses reveal that these data deviate statistically from Benford's predictions. Further investigation, however, finds that these differences are not substantively significant; an aggregate measure of all associations shows close conformity to the Newcomb–Benford distribution.\n\n\nConclusion\nThe data presented in voluntary associations’ annual reports are likely trustworthy. These findings have important implications for future use of these data, other association data, and the role of associations in promoting civil society.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13015   open full text
• Estimating the Willingness to Pay for Voting when Absentee Voting is not Allowed.
  C. Y. Cyrus Chu, S. Y. Lin, Wen‐Jen Tsay.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1380-1393, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjectives\nThe existing studies based on the rational voter theory analyze voter turnout as the aggregate of individuals' binary choice of to vote or not to vote. However, when people need to travel to vote, the cost associated with different transportation modes directly affects their voting decisions. We thus generalize the rational voter theory by taking an individual's specific choice of transportation mode into account.\n\n\nMethods\nWe show that our proposed discrete choice model can be estimated via the approach of Berry, Levinsohn, and Pakes (1995) (henceforth, BLP). We then use transportation and census data to analyze voters' behavior in Taiwan where absentee voting is not allowed.\n\n\nResults\nAs compared to the observed 30.14 percent turnout rates of travel‐to‐vote electorates in Taiwan's 2014 local elections, the counterfactual simulations herein suggest that the turnout rates would be 61.77 percent if absentee voting were to be allowed.\n\n\nConclusion\nThe BLP method allows us to estimate a generalized rational voter model accounting for the transportation mode choice.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13014   open full text
• Mass media exposure and disproportional influences on materialistic values and buying impulsiveness among urban youth.
  Nan Sook Yu, Jiwon Nam‐Speers.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1848-1865, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nThe literature on adolescent consumption behavior asserts that environmental features affect buying impulsiveness of the urban youth in Korea. This research assesses this assertion by examining adolescents’ buying impulsiveness through the integration of mediating and moderating effects that exert influence on them.\n\n\nMethod\nWe used a structural equation model to evaluate the relationships between all constructs and the measurement errors of multi‐indicators, and to determine whether the proposed relationships are supported by the data.\n\n\nResults\nSchool as an environmental feature did not universally influence adolescents’ materialistic values, as its effect in this respect was instead moderated by students' level of exposure to mass media. When a high level of such exposure was present, school had a substantial impact on the presence and growth of materialistic values. In terms of another environmental feature, the influence of students' peers significantly increased their buying impulsiveness, while the influence of parents moderately decreased it.\n\n\nConclusion\nThis study contributes to the elaboration of a more comprehensive causal model of adolescents' buying impulsiveness.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13020   open full text
• Racial Exclusion in the Antebellum North: An Analysis of Indiana's 1851 Vote to Ban African American Immigration.
  Scott Milliman.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1255-1267, July 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nTo econometrically model an Indiana referendum, held in 1851, on whether to ban African American immigration—the restriction passed easily—with a focus on identifying demographic groups that were less enthusiastic about this law.\n\n\nMethods\nCensus data for 1850 is used in a fractional response regression model to assess the significant variation in support for this ban across Indiana's 91 counties.\n\n\nResults\nSupport for the ban fell in counties with few African Americans; a large percentage of adult White males born in New England, New York, and Pennsylvania; Quaker meetinghouses; and Church of the Brethren and Mennonite congregations. Support increased in counties with a high availability of unimproved farmland.\n\n\nConclusion\nWhite fears of land competition with Blacks may have prompted higher support for the ban. Groups that provided less support were often out of step with dominant Hoosier religious and political mores.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12950   open full text
• Measuring White Fragility.
  Terrence Hill, Andrew Mannheimer, J. Micah Roos.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1812-1829, July 2021. ", "\nABSTRACT\n\nObjective\nWe propose and develop novel survey questions and quantitative summary indices of White fragility.\n\n\nMethods\nThe data come from the 2018 Survey of White Fragility, a longitudinal convenience sample of 279 non‐Hispanic white undergraduate students aged 18 and over taking courses at two large public universities in the southeastern and southwestern United States.\n\n\nResults\nFactor analyses revealed two latent factors. The first factor—Remorse Fragility—was defined by feeling sad, guilty, and, to a lesser extent, angry in the context of discussions related to racism, race‐based discrimination, and white privilege. The second factor—Depletion Fragility—was defined by feeling drained, exhausted, unsafe, and, to a lesser extent, attacked and confused in the same contexts. Additional analyses supported the reliability and validity of our indices.\n\n\nConclusion\nMore research is needed to establish measures of White Fragility to inform interventions that support critical discussions of whiteness and the racist structures of society.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12985   open full text
• One Bad Apple Spoils the Bunch: Kavanaugh and Change in Institutional Support for the Supreme Court.
  Nathan T. Carrington, Colin French.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1484-1495, July 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nWe analyze the extent to which, if any, institutional support of the U.S. Supreme Court was influenced by the confirmation hearings of Brett Kavanaugh.\n\n\nMethods\nWe use a nationally representative survey supplemented with an online survey experiment using a hypothetical nominee both conducted shortly after the Senate confirmed Kavanaugh to the bench.\n\n\nResults\nWe find a strong relationship between negative feelings toward Kavanaugh and support for reform of the Court and confirm the direction of this relationship in the subsequent experiment.\n\n\nConclusion\nIn contrast to Krewson and Schroedel, our findings show that appointing a nominee who behaves in an overtly political manner during their confirmation hearings can significantly and meaningfully affect the institutional support afforded to the nation's highest court.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12983   open full text
• Understudied questions of Key's friends and neighbors voting thesis.
  John Frendreis, Raymond Tatalovich.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1439-1450, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjectives\nThis study addressesfour questions posed by V.O. Key's friends‐and‐neighbors (F&N) voting thesis that have been neglected in the scholarly literature.\n\n\nMethods\nPooled regression of 101 primary and 66 general elections in Mississippi, South Carolina, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin for the offices of U.S. senator and governor over the period 2002–2016 yielded a total of 11,263 candidate‐county cases.\n\n\nResults\nF&N effects are most pronounced in primary elections, for Democratic candidates, and for nonincumbents. Also greater F&N effects for candidates whose “home” county populations were less well educated. The relative importance of F&N effects is displaced by social cleavage variables in elections where they are relevant to voter choices, namely general elections rather than primaries.\n\n\nConclusion\nThis study begs the larger question for future research of why F&N has greater effect for Democrats than Republicans and whether more Democrats tend to be low‐information voters.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13052   open full text
• Linking global leadership to domestic legitimacy: Comparative analysis of perceptions of Xi and Obama.
  Myunghee Kim, Xiongwei Cao.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1638-1653, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjectives\nAs a one‐party state, the legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party rule and the leader, Xi, stems from unique sources. This article examines those sources of legitimacy in China and compares those with the United States and its leader, President Obama.\n\n\nMethods\nData from the 2014 Pew Global Attitude Survey are analyzed using ordered logistic regressions to test three main hypotheses: the vertical trust leakage hypothesis, the new Cultural Revolution hypothesis, and the parallel upward mobility hypothesis.\n\n\nResults\nXi's anti‐corruption efforts against governmental officials create perceptions of Xi as a moral leader who protects citizens from corrupt local officials. Growing censorship in China prevents intellectuals from questioning Xi's power. The Chinese Dream campaign spearheaded by Xi blends nationalism and populism.\n\n\nConclusion\nThe findings suggest that Xi's strategy to portray him as a moral leader, the suppression of intellectuals and advocacy of the Chinese Dream campaign yields strong confidence from Chinese citizens.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13045   open full text
• Begin Again: Election Campaign and Own Opinions Among First‐Time Voters in Romania.
  Sergiu Gherghina, Elena Rusu.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1311-1329, July 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThis article analyzes under what circumstances first‐time voters are likely to be influenced by the election campaign or by their opinion prior to campaign in their vote choice.\n\n\nMethods\nIt uses individual‐level data from an original online survey conducted among Romanian first‐time voters in the November 2019 presidential election.\n\n\nResults\nThe results indicate that those who trust politicians, find the campaign informative and use social media are influenced by election campaign. Those with higher political knowledge and interest follow their precampaign attitudes in casting the vote.\n\n\nConclusion\nThe study reveals the existence of distinct causal mechanisms for young voters who are influenced at the polls by the election campaign or by their own attitude prior to campaign. This indicates the necessity to include the existence of an opinion prior to campaign in future analytical frameworks about voting behavior.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12979   open full text
• Sexism as a political force: The impact of gender‐based attitudes on the presidential elections of 2012 and 2016.
  Eric Hanley.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1408-1427, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nThis article examines the effect of gender attitudes on the voting behavior of whites in the 2012 and 2016 presidential elections.\n\n\nMethods\nLogistic regression models are used to analyze data from the 2012 and 2016 waves of the American National Election Study.\n\n\nResults\nSexist orientations had a greater impact on how Americans, and white Americans in particular, voted in 2016 than in 2012. Attitudes toward gender roles and feminism affected the voting behavior of white men and white women in a highly similar fashion in 2016 but had a greater effect on the voting behavior of college—as opposed to noncollege‐educated whites.\n\n\nConclusion\nMany observers have argued that the mobilization of sexist voters over the course of the 2016 campaign helped carry Trump to victory. The results of this analysis indicate that, in regard to many key voting blocs, the activation of sexism cost Trump at least as many votes as he gained as due to the countermobilization of nonsexist white voters, particularly those with college degrees. The strength of the nonsexist backlash suggests a need to reassess the received wisdom that sexism among white voters played to Trump's advantage in the 2016 election.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13049   open full text
• Educational gender inequality in the Muslim world: A problem of a cultural heritage, religion, or modernization?
  Sumaia A. Al‐Kohlani.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1920-1930, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nThe difference between the Muslim and non‐Muslim world in terms of educational gender equality has been blamed on the Islamic faith, and sometimes on a lack of modernization. Thus, I examine how Islam reduces educational gender equality and how/if its influence varies from one Muslim country to another.\n\n\nMethod\nI use Time‐series–cross‐section (TSCS) analysis for 29 Muslim countries between 1980 and 2010 to examine the influence of Arab culture on educational gender parity.\n\n\nResult\nThe result indicates that the religious culture of Arab states seems to be highly associated with the educational gender gap. Also, the positive effect of modernization is more significant in Non‐Arab Muslim countries than in Arab Muslim countries.\n\n\nConclusion\nThese findings are informative to educational policymakers since they explain why the international and local efforts on improving educational gender equality have not been as successful in the Muslim world as is the case in other societies.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13046   open full text
• Racial identity and emotional responses to confederate symbols.
  Byron D'Andra Orey, Najja Baptist, Valeria Sinclair‐Chapman.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1882-1893, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nThis research tests whether psychological predispositions influence African Americans’ emotional responses to Confederate battle symbols. The former Mississippi state flag is employed here because it contained the Confederate battle symbol in the left canton.\n\n\nMethods\nThe data were collected using a snowball sample of 68 African Americans from Jackson, the state capital of Mississippi. Emotional responses to the Mississippi state flag were measured using skin conductance levels (SCLs). Using ordinary least squares regression, the SCLs were regressed on variables measuring multiple dimensions of racial identity and ideology: Linked Fate, Private Regard, and Legal Disillusionment. Because of the significant presence of police officers in the sample, a dummy variable was included to account for this group. The study also controlled for the self‐reported Age of the participants.\n\n\nResults\nThe findings of this study reveal that African‐Americans suffer psychological trauma when observing racist symbols. African Americans who shared a common fate with other African Americans and those who possessed a high regard for other African‐American people were more emotionally responsive when they viewed the former Mississippi state flag. Police, however, were less responsive, when compared to civilians. This result may be attributable to officers working near the state capitol building and becoming desensitized to seeing the flag.\n\n\nConclusion\nIn recent years there has been an increased interest among\npolitical scientists in the study of biopolitics. One of the shortcomings, however, is that the research has relied almost exclusively on white subjects. Our research helps to fill this gap by focusing exclusively on African Americans. We interpret the findings to suggest that African Americans do not uniformly respond to the flag but are unique individuals whose personal views and experiences shape how they respond to the world. Even when presented with symbols representing a horrid past of lynchings and terror, African Americans do not constitute a monolithic group. The removal of the Mississippi state flag establishes one of many historical markers in the states efforts to balance the scale of racial justice. Its removal also represents one less source of trauma for African‐Americans and a step toward racial healing for Mississippi and the nation.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13032   open full text
• Linking Extraversion to Collective and Individual Forms of Political Participation: The Mediating Role of Political Discussion.
  Brigitte Huber, Manuel Goyanes, Homero Gil de Zúñiga.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1289-1310, July 2021. ", "\n\nObjectives\nScholars are increasingly investigating the role of citizens’ personality in activating political behavior. We test whether extraversion is associated to collective political activities (i.e., activities that include social interaction) and individual ones (i.e., activities that do not include social interactions).\n\n\nMethods\nWe use originally collected survey data from five countries (Brazil, Korea, Russia, United States, United Kingdom).\n\n\nResults\nWe found that extraversion is positively and directly related to collective political activities in Brazil, Korea and Russia. Results show no direct relationship between individual forms of political activities and extraversion. However, political discussion fully mediates the relationship between extraversion and individual forms of political activities in all five countries.\n\n\nConclusion\nThis study contributes to growing discussions on the role of personality traits in explaining political participation across countries, arguing that the relationship between extraversion and diverse forms of political participation are also context‐driven and nourished by political discussion.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12978   open full text
• A roadmap to understanding restrictive immigration policy outcomes.
  Nichole Gligor, David Gligor.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1830-1847, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nExtant studies have sought to determine which factors most significantly affect changes in state‐level restrictive immigration policies. However, the effects of individual independent variables on restrictive immigration policy outputs have been considered in isolation, independent of one another. Our study seeks to address this limitation.\n\n\nMethods\nWe employ qualitative comparative analysis to examine how various combinations of factors lead to the same outcome. This study offers both, methodological and theoretical contributions to the literature on restrictive immigration policy outcomes.\n\n\nResults\nWe uncover the combinations of factors (i.e., public opinion, anti‐welfare attitudes, unemployment, poverty, demographics, governor's party identification, state and citizen ideology, region) that are likely to lead states to pass a high number of restrictive immigration policies relative to other states.\n\n\nConclusion\nOur results revealed 11 distinct combinations of such factors. Moreover, our findings indicate that a state's government ideology is a necessary present condition for anticipating immigration policy outcomes.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13007   open full text
• Congress and the Political Economy of the National Endowment for the Arts.
  Thomas R. Gray, Jeffery A. Jenkins.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1553-1568, July 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nWe examine the relationship between the Congress and the National Endowment for the Arts (NEA), from the agency's inception in the mid‐1960s to the present. The NEA has seen its fortunes rise and fall over time, as congressional appropriations and scrutiny have fluctuated with ideological and partisan change in the House and Senate.\n\n\nMethods\nWe use Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) and logistic regression models to examine the politics of the NEA systematically.\n\n\nResults\nWe find that while the NEA has enjoyed some bipartisan support throughout its tenure, assistance for the agency has been more likely to come from more liberal members and Democrats, respectively. We also uncover some evidence that particular states and districts benefit more of less from NEA grants.\n\n\nConclusion\nOverall, states and districts represented by Democrats do better in terms of both grants and grant dollars than states and districts represented by Republicans, with the most liberal Democratic House members doing especially well.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12990   open full text
• Are independent inventors a relic of the past? A study of independent patenting in the United States, 1963–2014.
  Eric Dahlin.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1994-2005, July 2021. ", nil]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13044   open full text
• Do social constructions and gender mainstreaming in policy design affect the evaluation of the policy process? An analysis of a policy intervention in a postconflict society.
  Nathalie Mendez.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1699-1718, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nThe theory of social constructionism has been consolidated as an appropriate tool for understanding policy design, implementation, and evaluation. However, there is little empirical research about the implications of social construction on policy evaluation. The objective of the article is to contribute to the literature in public policy and gender studies by defining the impact of gender as a social construct and gender mainstreaming in public policy on beneficiaries' evaluation of the policy process.\n\n\nMethods\nI conducted a study of the institutional design of Colombia's policy of assistance to victims of civil war and a quantitative analysis, through ordered logit and logistic regression models, to identify how gender mainstreaming and social constructions affect the evaluation of the policy process measured as the satisfaction levels with the process of application to policy assistance.\n\n\nResults\nThe article confirms the hypothesis that positive social constructions‐in this case, the construction of women victims‐reinforced by a strong institutional design make bureaucrats administer the policy differently to specific groups. As expected, women have more levels of satisfaction with the policy process. However, this effect is not significant for other social constructions such as ethnicity and the elderly.\n\n\nConclusion\nResearch in this topic should consider the differential effect of certain social constructions on policy evaluation based on how policy design crystallizes symbolic and material messages that benefit some groups.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13054   open full text
• Profiles in party switching: The case of Southern Party activists.
  Seth C. McKee, Antoine Yoshinaka.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1615-1637, July 2021. ", "\nABSTRACT\n\nObjective\nWe examine the demographic profiles of southern county‐level activists, who switched parties to see how they may differ from other activists affiliated with the party they converted to.\n\n\nMethods\nWith data from the 1991–92 and 2001 Southern Grassroots Party Activists (SGPA) projects, we use descriptive and multivariate analysis to determine which demographic characteristics distinguish party‐switching activists from non‐switching activists.\n\n\nResults\nAcross several important demographics, party‐switching activists are significantly different from the non‐switching activists of the party the former group converted to.\n\n\nConclusions\nIn an increasingly contentious political era, the conversion of activists into opposite parties is one avenue by which the demographic makeup of party coalitions may shift, as party‐switching activists differ from activists who have never changed their affiliation. Converts can also bring different ideological and issue positions.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13042   open full text
• Rights and responsibilities: Citizenship norms and protest activity in a cross‐country analysis.
  Cerem I. Cenker‐Özek, Didem Çakmaklı, Ekrem Karakoç.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1394-1407, July 2021. ", nil]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13041   open full text
• Do Source cues or frames matter? Convincing the public about the veracity of climate science.
  Jason Gainous, Rodger A. Payne, Melissa K. Merry.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1894-1906, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nA significant portion ofthe American public does not accept the current overwhelming scientific consensus about the anthropogenic causality of climate change. This issue has been politicized and is now highly partisan. Because the military is the most trusted public institution in the United States, and the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) is the government agency with primary oversight of climate policy, we test whether source cues from these entities, as well as threat frames centered on either national security or the economy, influence the willingness of people to believe climate change is human‐caused.\n\n\nMethods\nWe conduct a post‐test controlled experiment to test the comparative effects of varying both source cue and frame.\n\n\nResults\nWe find that the U.S. Military source cue generally produced a weaker belief that climate change is human‐caused, for both Democrats and Republicans, while the EPA had a more positive influence.\n\n\nConclusion\nThe results suggest the limitations of national security framing and point to the importance of neutral, non‐partisan source cues, especially in appeals directed at Republicans.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13033   open full text
• Unmasking the American death penalty debate: Race, context, and citizens’ willingness to execute.
  Mark D. Ramirez.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1931-1946, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nResearch on public attitudes toward the death penalty has yet to systematically examine the role of race in the context of offense‐related attributes. This study uses a conjoint experiment randomly exposing a sample of 500 U.S. adults to different pairings of capital offenders to test the role of both offender and offense‐related attributes on beliefs about death penalty deservingness. The results show offense‐related factors play a significant role in who the public deems deserving of the death penalty, while the offender's race matters only for citizens holding prejudicial opinions towards Blacks or Latinos. Instrumental considerations typically outweigh racial considerations in death penalty judgments, although perceptions of those factors might be racialized as well. The results point to a potential disjuncture between the desires of citizens and the implementation of the death penalty.\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13051   open full text
• Changing patterns of Asian‐American partisanship: Accounting for the politicization of the U.S.’s fastest growing minority.
  Kayee Zhou, Dennis Patterson.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1428-1438, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nAsian Americans are the fastest growing and most diverse minority in the United States, but they have become more alike in terms of their partisan preferences and increasing politicization. Evidence for these changes can be found in two National Surveys of Asian Americans, the first of which was completed in 2008 and showed that Asian Americans were mostly nonpartisans but also that those who were partisans tended to support the Democratic Party. The second survey, completed in 2016, however, indicated that there was an increase in the proportion of democratic identifiers and, also, a significant decline in the proportion of nonpartisans with a concomitant rise in the number of purposive Independents. These shifts suggest that there has been a distinct politicization of Asian Americans, and our purpose in this article is to identify and calibrate the factors that account for these partisan shifts.\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13050   open full text
• Cognitive Effects of Inattentive Responding in an MTurk Sample.
  Jimin Pyo, Michael G. Maxfield.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 2020-2039, July 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nMechanical Turk (MTurk) has become an increasingly valuable sampling tool for social scientists. At the same time, concern has emerged about the quality of responses obtained from MTurk workers. This article demonstrates several screening practices for identifying problematic or inattentive MTurk participants. The study also examines how inattentive responding affects psychometric properties of measures and relationships between substantive variables.\n\n\nMethod\nA sample of 498 MTurk workers participated in an experimental study for developing and validating scales of public confidence in the criminal justice system. Multiple screening procedures were used to identify inattentive participants and their potential effects on study measures and hypothesis testing.\n\n\nResults\nResults reveal adverse impacts on psychometric properties of measures as well as inflated observed relationships between substantive variables.\n\n\nConclusion\nScreeners used in this study work well in identifying attention problems among MTurk participants. The present study expands guidance for improving quality of responses from MTurk participants for social science research.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12954   open full text
• Lonely Hearts, Empty Booths? The Relationship between Loneliness, Reported Voting Behavior and Voting as Civic Duty.
  Alexander Langenkamp.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1239-1254, July 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThe study investigates the relationship between perceived loneliness and the individuals' attitude whether voting is a civic duty. With that, it is the first study to shed light on the mechanism linking perceived loneliness to voting behavior.\n\n\nMethods\nTwo independent, cross‐sectional, and representative datasets from Germany (n = 1641) and the Netherlands (n = 1431) are analyzed.\n\n\nResults\nThe regression results and effect decomposition techniques show that loneliness is associated with reduced intention to vote as well as a lower sense of duty to vote. The effect of loneliness on voting behavior is partially mediated through a reduced sense of duty.\n\n\nConclusion\nLoneliness is associated with political disengagement. The study provides empirical evidence that the relationship between loneliness and turnout is partially mediated through sense of duty. This showcases that lonely individuals tend to feel detached from society and are less likely to feel obligated to participate in the electoral process.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12946   open full text
• Building Populist Discourse: An Analysis of Populist Communication in American Presidential Elections, 1896–2016.
  James J. Fahey.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1268-1288, July 2021. ", "\n\nObjectives\nThis article examined the history of the use of populist frames in American presidential campaign discourse in order to answer a set of interrelated questions about how populist discourse is constructed and employed.\n\n\nMethods\nUsing a novel database of presidential campaign speeches (n = 189) from 63 major candidates from 1896 to 2016, I coded these speeches for presence or absence of a set of 11 populist frames. Mokken scale analysis was conducted to determine if populist discourse is “built” in a logical way by political candidates. Regression analysis was conducted to measure if outsider candidates were more likely to employ populist framing.\n\n\nResults\nEight of the 11 frames comprise a stable Mokken scale that measures populist discourse. Results show that anti‐bureaucratic and nativist frames do not load onto the same factor as other populist frames, suggesting that they may be measuring a separate concept. Candidates are more likely to use generic, less threatening aspects of the populist frame than they are to use illiberal, “risky” frames. Less experienced and third‐party candidates are also more likely to use populist discourse.\n\n\nConclusion\nPopulism is a flexible but coherent set of discursive frames present across modern campaign history. Populist framings are most commonly utilized by outsider candidates.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12951   open full text
• Amateur hour: The dominance of purposive benefits among local political party chairs.
  Douglas D. Roscoe, Shannon Jenkins.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1602-1614, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nPrevailing theories posit some party activists are amateurs, driven primarily by purposive benefits, while other activists are professionals, motivated mostly by material benefits. The decline of patronage and the rise of polarization suggest re‐examining the relevancy of this distinction.\n\n\nMethods\nThe study uses data from a 2019 survey of 1,060 local party chairs in the United States, covering 49 states.\n\n\nResults\nMost respondents are motivated by purposive benefits, while career motivations are relatively rare. Those who do derive material benefits are only slightly more centrist than their peers and are no more pragmatic and no less likely to derive purposive benefits. A substantial segment of local chairs are interested in seeking elective office, but the motivations of these individuals with ambitions connected to party activism are dominated by purposive benefits as much as those of the unambitious.\n\n\nConclusion\nThe study demonstrates the professional–amateur typology no longer accurately characterizes local party activists.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13029   open full text
• Measuring Institutional Design in U.S. States.
  Scott J. LaCombe.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1511-1533, July 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThe role of institutions in state politics has been recognized for decades. However, most of this research has evaluated the role of a single institution at a time, such as the role of the ballot initiative or legislative professionalism. Little is known about how institutions may have counterbalancing or reinforcing effects.\n\nMethod\nI propose evaluating institutions collectively much in the way that comparative politics scholars have evaluated the collective set of institutions that create levels of democracy.\n\n\nResults\nThrough an exploratory factor analysis, I find that state institutions can primarily be understood along two dimensions, accountability pressure and checks and balances. I use a Bayesian factor analysis of mixed data to generate institutional scores for all 50 states along both dimensions from 1975 to 2016.\n\n\nConclusion\nTheses scores will be a resource to understand how a state`s collective institutional environment affects a wide variety of phenomena, from policy responsiveness to voter turnout or policy innovation.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12986   open full text
• Are people better employees than machines? Dehumanizing language and employee performance appraisals.
  Luke Fowler, Stephen Utych.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 2006-2019, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nAlthough performance appraisals are based on objective procedures, cognitive biases from appraisers may create avenues for errors in judgment of employee performance. Dehumanizing language, or metaphors that characterize humans in nonhuman terms (e.g., cogs in a machine), is one important way cognitive biases can occur\n\n\nMethod\nWe conduct a survey experiment\nto determine if dehumanizing language affects perceptions of employee value or competency within the context of performance appraisals.\n\n\nResult\nFindings show that when employees are referred to in mechanistic terms, respondents perceive that employee to be deserve hire compensation, and be more competent, as compared to referring to employees in human or animalistic terms.\n\n\nConclusion\nConclusions suggest dehumanizing language is an important type of cognitive bias that affects individuals in administrative environments, and the managerial and ethical implications of its use require further examination.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13057   open full text
• Changes in attitudes, nothing remains quite the same: Absentee voting and public health.
  Mark Owens.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1349-1360, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nThis article examines how the rapid spread of COVID‐19 and political discourse framed absentee ballots as a solution to keep voters safe or a threat to the election's integrity. Did the increased attention to the use of absentee ballots in our elections encourage more people to participate absentee and support changes in Texas's election code to allow no‐excuse absentee voting?\n\n\nMethods\nFour surveys of Texas voters were conducted in April, June, September, and October to track voter attitudes about absentee voting during the election.\n\n\nResults\nVoters who were uncomfortable voting in person were more likely to vote absentee and support new reforms. However, voters exposed to messages by elected officials who negatively portrayed the use of absentee voting were less likely to vote absentee during the pandemic and more likely to oppose new reforms.\n\n\nConclusion\nDespite the predicted effects of political information, the public's consideration of the health of others create a significant and lasting effect favoring the acceptance of expanding absentee ballots in a state with no‐excuse absentee voting.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13011   open full text
• The Human Factor: Algorithms, Dissenters, and Detention in Immigration Enforcement.
  Robert Koulish, Ernesto Calvo.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1761-1786, July 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThis article measures Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) officers’ punitive biases in immigration enforcement, comparing rates of dissent with low‐ and high‐risk classification scores. It provides evidence that contextual political factors alter dissent with risk classification assessment (RCA) scores and describes how such dissent informs more punitive versions of ICE's RCA scoring rules.\n\n\nMethods\nWe implement a statistical decomposition technique that compares the gap between low‐ and high‐risk dissent rates in risk assessments. Historical and qualitative evidence describes the effect of punitive biases in algorithmic editing.\n\n\nResults\nResults of this investigation show that larger gaps in dissent rates between low‐ and high‐risk classifications result in more punitive scoring updates in later versions of the RCA algorithm.\n\n\nConclusion\nOur article provides evidence that risk assessment tools implemented to reduce biases in immigration enforcement were updated to accommodate the punitive bias of ICE officers and supervisors.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12957   open full text
• Does Legislative Institutionalization Impact Policy Adoption? New Evidence from the Colonial and Early State Legislatures 1757–1795.
  Elizabeth I. Dorssom.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1451-1465, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nObjective. Using an original data set, I explore the impact of institutionalization on policy adoption using a case study of the use of sunset provisions across the 13 colonies and states from 1757 to 1795. This time frame allows for a thorough investigation of sunset provision use during the period in which the colonial legislatures were undergoing the institutionalization process, and had yet to develop standing committee systems. Methods. I employ a fractional logit regression to examine the effect of legislative institutionalization on the rate of sunset provision use. Results. As the colonial legislatures institutionalized, sunset provisions were less frequently used. Conclusion. Through exploring sunset provision use prior to partisanship and standing committee development, this study extends our understanding of the impact of institutionalization on policy adoption.\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12956   open full text
• Voting Experiences, Perceptions of Fraud, and Voter Confidence.
  R. Michael Alvarez, Jian Cao, Yimeng Li.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1225-1238, July 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nAssuring voter confidence is important for the legitimacy of democratic elections. In this article, we test four hypotheses about the correlates of voter confidence at various levels of election administration.\n\n\nMethods\nWe take advantage of a large online survey of registered voters in a single election jurisdiction, Orange County (CA), which was implemented immediately after the November 2018 midterm elections. We measure voting experience and social media usage using item response theory as well as voters' perceptions of various election or voter fraud, and estimate their association with voter confidence via logistic regression models.\n\n\nResults\nOur results show that voters who cast mail ballots are less confident about their own votes being counted correctly than in‐person voters. For both types of voters, those who have poor experiences with the voting process are much less likely to report confidence in the election. We also find that voters who have strong concerns about election fraud are less likely to report being confident in the election. Our last result indicates that information from news and social media is associated with a decline in voter confidence in election administration at the national level.\n\n\nConclusion\nGiven the many conversations about election fraud that have occurred since the 2016 presidential election, this research provides important implications for election administration in future elections in the United States.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12940   open full text
• Smartphone Addiction, Loneliness, Narcissistic Personality, and Family Belonging Among University Students: A Path Analysis.
  Şahin Gökçearslan, Hatice Yildiz Durak, Burcu Berikan, Mustafa Saritepeci.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1743-1760, July 2021. ", "\n\nBackground\nThe relationship between smartphone addiction (SPA) and loneliness is examined in several studies, however, the mediating effects of the variables related to narcissism and the family on the relationship between SPA and loneliness are not yet available in the literature.\n\n\nObjective\nThe present study investigates the role of SPA on loneliness and the moderating effects of narcissistic personality and family belonging on loneliness.\n\n\nParticipants and Setting\nData required for research were obtained via an online survey from undergraduate students (n = 500) studying at a public university.\n\n\nMethods\nIn the study, the relationship between the variables was determined by path analysis.\n\n\nResults\nThe results of the path analysis show that there is a significant positive relationship between SPA and loneliness. According to the model, no significant relationship was found between narcissistic personality and family‐belonging level. There is a negative and significant mediation effect between SPA and narcissistic personality traits. There is a positive and significant mediation effect between SPA and family belonging. The results of the research are discussed with regard to university students and future directions.\n\n\nConclusions\nAccording to these research results, SPA predicts loneliness. As the level of family belonging decreases, SPA increases. The relationship between university students and their families and environments is among the variables that should be considered when evaluating SPA.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12949   open full text
• The Impact of Subjective Social Position on Public Evaluations of Police.
  Valerie Martinez‐Ebers, Regina Branton, Brian Calfano.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1719-1742, July 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nWe examine factors that explain differences in assessment of police performance among whites, African Americans, Asians, and Latinos, and utilize a subjective social position framework to better understand variation in poor police evaluations. The framework combines previously disparate explanations in the literature.\n\n\nMethod\nLogit models assess 2016 Collaborative Multiracial Post‐Election Survey data augmented by Census, FBI crime statistics, and Mapping Police Violence Project data to assess respondents’ police performance evaluations.\n\n\nResults\nFeelings of marginalization, negative perceptions of local context, and involuntary contact with police are more important for predicting poor evaluations of police than objective contextual conditions, including police‐initiated violence.\n\n\nConclusion\nDespite variation across racial and ethnic groups, the subjective social position of individuals goes a long way in explaining individuals’ evaluation of police performance. However, African Americans are clearly more critical of law enforcement than other minorities, with at least some of this disparity explained by differences in subjective social position.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12941   open full text
• What About the Rest of the Pie? A Dynamic Compositional Approach to Modeling Inequality.
  Ali Kagalwala, Andrew Q. Philips, Guy D. Whitten.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1534-1552, July 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nTo demonstrate how a novel method enhances our understanding of determinants of inequality.\n\n\nMethods\nWe take advantage of recent advances in dynamic models of compositional dependent variables to simultaneously study tradeoffs across multiple slices of the composition of income in the United States between 1947 and 2014.\n\n\nResults\nOur analyses demonstrate the utility of dynamic compositional models of income shares. Factors that increase the income share of the top income group often also increase the income share of the second income group and decrease the shares of lower groups at different rates. Polarization and marginal tax rates have large effects on relative income shares, while returns to labor, returns to capital, and partisan control of Congress have smaller, but statistically significant effects.\n\n\nConclusion\nOur suggested approach allows researchers to effectively explore interesting variation across multiple income groups in response to changes in determinants of inequality.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12987   open full text
• Red to Purple? Changing Demographics and Party Change in Texas.
  Juan Carlos Huerta, Beatriz Cuartas.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1330-1348, July 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\n Texas is regarded as a safe Republican state, yet in recent elections Democrats have gained electoral ground. This study investigates if generational replacement and demographic changes are leading to an increase in Democratic identification, with the potential to create an environment for increasingly competitive elections. A competitive Texas will have national political implications.\n\n\nMethod\n Party identification and ideology are analyzed, with line graphs and linear regression, using public opinion surveys of Texans from 2009 to 2019. The impact of generation cohorts and demographics are the main independent variables of interest.\n\n\nResults\n The findings demonstrate that younger cohorts of white Texans are less likely to identify as Republican and older cohorts of white Texans are most likely. All cohorts of Texans of color are likely to identify as Democrats.\n\n\nConclusions\n Generational and demographic changes are leading to an increase in Democratic party identification and a decline in Republican identification. The mobilization by parties of young Texans, who are trending toward Democrats, and people of color is critical to the future of Texas politics.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12991   open full text
• Sustainable land urbanization, urban amenities, and population urbanization: Evidence from city‐level data in China.
  Songlin Zhang, Haoqing Zheng, Hongyong Zhou, Qing Shao, Qun Wu.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1686-1698, July 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nWith the emergence of rapid urbanization and the increase in per capita income, migration in China has been changing from economy‐driven to amenity‐driven. We seek to investigate the relation between land urbanization, urban amenities, and population urbanization by analyzing urban amenities in the analytical framework of land urbanization and population urbanization in China.\n\n\nMethods\nUsing panel data of 277 cities in China from 2009 to 2018, we first employ the principal component analysis to calculate urban amenities and then conduct panel threshold model regressions.\n\n\nResults\nLand urbanization has a positive effect on urban amenities at the individual city level, while urban amenities have a negative effect on population urbanization in both large and small–medium cities. Reforming the household registration system has effectively improved the accessibility of urban amenities for high‐skilled labors in large cities. Thus, amenities in large cities have a positive effect on the urbanization of high‐skilled labors. In contrast, amenities in small–medium cities have a threshold effect on population urbanization.\n\n\nConclusion\nAmenities in large and small–medium cities, which are located in the same urban agglomerations, could be coordinated and improved, thus achieving a long‐term sustainable and coordinated development of land and population urbanization.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13003   open full text
• A Global Analysis of Financial Crises and the Growth of Informal Economic Activity.
  Robert G. Blanton, Dursun Peksen.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1947-1965, July 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThough a large body of work has focused on how financial crises impact the formal economy, scant research has explored how financial crises affect informal economic activity.\n\n\nMethods\nWe analyze data on informal economies and multiple types of financial crises for 143 countries for the years spanning 1970 to 2011.\n\n\nResults\nBanking and debt crises have both immediate and lingering positive effects on the shadow economic growth. Currency crises are also positively associated with shadow economy growth, but the effect is likely to be short‐lived with no major lingering impact following the initial year of the crisis.\n\n\nConclusion\nWe uncover a complex dynamic between financial crises and the growth of the informal economy, with an implication being that crises may result in a sustained movement of labor and capital out of the formal economy.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12952   open full text
• Loan Financing as a Tool for Nonincumbent House Candidates.
  Anne E. Baker.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1466-1483, July 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nMore than 50 percent of nonincumbent candidates competing in each of the 2010–2016 election cycles for seats in the House used loans to supplement their campaign revenue streams but their use remains understudied.\n\n\nMethod\nUsing both summary and quarterly campaign reports from the U.S. Federal Election Commission 2010–2016, I examine the frequency, timing, and the types of loans utilized by nonincumbent House campaigns. I investigate which candidate characteristics and conditions lead to loan financing. And in a matching analysis, I test the impact of loaning financing at different points in time on inexperienced nonincumbent House candidates’ competitiveness.\n\n\nResults\nI find loan financing in the primary election has a greater positive impact on inexperienced House candidates’ vote margins than loan financing later in the election cycle.\n\n\nConclusion\nThe results suggest a number of best practices for nonincumbent candidates’ use of loans.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12975   open full text
• Policy Innovativeness and Sexual Freedom.
  Feler Bose.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1496-1510, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nThe policy innovation literature does not mention any systemic analysis of sexual freedom laws. Sexual freedom, since the sexual revolution of the 1960s, has been increasing over the past few decades in the United States at the state level and hence is an appropriate area to study in terms of innovativeness. Data collected from 1960 to 2010 show that variables such as Ideology, Income, Religious and Racial fractionalization are important for sexual freedom innovation. In this article, I also innovate in how I calculate the sexual freedom innovativeness score that was necessitated because of the way sexual freedom laws were coded.\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12984   open full text
• The “costs” of voting: The effects of vote‐by‐mail on election administration finance in Colorado.
  Matt Lamb.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1361-1379, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nIn this article,I ask whether the adoption of vote‐by‐mail (VBM) has resulted in the promised cost reductions. Additionally, I examine the overall determinants of election administration expenditures after the implementation of VBM.\n\n\nMethods\nUsing Colorado as a case study, I use county level expenditures to determine the effects of institutional change on election administration finance, as well as other institutional and socio‐demographic determinants on costs.\n\n\nResults\nI find that adopting all‐VBM elections significantly reduced expenditures. Additionally, I find that after VBM was implemented, the primary institutional determinants of expenditures are the proportion of mail‐in ballots received, as well as the number of poll‐workers, and early voting sites. Finally, I find that socio‐demographic characteristics are predictive of expenditures for election administration. Counties with higher income spent less per voter in federal elections. Counties with higher proportions of Latinx voting‐aged populations spent less per voter, even when controlling for turnout.\n\n\nConclusion\nThe results strongly indicate that moving to all‐VBM elections can help cash‐strapped counties save money. However, conversion to VBM may not guarantee that expenditures will be spent equitably.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13012   open full text
• Is it a four‐star movement? Policy transformation and the U.S. women's national soccer team's campaign for equal pay.
  Ashley English.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1966-1981, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nIn 2019, the U.S.Women's soccer team (USWNT) sold shirts claiming “It's not a moment, it is a four‐star movement,” positioning the team as leaders of a transformative movement for equal pay that would benefit all women. Were they?\n\n\nMethod\nDrawing on the gender and public policy and agenda setting literatures, I use the players’ statements about the team's wage discrimination case, and members of Congress' (MCs) speeches to analyze whether the USWNT's case promoted transformative changes in the enforcement of American equal pay policies.\n\n\nResults\nThe players and MCs failed to use the USWNT's case to promote a shared transformative call for changes in equal pay enforcement policies. Both the team and the MCs also prioritized the broad concerns of women and girls over the diversity of women's experiences with wage discrimination.\n\n\nConclusion\nThe players’ case and MCs' responses to it indicate that this case of policy‐focused athlete activism did not promote transformative enforcement changes.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13026   open full text
• The Effect of Children's Gender on Parents’ Attitudes Toward Women.
  Nicole Y. Wesley, James C. Garand.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1787-1802, July 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nScholars have found that the gender of children—particularly, having daughters—has a discernible effect on parents’ attitudinal and behavioral support for the empowerment of women. In this article, we explore how the gender of children affects the gender attitudes of parents. Using data from the 2016 American National Election Study (ANES) survey, we estimate the effects of children's gender on parents’ feminist self‐identification, support for more women representatives, and attitudes toward traditional gender roles, both in general and separately for men and women. Surprisingly, we find that sons—and not daughters—have a systematic negative effect on feminist self‐identification and support for electing more women, as well as a positive effect on support for traditional gender roles. The effects of sons on feminist self‐identification and traditional gender roles are observed for both men and women, while the effects of sons on support for more women representatives are limited to women. It appears that having a son decreases support for feminist and egalitarian gender attitudes in both men and women to varying degrees across a variety of dimensions.\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12976   open full text
• How Social Desirability Bias Affects Immigration Attitudes in a Hyperpolarized Political Environment.
  Edward Carmines, Rita Nassar.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 4, Page 1803-1811, July 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nImmigration attitudes have become increasingly polarizing in recent years with Democrats becoming less likely to support restrictionist policies and Republicans more likely to favor such policies. This paper examines the impact of social desirability bias on such attitudes.\n\n\nMethod\nUsing a list experiment, we examine whether Democrat (and liberal) opposition to the building of a wall at the Mexican border and to the deportation of undocumented immigrants are due to societal pressures to adopt inclusive positions and whether Republicans (and conservatives) hide their negative immigrant attitudes.\n\n\nResults\nWe find that Democrats and liberals' views on these two issues do indeed reflect their true preferences. Conversely, we find that Republicans and conservatives do feel the need to conceal their anti‐immigrant stances.\n\n\nConclusion\nOur results suggest that the extent of asymmetric polarization on immigration policy might even be larger because partisans also differ in their social desirability concerns.\n\n"]

  October 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12982   open full text
• The effect of sanctions on economic freedom.
  David Lektzian, Gor Mkrtchian.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 24, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nWhen states are targeted with sanctions, they may respond with alterations of their domestic economies meant to counter any negative effects of sanctions. In this article, we argue that these alterations tend to lead to increased state command of the economy and reduced economic freedom, as sanctions create opportunities and incentives that encourage target states and firms within them to pursue increased state control of the economy. These declines in economic freedom may come about through a number of causal mechanisms, several of which will be elaborated upon in this article. We use large‐N empirical analysis of all aspects of the Fraser Institute's Index of Economic Freedom and find that sanctions associate with reductions in most components of economic freedom.\n"]

  September 24, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13067   open full text
• Uncalculated first‐party externalities given a beverage tax.
  Jessica Zeiss, Les Carlson, A. Dwayne Ball.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 16, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nWith many characterizingobesity as a national priority, the U.S. Government is considering a 1, 2, or 3 cents‐per‐ounce (cpo) federal sin tax on soda products. Because prior research finds that consumers substitute equally, if not more, dangerous nicotine products with a tobacco sin tax and common alcohol‐like household goods with alcohol prohibition, this research sets out to determine whether the imposition of a soda sin tax produces similar first‐party externalities.\n\n\nMethod\nAdaptive conjoint analysis is utilized among respondents across several regions of the United States, including actual soda consumers.\n\n\nResults\nThis study finds that given a soda sin tax, soda consumers do not substitute healthier beverages, that is, beverages with relatively fewer calories and grams of sugar and sodium, such as water, pure fruit juice, or unsweetened tea. Instead, soda consumers switch to other sugary beverages not considered in most legislation, such as sweetened coffees, teas, or sports drinks, or continue consuming soda at tax rates of 2 and 3 cpo after the shock of a 1 cent tax wears off.\n\n\nConclusion\nUnlike prior research examining decreased soda consumption across a general marketplace, this research offers insight into potential externalities among the key transacting actors in such an exchange: soda consumers.\n\n"]

  September 16, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13027   open full text
• Congressional nominations and party emergence, 1788–1808.
  Aric Dale Gooch, Jay Dow.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 15, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nWe study the development of nomination procedures for congressional elections by the Democratic‐Republican and Federalist parties in the first party era (1788–1808).\n\n\nMethods\nOur study rests on primary source evidence from congressional elections contested in Pennsylvania, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, and New Jersey.\n\n\nResults\nWe demonstrate that in these states, party nominations drew popular involvement, a wide pool of potential nominees, selected among them according to well‐understood rules and norms, and subsequently focused electoral supporters on the nominated candidates.\n\n\nConclusion\nThe existence of structured nominations has significant implications for U.S. party development. Most importantly, it suggests the Democratic‐Republican and Federalist parties were more institutionalized than previously thought. To the extent that organization capacity is a key marker in party development, this suggests that the early American parties were more developed than is generally recognized.\n\n"]

  September 15, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13064   open full text
• The new older adult participant in American politics.
  Ryan P. Burge, Brittany H. Bramlett.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 15, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article analyzes the politics of older Americans in the 21st century. Older Americans have been significantly involved in American politics, relative to younger generations. Political participation typically increases with age, even ramping up during the early period of older adulthood. However, past work has indicated that political participation drops off due to frailty and loss of cognition in the latest years of the life span. And, yet, people are living longer than in previous decades when much of the past research on this relationship was conducted. We want to know whether these relationships remain consistent and want to especially analyze the old–old, a growing age group that has been difficult to study in the past due to their low numbers in traditional surveys. With tens of thousands of respondents, survey data from the Cooperative Election Studies from 2008 to 2020 allow us to analyze these older groups in recent years, across types of participation and party affiliation. We find that there is not much of a dip in political activity among the old–old. They are still quite active, particularly when it comes to donating money to campaigns and voting. Additionally, through analyzing birth cohorts, we find that political activity gradually increases as people age through their 60s and 70s and does not notably decline when they move into the old–old age group.\n"]

  September 15, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13072   open full text
• Voter experience and ballot language framing effects: Evidence from a survey experiment.
  Ted D. Rossier.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 15, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nDiscover the extent to which habitual voting may alter the effects of framing in the language of ballot measures.\n\n\nMethods\nOnline survey was conducted using Amazon Mechanical Turk crowd labor service. Participants were presented with two ballot questions with two separate sets of language, randomized so that each participant had an equal chance of seeing either version. Logistic regression was used to analyze responses.\n\n\nResults\nSupport for one measure was drastically reduced with the change in question framing; for the other, the results were inconclusive. None of the models exhibited any evidence that habitual voting mitigated framing effects.\n\n\nConclusion\nExperienced voters are no more immune to framing effects than inexperienced voters.\n\n"]

  September 15, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13068   open full text
• Sports elites, counter‐stereotypical statements, and immigration attitudes.
  Betina Cutaia Wilkinson, Melissa R. Michelson, Alexis Webster.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 15, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nPolitical and social elite rhetoric can have a robust impact on individuals’ policy stances, particularly when recipients of persuasive messages share an in‐group identity with the messenger and when the information is counter‐stereotypical. In this study, we build on Harrison and Michelson's (2017) theory of dissonant identity priming (TDIP) and examine an understudied topic, the effectiveness of National Football League (NFL) elite pro‐immigration statements in shifting individuals’ perspectives on immigration topics.\n\n\nMethods\nWe explore this question using two unique randomized survey experiments, one conducted face‐to‐face with residents of Winston‐Salem, North Carolina, and one using a national Internet‐based sample.\n\n\nResults\nWe find little support for our expectation that counter‐stereotypical messages on immigration and immigrants delivered by NFL elites can be effective in shaping the views of their shared in‐groups (those who are NFL fans or those who share their race).\n\n\nConclusion\nWhile TDIP can explain individuals’ shift in support of same‐sex marriage, we cannot say the same for the effectiveness of sports elites’ statements on immigration and immigrants.\n\n"]

  September 15, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13065   open full text
• Black grammar: Repertoires of abolition's future, present, and past.
  Christopher Paul Harris, Marisa Solomon.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 14, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", nil]

  September 14, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13070   open full text
• “As is” America: Subcontracting freedom.
  Najja K. Baptist.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 14, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nThis study examines the nature and uses of the Constitution as a social contract. America's original agreement with its Black citizens, under the three—fifths clause of the Constitution, is one of commodification. The Constitution constructs the Black body as expendable property in a subcontract. Police protect and serve in maintaining this status quo.\n\n\nMethods\nThis research analyzes the literature on the social contract theory. This paper compares classical theorists such as Locke, Rawls, and Nozick with opposing literature from Rousseau, Mills, and Pateman. This comparison highlights what many consider “just” as a thinly veiled attempt to justify the legality of the state's actions. Also, there is a review of Graham v. Oconnor to determine how case law upholds the subjugation of Black bodies as part of the subcontract.\n\n\nResults\nMy research suggests that Black citizens are only entitled to the rights and privileges of a subcontract. This subcontract allows for the harassment, unequal treatment, and in some instances, the death of marginalized groups by police at any time.\n\n\nConclusion\nFrom the extrajudicial killing of Amadou Diallo to that of Breonna Taylor, it is evident from the past two decades that Black lives are expendable; police officers continue to enforce the fugitive slave clause, which allows for punishment by death for the assumption of criminal behavior. My research helps illuminate the relationship between the Black experience and police encounters as a proxy of a subcontract within the Constitution. These events—the lawless actions of police officers, and a political and legal system that supports these actions—fuel recent waves of the BLM movement.\n\n"]

  September 14, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13071   open full text
• The right to work and to live: The implications of India's NREGS program for missing women.
  Trupti Chaure, Daniel Hicks.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 09, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nLimited economic opportunity for women reduces their household bargaining power and the economic value of daughters, amplifying son preference. This paper studies India's National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (NREGS), the largest workfare program in the world.\n\n\nMethods\nIn a setting where the gender gap in employment and wages are sizeable, NREGS represented both an income shock and a large relative improvement in the labor market for women. We use the staggered rollout of NREGS to show that districts that implemented the program earlier experienced an improvement in child sex ratios in favor of girls.\n\n\nResults\nWe find that impacts exist only in rural areas, not in the urban counterparts of the same district, where NREGS did not operate. Furthermore, effects are larger in middle‐income and upper income districts and districts with the most skewed initial sex ratios, results which are inconsistent with an alternative selection story. Finally, the effects appear only for rural youth sex ratios, not for adult sex ratios, suggesting endogenous migration is not driving the results.\n\n\nConclusion\nOur results suggest that the adoption of NREGS may have decreased pressures associated with sex selection in India, lessening skewed sex ratios in rural areas.\n\n"]

  September 09, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12993   open full text
• Does marriage protect mental health? Evidence from the COVID‐19 pandemic.
  Clara E. Jace, Christos A. Makridis.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 07, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nUsing weekly variation from April 23 to June 23 2020, we exploit the surge in unemployment over the coronavirus pandemic to identify the effects on mental health outcomes and the role of marital status as a protective factor for households. We find that married respondents are 1–2 percentage points less likely, relative to their unmarried counterparts, to experience mental health problems following declines in work‐related income since the start of the pandemic. Our results suggest that the combination of intrafamily substitution and the psychological benefits of marriage helps insure against unanticipated fluctuations in job and income loss.\n"]

  September 07, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13063   open full text
• Determinants of citizens’ support for democracy in Ghana.
  Joseph Yaw Asomah, Eugene Emeka Dim.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nThis article addresses the following questions: (1) What is the extent of Ghanaians' support for democracy? (2) What are the influences of education, the pursuit of political news, and the discussion of politics on citizens' support of democracy?\n\n\nMethods\nThis study combines the sixth and seventh rounds the Afrobarometer surveys on Ghana. The total sample for this study is 4,800 adult Ghanaians. Binary logistic regression analysis was employed for the multivariate analysis.\n\n\nResults\nAbout 81 percent of the respondents prefer democracy to any other form of government, including a military rule. Also, the study also found that education attainment, the pursuit of political news information, and the discussion of politics is significantly linked to citizens' support of democracy.\n\n\nConclusion\nThe study shows that increasing access to education and political information are vital mechanisms for strengthening democratic consolidation.\n\n"]

  September 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13062   open full text
• Explaining the American crisis of policing: Media, malfeasance, and racial prejudice.
  Andrea Silva, Diego Esparza.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 03, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nTo include the factor of police malfeasance in the crisis of confidence in American police. Further, to explain the role of race, media, and contextual factors on individual perception of police performance. We argue that while the BLM movement was amplified by the deaths of Black people at the hands of police, it originates from the reality that police are continuously engaged in nefarious activities that wear down communities of color extensively.\n\n\nMethods\nUsing the 2016 Collaborative Multiracial Post‐Election Survey (CMPS) and data on media reported police malfeasance in 2016 collected from the CATO institute, we explore the relationship between police malfeasance, race, and evaluations of police performance. We create two sets of logit regressions, one for all CMPS respondents and second, disaggregated by race to show the effects of media reported police malfeasance on respondent’s evaluations of police performance.\n\n\nResults\nIn the pooled model, we find a positive and significant correlation between poor police performance evaluations and incidences of police malfeasance. Further, substantive increases in the probability of rating police performance as poor are correlated with all respondents when disaggregated by race. We find a significant correlation among Black and White respondents, who are more likely to rate police performance as poor.\n\n\nConclusion\nConventional narratives around the Black Lives Matter movement seem to show that deaths at the hands of local law enforcement “created” the BLM movement. We argue that the current delegitimating of police in terms of public support is related directly to police behavior themselves. Police malfeasance increases the likelihood of negative performance evaluations, thus undermining community trust in the police.\n\n"]

  September 03, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13061   open full text
• Has DACA promoted work over schooling and professional advancement for qualifying Mexican Dreamers?
  Richard C. Jones.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 03, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nThis study questions whether the Deferred Actionfor Childhood Arrivals (DACA) has promoted the educational and career advancement in a subgroup of Mexican youth who crossed illegally by their parents at a young age, or has not promoted such advancement.\n\n\nMethods\nI draw upon recent research on this topic. From the American Community Survey, I drill down to a cohort of young Mexicans who qualified for DACA in 2012, and follow it to 2016.\n\n\nResults\nThis cohort (DACAs) entered the workforce and curtailed college attendance between 2012 and 2016 but also completed college, were employed professionally, and increased their income markedly, relative to a cohort of “Dreamers” (an analogous group that did not qualify for DACA).\n\n\nConclusion\nThe integration of DACAs, so beneficial to the country, will be curtailed if DACA is definitively terminated by the disallowal of renewals; DACAs would return to an underclass status resembling that of the Dreamers.\n\n"]

  September 03, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13059   open full text
• Young voters and political participation in Indonesia: Revisiting a marriage gap.
  Iim Halimatusa'diyah, Ella Prihatini.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 01, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjectives\nThis article responds to an understudied question on how does marital status make a difference in terms of voter turnout among young people in the Muslim world.\n\n\nMethods\nThe article draws on the 2010 Muslim Youth Survey and focus on 1127 respondents aged between 15 and 25 in Indonesia. Using binominal logistic regression analysis, it seeks to examine how marital status affects Indonesian young people’s voting behaviour in three types of elections held in 2009: legislative, presidential, and regional.\n\n\nResults\nThe finding confirms that married young individuals are more likely to vote than those who are not married. However, the marriage gap only exists in the legislative and presidential elections as the impact of marital status diminishes in regional elections.\n\n\nConclusion\nThis paper contributes to the literature by examining how the marriage gap in politics does not only occur in post‐industrialized and developed countries. Also, regional election systematically prevents young voters to participate as the ballot sheets are only available in respective jurisdiction.\n\n"]

  September 01, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13024   open full text
• State legislative committee deliberations: Why some issues are difficult and where state legislators turn for help.
  Kristin Taylor, Marjorie Sarbaugh‐Thompson, Steven Betz.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 31, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nThis study explores why state legislators think some issues are difficult and where they turn for help with these issues.\n\n\nMethods\nWe use content analysis of legislators’ interview responses to identify sources of difficulty that arose during committee deliberations.\n\n\nResults\nMany legislators say that issues are difficult because of committee and caucus politics, technical information, interest group pressure, jurisdictional competition, and budget constraints. We find few associations between sources of difficulty and legislator characteristics or institutional context. Mundane issues are often seen as difficult, with culture war issues rarely mentioned.\nUsing cluster analysis, we identify five major categories of issue difficulty. We find that legislators grapple with these categories of difficulty by relying on interest groups, partisan staff, and committee members rather than on caucus leaders, the governor, or their voters.\n\n\nConclusion\nThese findings contribute to our understanding of impediments to policy making that legislators navigate in legislative committees.\n\n"]

  August 31, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13056   open full text
• African American and Latino discrimination complaints: comparing volume and outcomes.
  Charles S. Bullock, Charles M. Lamb, Eric M. Wilk.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 30, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nResearch has investigatedracial and ethnic discrimination in America without examining discrimination complaints or focusing on housing. To help fill this void, we explore volume and outcomes in Fair Housing Act complaints filed by African Americans and Latinos between 1989 and 2010 in order to compare enforcement by federal, state, and local civil rights agencies.\n\n\nMethods\nRelying on data obtained from the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD), we test a multivariate fixed effects logistic regression model.\n\n\nResults\nFirst, the data show that African Americans are more likely to file complaints than Latinos, but Latinos are slightly more likely to receive favorable outcomes. Second, an increased number of complaints filed per state capita by each group significantly increases the likelihood of a favorable outcome, but this effect is much smaller and weaker for African Americans than for Latinos. Third, local agencies are significantly more likely to provide favorable outcomes for Latinos than are federal or state agencies.\n\n\nConclusion\nTaken together, these findings indicate that favorable outcome rates for African Americans are more stable than those for Latinos and that independent variables such as agency caseload and level of government agency produce much greater variance in the favorability rates for Latinos as compared to African Americans.\n\n"]

  August 30, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13005   open full text
• Trust, corruption, and compliance with regulations: Attitudes to rule violations in the Great Limpopo Transfrontier Park.
  Sverker C. Jagers, Martin Sjöstedt, Aksel Sundström, Amanda Linell, Herbert Ntuli.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 30, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nWhile trust is proposed as a key concept to understand people's compliance in natural resource governance, research would benefit from being more precise. Our aim is to test whether more specific survey measures of people's tendency to violate rules and the degree to which law enforcing rangers are seen as corrupt trumps more commonly used items on intra‐personal trust and trust in institutions.\n\n\nMethods\nWe analyze an original survey of residents within the boundaries of the Great Limpopo Park, straddling Mozambique, South Africa, and Zimbabwe.\n\n\nResults\nWhile general trust items predict compliance intentions in a first model, these effects largely disappear when we introduce more specific measures. We find consistent negative effects from perceived corruption among rangers. We also report negative effects from perceptions of other people's noncompliant behavior.\n\n\nConclusion\nCompliance to natural resource regulations hinges on specific perceptions of how rule enforcing agents and other resource users act.\n\n"]

  August 30, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13048   open full text
• Introduction to the symposium: A reexamination of southern distinctiveness through the lens of firearm policy.
  James T. LaPlant, John C. Morris, Todd G. Shields.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 30, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nThis article reviews the extant literature on southern politics and gun/firearm ownership in the South as a precursor to three symposium papers.\n\n\nMethods\nWe employ standard literature review techniques to synthesize two significant bodies of literature. The latter part of the article introduces the three papers in the symposium.\n\n\nResults\nWe find that the papers in this symposium share two common themes: continued southern distinctiveness, and the importance of the role of race in southern politics and policy‐making.\n\n\nConclusion\nWe find support for a hypothesis that the South remains distinctive as a region in the policy arena of gun ownership/firearm policy.\n\n"]

  August 30, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13013   open full text
• What explains local policy cleavages? Examining the policy preferences of public officials at the municipal level.
  Peter Bucchianeri, Riley Carney, Ryan Enos, Amy Lakeman, Gabrielle Malina.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 30, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nA growing literature argues that national issues and partisanship structure local‐level conflict in the United States. This argument contrasts starkly with the traditional view of local politics as fundamentally nonpartisan and nonideological. We reconsider these diverging arguments.\n\n\nMethods\nWe use a large‐scale survey of municipal officials to examine elite preferences on a series of policy tradeoffs. We identify latent dimensions that underlie elite preferences across cities and on a common scale. We examine correlates of these dimensions including individual‐ and city‐level demographics and electoral support from constituent groups.\n\n\nResults\nOur results demonstrate that elite preferences in local politics—unlike in national politics—are multidimensional, with two underlying cleavages: one based on partisanship, the other a market orientation to the provision of local services. These latent dimensions align with indicators of constituent group support, suggesting that each dimension reflects substantively meaningful features of conflict in local electoral politics.\n\n\nConclusions\nThese findings suggest that local politics are not completely structured by national‐level partisan politics. Future research should aim to measure and understand local conflict along both partisan and market‐orientation dimensions.\n\n"]

  August 30, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13039   open full text
• The effect of oil export on direct external democratizing pressures.
  Jungmoo Woo.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 30, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nI argue that an autocracy’s oil export discourages democracies from employing foreign policies fostering democracy in the autocracy because three characteristics of oil trade—the importance of oil as a primary energy source, the international oil market’s exporter‐favored structure, and the price inelasticity of supply of and demand for petroleum—increase costs of such policies. Thus, an autocracy’s oil export hinders democratization by reducing both domestic and external democratizing pressures.\n\n\nMethods\nTo measure the effect of oil export on direct external democratizing pressures, I gather the dyad‐level oil trade ties using numerous oil trade datasets, and calculate each state’s oil export leverage using closeness centrality in weighted networks. Using this measure, I test the effect of oil export on the likelihood of democratization.\n\n\nResults\nEmpirical results support that as an autocracy’s oil export leverage increases, the autocracy’s\nlikelihood of democratization should decrease.\n\n"]

  August 30, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13030   open full text
• Breaking up is hard to do: Lessons from the strange case of New Zealand.
  Kevin B. Grier, Michael C Munger.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 28, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nTo investigate historical antecedents for the likely effects of Brexit, the “breaking up” of the Commonwealth is considered. In particular, the effects on New Zealand in the period following “Brentry,” or the entry of the UK into the EU, are measured and used to forecast the pattern of impacts the UK may encounter.\n\n\nMethods\nThe technique of Synthetic Control. This quasi‐experimental method takes conscious advantage of features of endogenous selection that enable the comparison of predicted growth against an explicit counterfactual, allowing for dynamic changes in each.\n\n\nResults\nWe find that NZ's loss of preferential trade status after “Brentry” in 1973 created a lost decade for NZ. Using the synthetic control model, we find that current estimates understate, perhaps substantially, the negative effect of a hard Brexit on the U.K. economy.\n\n\nConclusion\nNZ's famous “liberal” reforms in the 1980s did put the country back on a path parallel to its pre‐1973 path. But contrary to the conventional wisdom, these reforms did not come close to restoring NZ's income to its level had Brentry not occurred. In fact, NZ is still almost 20 percent poorer even post reforms, compared to its synthetic control.\n\n"]

  August 28, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13047   open full text
• Income and cost of living: Are less equal places more costly?
  Harrison S. Campbell.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 28, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nABSTRACT\n\nObjective\nThis study empirically investigates the impact of economic inequality on the cost of living in U.S. metropolitan areas.\n\n\nMethods\nUsing a special Census tabulation, a standard cost‐of‐living model is sequentially augmented with measures of poverty and income inequality in a cross‐sectional regression analysis of 90 metropolitan areas; interaction and regional effects are also explored.\n\n\nResults\nHigher costs of living are associated with increasing economic inequality, especially in the distribution of metropolitan income. The effects of household poverty are significant but less consistent.\n\n\nConclusions\nReducing economic inequality would produce benefits enjoyed by all metropolitan residents via lower living costs. The benefits are likely to be greater in large, fast growing areas where income disparities are pronounced.\n\n"]

  August 28, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13017   open full text
• Bringing abolition in: Addressing carceral logics in social science research.
  Elizabeth Jordie Davies, Jenn M. Jackson, Shea Streeter.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 10, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nIn this essay, we review and offer theoretical groundings and empirical approaches to the study of abolition.\n\n\nMethods\nWe begin by demonstrating the ways police and prisons have been used to exploit and dominate marginalized people and argue that abolition offers a path to finding solutions to public safety and racial justice. We draw from black feminist and abolitionist political thought to show how abolition makes space to upend systems of power and domination and develop systems that address the root causes of violence.\n\n\nResults\nWe assert that abolitionist research will not only focus on activists’ calls for dismantling the police but will also recognize and engage with activists’ proposals for reimagining public safety. We suggest that social scientists who study abolition, American uprisings, and policing must understand the differences between transformative changes based in abolitionist frameworks versus those that center mass incarceration as a societal given and, ultimately, further reproduce the status quo.\n\n\nConclusion\nWe conclude by suggesting that social scientists must question how researcher practices and universities uphold carceral logics and entrenched hierarchies, determining that abolitionist study will meaningfully engage with the distribution of power.\n\n"]

  August 10, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13022   open full text
• Implementation has failed, implementation studies have failed even more: Racism and the future of systemic change.
  Fernando Tormos‐Aponte, James E. Wright, Heath Brown.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 10, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nThis article identifies the role of structural racism in policy implementation and argues that a starting point to evaluate the potential outcomes of calls for systemic change is to better situate racism in the study of policy implementation.\n\n\nMethod\nThis article reviews existing policy implementation literature to assess the extent to which they account for structural racism in their analyses of policy implementation success and failure.\n\n\nResult\nPolicy failures have been attributed to multiple factors, including hierarchies and communication problems, but rarely to racism.\n\n\nConclusion\nIf racism is to be taken seriously by public administration scholars, then a new conceptual understanding is called for along with better efforts to operationalize the crippling impact racism has on public organizations.\n\n"]

  August 10, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13009   open full text
• Whose democracy in which state?: Abolition democracy from Angela Davis to W. E. B. Du Bois.
  Quinn Lester.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 10, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nThis article argues that a better understanding of the history and reception of W. E. B. Du Bois's abolition democracy helps elucidate contemporary debates by abolitionists about how to engage with the state.\n\n\nMethods\nThrough a close reading of Du Bois's Black Reconstruction I show how contemporary focus on abolition as abolishing the carceral state and building alternatives elides viewing abolition democracy as an engagement with and challenge to state power.\n\n\nResults\nViewing abolition democracy from this longer history allows scholars today to view debates among abolitionists themselves as a conflict between transforming how the state work and carving out autonomous spaces of freedom away from the state.\n\n\nConclusion\nBy recognizing the confliced history between Du Bois's use of abolition democracy and its invocation by contemporary activists, I show how abolition itself is a fundamentally contested concept deployed for multiple political discourses and struggles.\n\n"]

  August 10, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13019   open full text
• Does social media type matter to politics? Investigating the difference in political participation depending on preferred social media sites.
  Cheonsoo Kim, Soobum Lee.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 07, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nThis study investigates the relationship between social media use for information and political participation with the type of social media as a moderator to shed light on platform‐specific biases related to political participation. To this end, social media sites were classified into two types: symmetrical and asymmetrical,based on their functional characteristics that affect the way users form a relationship on the site\n\n\nMethods\nUsing data from a U.S. national survey, we test a theoretical model where the path from social media use for information through online political participation to offline political participation is moderated differently by users’ preference for the type of social media.\n\n\nResults\nOnline political participation mediated the relationship between social media use for information and offline political participation. Users’ preference for symmetrical social media moderated the path from social media use for information through online political participation to offline political participation, whereas users’ preference for asymmetrical social media did not.\n\n\nConclusion\nAll else being equal, the more often people use symmetrical social media for information, the more likely they are to participate in politics.\n\n"]

  August 07, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13055   open full text
• Identity and the racialized politics of violence in gun regulation policy preferences.
  Xavier Medina Vidal, Rocío A. Páez, Todd G. Shields.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 06, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nObjective\nIn this study, we examine how attitudes about race, as well as ethno‐racial identities, influence support for various gun regulation policies. Drawing on the Racial Resentment and identity politics literature, we argue that attitudes about gun control are not simply driven by ideological, partisan, or demographic factors, but are often influenced by attitudes about race and identity, and region.\n\n\nMethods\nUsing data from a 2016 national survey of White, African American, and Hispanic/Latinx respondents, along with a comparable southern sample, we test for the effects of ethno‐racial identity, Racial Resentment, evaluations of the Black Lives Matter movement, and feelings about African Americans on individuals’ attitudes about background checks and banning assault weapons. Using the 2016 American National Election Study, we test the generalizability of these findings in the presence of additional controls.\n\n\nResults\nOverall, we find that attitudes about race, ethno‐racial identities, and in some cases regional variations, help explain support for gun regulation policies.\n\n"]

  August 06, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.13023   open full text
• Confederate Imagery in Congressional Rhetoric: Divisions and Deliberation.
  Jessica M. Hayden.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 03, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 3, Page 1084-1097, May 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThisarticle examines congressional communication concerning Confederate statues and the Confederate battle flag.\n\n\nMethod\nUsing a mixed‐methods approach to text analysis, I identify members of Congress who have taken a side in the debate surrounding Confederate symbols, and contextualize the many rhetorical themes present in the debate within our national legislature.\n\n\nResults\nI find substantial bipartisan agreement concerning removal of Confederate flags from at least some locations. However, as expected, there is much more disagreement over the appropriate place for Confederate statues. It is these rhetorical differences that define the broader conflict over these symbols.\n\n\nConclusions\nExamining the conversation of the political elite regarding Confederate symbols provides context and structure to the national conversation being had in communities around the United States.\n\n"]

  July 03, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12968   open full text
• The Battle Is Joined: Contemporary Art and Contested Memorial Ecologies.
  Amy Bowman‐McElhone, Carrie Fonder, Joshua Aiken, Karyn Olivier.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 03, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 3, Page 1179-1198, May 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThis article assesses contemporary artists whose creative practices operate within the contested space of memorial ecologies in order to frame monuments, heritage landscapes, and memorial ecologies within artistic discourses.\n\n\nMethod\nThrough interdisciplinary methodologies including artist interviews, art historical and humanities‐based analyses and artistic practice, this article assumes a hybrid form of scholarly essay, interview, and visual intervention.\n\n\nResult\nThis article resulted in a collaborative project that critically examines public representations of memory narratives from an art historical lens, and functions as a creative text that visualizes slippages of narrative, form, and meaning paralleling the operations, gestures, and strategies of visual artists addressing monument discourses.\n\n\nConclusion\nWe conclude that artists prompt critical and unexpected interrogations of monument discourses and memorial ecologies that serve to deconstruct, critique, and disrupt hegemonic narratives of these objects and relations, and work to construct new interpretative strategies and alternative models of understanding.\n\n"]

  July 03, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12974   open full text
• Context of a Contested Landscape.
  Jocelyn J. Evans, William B. Lees.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 03, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 3, Page 979-1001, May 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThis piece outlines the historical contours of Confederate memorialization in the South, drawing attention to major types of monuments and the timing of their erection. It also identifies the agents of commemoration, groups who invested significant time and resources in forging the Lost Cause narrative, and sets these efforts within the context of broader patterns of historical memory and civic celebration throughout the South.\n\n\nMethod\nWe review the scholarly literature across disciplines on Confederate memorialization and tease out themes of group agency, memory and identity, cultural narrative, and symbolism.\n\n\nResults\nWe reveal a periodization of memorialization marked by key moments and events, a systematic effort by civic associations, a typology of monuments, a deployment of neoclassical style in service to Lost Cause culture, and a lingering reference to Civil War era flags and symbols.\n\n\nConclusion\nProviding context for examination of Confederate memorialization in the South grounds academic and popular discourse on these public spaces as tools of racial marginalization and scenes of political contestation.\n\n"]

  July 03, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12961   open full text
• Heritage Versus Hate: Assessing Opinions in the Debate over Confederate Monuments and Memorials.
  Christopher A. Cooper, Scott H. Huffmon, H. Gibbs Knotts, Seth C. McKee.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 03, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 3, Page 1098-1110, May 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThis study evaluates factors that might explain southerners’ opinions toward Confederate monuments.\n\n\nMethod\nWe conduct a series of multivariate analyses of opinions toward Confederate monuments based on a poll of 789 respondents who live in the American South.\n\n\nResults\nThe majority of southerners surveyed want to leave Confederate monuments where they are, place a marker next to them for historical context, or place them in a museum. Southerners who express high levels of racial resentment are more likely to want to leave monuments where they are, without additional context. Southern identity has no effect on opinions toward Confederate monuments.\n\n\nConclusions\nSoutherners are divided in their opinion on symbols of the Confederacy. Racial resentment explains much more of opinions on Confederate monuments than southern identity, suggesting that “hate” rather than “heritage” is the primary driver of opinions on these symbols of the South's Confederate legacy.\n\n"]

  July 03, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12969   open full text
• “Lost Cause” Memories and Cultural Amnesias: Mayor Mitch Landrieu's Tragicomic Speech on Confederate Monument Removals.
  M. Kelly Carr.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 03, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 3, Page 1032-1043, May 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThis essay examines the rhetorical strategies used in former New Orleans Mayor Mitch Landrieu's speech explaining the city's decision to remove several Confederate memorials.\n\n\nMethod\nThe author performs a Burkean rhetorical analysis to the transcript and social context of Landrieu's May 19, 2017, speech. Additionally, the author applies frameworks of visual rhetoric, public memory, and third persona to engage Landrieu's construction of the memorials’ meaning and their amnesias.\n\n\nResults\nLandrieu used identification, a nuanced commemorative rhetorical analysis, and a comic frame to explain both the lure and the damaging falsehood of the Lost Cause narrative that the memorials represent. He reserved the tragic frame for those who continue to support the Lost Cause narrative.\n\n\nConclusions\nIn this rhetorical move, Landrieu divides monument supporters between those explicitly tied to the Confederate cause of white supremacy—these people are consciously evil—and those who have been hoodwinked by the monuments’ narrative—for these people, he offers redemption. The tragicomic frame made Landrieu's speech well received nationally and revealed promise through its distinction between supporters of white supremacy and passive adopters of the memorials’ narratives. However, it did not appear to persuade monument supporters, revealing the limitations of an agency‐centered approach to combating the Lost Cause narrative.\n\n"]

  July 03, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12964   open full text
• The Removal of Confederate Monuments: Reflections on Power and Privilege in Shared Spaces.
  Sara Z. Evans.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 03, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 3, Page 1044-1055, May 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThis article considers the sociological perspective on the construction and removal of confederate monuments. Generally, monuments are believed to reflect the desire to honor and remember, however, often the decisions and viewpoints underpinning the creation of monuments are often more nuanced and complicated than the face‐value interpretation.\n\n\nMethod\nThe focus is a discussion of the sociological perspective on the creation of monuments and the removal of Civil War monuments in the United States.\n\n\nResults\nVinitsky‐Seroussi argues that commemoration can be explained by three factors: the political culture, timing of the commemoration, and power of the agents of memory. These three factors are applied to the removal of commemorative monuments and explore the cultural significance of “who,” “what,” and “how” is being remembered.\n\n\nConclusion\nSociologists have a unique opportunity to use their understanding of group dynamics and relationships to empirically study the divisiveness present today with the ultimate goal of breaking it down and encouraging this reconciliation.\n\n"]

  July 03, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12965   open full text
• Reflective Consensus Building on the Nation's Largest Confederate Memorial: A Case Study.
  Michael H.G. Hoffmann.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 03, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 3, Page 1111-1127, May 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThis study utilized the Reflect! platform, an educational tool, as an instrument to structure deliberations among small groups of people with conflicting views. Can a technology designed to provide guidance for self‐directed learning in small teams of students also be used in projects with “real” stakeholders involved in actual conflicts?\n\n\nMethod\nIn an exploratory case study, the investigator invited three representatives of civic organizations in Atlanta, Georgia, to collaborate on the problem of dealing with the Confederate Memorial carved in Stone Mountain. The study included qualitative analysis of observational data, structured participant interviews, and participant‐generated materials.\n\n\nResults\nParticipants succeeded in formulating a shared position on what to do with the Confederate Memorial on Stone Mountain. However, the study highlights limitations in the interpretation of findings, as well as certain advantages and disadvantages of the platform.\n\n\nConclusion\nIt seems that the Reflect! approach could do most good somewhere in the middle between large‐scale deliberations such as a town hall meeting and professional conflict management. With its step‐by‐step activities and its focus on stimulating reflection, the Reflect! platform can support mutual understanding on highly controversial issues.\n\n"]

  July 03, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12970   open full text
• The Systemic Affect of Culture, Power, and Terror in the Southern Public Space.
  Jocelyn J. Evans, Keith Gåddie.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 03, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 3, Page 1151-1166, May 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nWe explore how political space is disrupted by racialized politics, and how differentiated affect among racial groups emerge in the political space.\n\n\nMethod\nWe use Goodsell's architectural classifications of public space in conjunction with systems theory to ascertain how differing architectural affects of pride and heritage versus terror and oppression are experienced in the post‐bellum South. Historic data of lynchings and Klan activity are accompanied by examination of individual narratives and multiple qualitative case analysis of architectural elements of courthouse squares, courthouses, and courtrooms to illustrate racial affect and social meaning in the built environment of the Jim Crow era.\n\n\nResults\nHyperlocalism in southern government and racial violence and also symbolism and the elements of courthouse design reinforce white supremacy.\n\n\nConclusions\nIndividual and collective memory are influenced by the reinforcement of a racial order through systematic design, architectural design, and symbols. To understand community memory requires a more granular and contextual examination to understand the role of the built environment in defining, parameterizing, and understanding systemic racism.\n\n"]

  July 03, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12972   open full text
• “Sacred to the Hart”*: Identity and Dignity as Reflected in the Memorial Landscapes of Postemancipation African Americans in Pensacola, Florida.
  Margo S. Stringfield.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 03, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 3, Page 1056-1073, May 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThis article broadens the discussion of 19th century monuments associated with the Lost Cause by exploring the monument landscapes of post‐emancipation African American cemeteries and the people who are associated with them.\n\n\nMethod\nExemplars from several cemeteries in Pensacola, Florida, are used to examine how the postemancipation population maintained deep ties to their cultural roots while assimilating into society as free people.\n\n\nResults\nThe built environment of postemancipation African American cemeteries contains monuments reflecting black identity and dignity in life and in death.\n\n\nConclusions\nExamining a broader sample of memorial landscapes can be a starting point in expanding the national dialogue on our country's history in a more inclusive fashion. Historic cemeteries, especially African American cemeteries established post‐Civil War, offer an excellent means of doing this in a manner that almost all citizens can understand and respect.\n\n"]

  July 03, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12966   open full text
• A Systems Approach to Understanding Community Power in the Debate over Confederate Monuments.
  Keith Gåddie, Jocelyn J. Evans.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 03, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 3, Page 1128-1150, May 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nWe explore the role of local institutions, public architecture, and Confederate memorialization to institutionalize racialized public spaces.\n\n\nMethod\nApplying an Eastonian model in an American political development framework, data on government development, postbellum county creation, courthouse construction, and Confederate memorialization are examined for 161 Georgia counties.\n\n\nResults\nCommemorative landscapes, courthouse design, courthouse ground memorials, and other local memorialization reinforce a “Lost Cause” narrative.\n\n\nConclusions\nAmerican apartheid policies were translated from culture to policy to the built environment. They remain as echoes of spatial strategies of white supremacy, facilitated by hyperlocalism in government control. The result was a facially neutral, fundamentally unequal public space perpetuated in a dynamic system where marginalized voices and their feedback are diminished and then muted in the political environment.\n\n"]

  July 03, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12971   open full text
• The Problem with “Confederate” Monuments on our Heritage Landscape.
  William Lees.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 03, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 3, Page 1002-1015, May 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThis article seeks to reframe so‐called Confederate monuments as monuments to the revisionist “Lost Cause.” I define these monuments as a problem for historic preservation that has long been based on a preference for in‐place protection of things “historic.”\n\n\nMethods\nI compare Confederate monuments’ original intent with arguments that these are Civil War, soldier, or veteran memorials. I also explore monuments’ value as sculpture and their de facto status as nationally significant and worthy of preservation.\n\n\nResults\nConfederate monuments are monuments to the Lost Cause, a narrative supporting the resurgence of white supremacy. We must reconsider the in‐place preservation of these monuments as a de facto choice of historic preservation.\n\n\nConclusion\nThe structural problem of Confederate monuments for our national historic preservation program calls for its broader evaluation for inclusivity and racial justice. We must find other ways to tell the history of the Confederacy than through physical propaganda pieces of the failed national insurrection of the 1860s.\n\n"]

  July 03, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12962   open full text
• Memorialization as a Mechanism of Power in the Present: The Creation and Contestation of National Narratives in the Wake of Internal Armed Conflict.
  Krista Billingsley.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 03, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 3, Page 1167-1178, May 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThe objectives of this article are to understand how national narratives are created and maintained, which discourses are utilized, and what inhibits people from understanding perspectives divergent from their own within the context of postarmed conflict processes of transitional justice. Through examining these objectives, I outline what studies of transitional justice can contribute to understandings of Confederate memory in the United States.\n\n\nMethod\nI conducted 14 months of ethnographic research with conflict victims after a decade‐long internal armed conflict in Nepal.\n\n\nResults\nI argue finding new ways to conceptualize and discuss that Confederate monuments in the United States require acknowledgement of the economic and political power structures that constrain equitable access to public memory projects.\n\n\nConclusion\nI conclude that how memorialization processes obfuscate, rather than illuminate, marginalized histories in the present, and legitimate ongoing inequalities must be questioned and redressed.\n\n"]

  July 03, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12973   open full text
• What Goes Wrong in Debates over Public Monuments.
  S. Brian Hood.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 03, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 3, Page 1074-1083, May 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThis essay aims to explain the impasse in debates concerning Confederate monuments in public spaces by noting a difference in unstated philosophical assumptions.\n\n\nMethod\nI examine two positions in this debate, offering an explanation for the inability for opposing sides to engage. The analytical framework has its basis in philosophical debates regarding objectivity in scientific theory selection.\n\n\nResults\nArguably, the impasse in this debate concerns underlying ethical principles: one that assesses morality based on intentions that motivate actions (namely, the motivation for erecting a monument) and one that assesses morality based on consequences of actions (namely, the consequences of removing monuments).\n\n\nConclusions\nThe locus of discussion can shift to these philosophical principles, offering a novel avenue for discussion and, hence, reconciliation. I suggest a fate for Confederate monuments that is responsive to both sides’ concerns and is informed by another country's attempt to reconcile with its troubled past.\n\n"]

  July 03, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12967   open full text
• The Social Meaning of Competing Memorial Spaces: Examining the Alabama Confederate Memorial Monument and the National Peace and Justice Memorial in Montgomery, Alabama.
  Jocelyn J. Evans, Bruna Fernandez.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 03, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 3, Page 1199-1218, May 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nIn this article, we consider the materialization of collective memory in monumental architecture, including Confederate monuments.\n\n\nMethod\nUsing Goodman's typology for uncovering social meaning in the built environment, we consider the material, symbolic, and temporal meanings of two memorial spaces, the Alabama Confederate Memorial Monument and the National Peace and Justice Memorial.\n\n\nResults\nThe analysis uncovers competing social meanings in these two memorials. Attention to the denoted, expressive, and mediated references of these spaces highlights this competing meaning. Rather than an inclusive history, Montgomery presents a case of competing exclusive histories.\n\n\nConclusions\nThere are significant implications for historic preservation and interpretive heritage landscapes when private and nonprofit organizations take action in narrating space that is at odds with narrated space supported by state and local governments. Communities include diverse stakeholders. The evolution of urban growth and development in Montgomery, Alabama, provides a valuable case study for understanding change that is both incremental rather than comprehensive and contradictory rather than cohesive.\n\n"]

  July 03, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12981   open full text
• Mapping Confederate Icons and Their Contestation.
  Jocelyn J. Evans, Katherine Sims.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 03, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 3, Page 1016-1031, May 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nIn this article, we use racial threat theory to examine the contemporary debate over the place of Confederate memorials in the public square.\n\n\nMethod\nWe predict removal of Confederate iconography based on sociodemographic and organizational measures at the county level using logistic regression analysis.\n\n\nResults\nWe find strong evidence to suggest that county characteristics involving urban density, minority presence, average per capita income, and historic patterns of racially motivated social organization do influence the decision to keep or remove Confederate memorials today.\n\n\nConclusions\nThis project speaks to the spatial politics of commemorative landmarks as focal points for broader struggles over the formation and maintenance of community memory and identity. It also sheds light on competing paths moving forward—one focused on stripping memorials away from the public square and the other focused on protecting them for posterity.\n\n"]

  July 03, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12963   open full text
• The Effect of Health Insurance Coverage on Homeownership and Housing Prices: Evidence from the Medicaid Expansion.
  Masanori Kuroki, Xiangbo Liu.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 30, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 2, Page 633-648, March 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nHomeownership as a way of wealth accumulation is important for low‐income people and the U.S. government has implemented policy to encourage homeownership among low‐income people. This article investigates the effects of health insurance coverage among low‐income people on homeownership and house prices.\n\n\nMethods\nTo estimate the causal effects of health insurance coverage, we exploit the Medicaid expansion provisions of the Affordable Care Act as a source of exogenous variation in health insurance coverage and use it as an instrumental variable.\n\n\nResults\nUsing county‐level data from 2010 to 2018, this study finds that an increase in health insurance coverage among low‐income people results in an increase in homeownership rates and housing prices for bottom‐tier houses, and the results are robust.\n\n\nConclusion\nOur study provides new evidence in supporting that higher shares of population with health insurance could increase both homeownership and house prices.\n\n"]

  March 30, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12932   open full text
• The Color of Electoral Success: Estimating the Effect of Skin Tone on Winning Elections in Mexico.
  Raymundo M. Campos‐Vazquez, Carolina Rivas‐Herrera.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 30, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 2, Page 844-864, March 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nEvidence suggests that voters’ prejudices may lead them to take information shortcuts in choosing political leaders. This study analyzes whether the skin tone of 12,798 candidates influenced the outcome of their electoral campaigns.\n\n\nMethods\nTo determine the probability of winning an election, we estimate a linear regression where skin tone is used as an explanatory variable, with controls such as sex and political party. Based on the number of votes obtained by each candidate, we estimate an ordered logit model.\n\n\nResults\nCandidates with dark brown skin tones face a probability of winning that is 20–38 percent less than those with intermediate skin color. A one standard deviation increase in skin tone is associated with an 8 percent decrease in the probability of finishing in first place.\n\n\nConclusion\nSkin color influences electoral outcomes. Public policies should therefore ensure equal access and true representativeness.\n\n"]

  March 30, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12933   open full text
• Does Disgust Drive Religious Freedom Attitudes? Experimental Results About the Context of Service Refusal Opinion.
  Paul A. Djupe, Andrew R. Lewis, Anand E. Sokhey, Ryan P. Burge.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 30, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 2, Page 755-770, March 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nWhat factors shape public support for service refusals carried out in the name of the free exercise of religion? Existing analyses treat the businesses refusing to serve LGBT citizens as fungible. We hypothesize that the religious context does not matter and that reactions are consistent with the role of socialized disgust.\n\n\nMethods\nWe engage the same experimental design in two 2019 samples, one of 800 Colorado adult residents and one of 1,010 Protestants. The 1 × 2 × 2 design enables a contrast between a control, conditions that vary the business between a florist and photographer, and conditions that vary the religious nature of the event.\n\n\nResults\nThe results suggest that the religious nature of the context is immaterial and that reactions generally conform with the role of disgust, especially for those socialized to feel it—high attending evangelicals.\n\n\nConclusion\nWe affirm the importance of the context of service delivery for religious freedom attitudes and discuss the role of religion.\n\n"]

  March 30, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12934   open full text
• Effects of Nonresponse, Measurement, and Coverage Bias in Survey Estimates of Voting.
  Philip S. Brenner.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 30, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 2, Page 939-954, March 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThe objective is to estimate the relative contributions of nonresponse, coverage, and measurement biases in survey estimates of voting.\n\n\nMethods\nWe survey 3,000 Boston‐area households sampled from an address‐based frame matched, when possible, to telephone numbers. A two‐phase sampling design was used to follow up nonrespondents from phone interviews with personal interviews. All cases were then linked to voting records.\n\n\nResults\nNonresponse, coverage, and measurement‐biased survey estimates at varying stages of the study design. Coverage error linked to missing telephone numbers biased estimates that excluded nonphone households. Overall estimates including nonphone households and nonrespondent interviews include 25 percent relative bias equally attributable to measurement and nonresponse.\n\n\nConclusion\nBias in voting measures is not limited to measurement bias. Researchers should also assess the potential for nonresponse and coverage biases.\n\n"]

  March 30, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12935   open full text
• Population Aging and Its Impact on the Country's Economy.
  Artem Lukyanets, Igor Okhrimenko, Maria Egorova.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 30, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 2, Page 722-736, March 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThe present article raised the pressing issue of population aging in Russia and investigated the challenges this\nphenomenon poses to the social security system. As modern studies show, this challenge is typical for both developing and\ndeveloped countries. The paper intended to propose ways of reforming the pension system of the Russian Federation to ensure its independence from the state budget.\n\n\nMethods\nThe provided suggestions were based on the analysis of the current demographic problems in Russia, review of the dynamics of its population age composition, consideration of the most popular strategies for reforming pension systems in developed countries, and the specific features of the Russian labor market.\n\n\nResults\nCurrently, for\nRussian Federation, the population over the working age grew by 11.6%, and number of the working‐age people and those under the working‐age decreased by 9.3% and 5.6%, respectively. The inverse dependency ratio ranged from 2.2 to 1.7 in 2019 to the level of 1.78 for 10 years. As a result, it was noted that ignoring the issue of population aging can lead to a decrease in state budget stability and adversely impact the country's economic prosperity.\n\n\nConclusion\nThe novelty of the research lies in selection of\nthe main problems of reforming country budgets in connection with the increase in the number of elderly people and changes in the dynamics of pension contributions in connection with the growing expectations of the population. Among other things, the article also highlighted the presence of additional difficulties that may accompany the implementation of the proposed measures.\n\n"]

  March 30, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12936   open full text
• Which Townships Support Charter Schools? A Study of the 2016 Massachusetts Charter Referendum.
  Bich Thi Ngoc Tran.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 30, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 2, Page 865-880, March 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nSchool choice controversies are not new, with cleavages in public opinion toward choice reflecting partisan, racial, and educational variables. Here, I examine factors predicting charter school support at the township level in the Massachusetts 2016 charter school expansion referendum.\n\n\nMethods\nUsing ordinary least square regression models, I test hypotheses developed from rational choice theory, political culture, and perspective theory.\n\n\nResults\nAnalyses find partisan, education, township size, and income affecting support for charter schools. Democratic and more educated voters and those living in smaller towns are more likely to support charter school expansion.\n\n\nConclusion\nThe findings resonate with the current literature on political support for charter schools and contribute to current understanding of theories of voting behavior about education issues.\n\n"]

  March 30, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12938   open full text
• Power Signaling and Intergovernmental Transfers: Evidence from the Distribution of Center‐to‐Province Earmarked Transfers in China.
  Zhikuo Liu, Tao Qian, Qi Zhang.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 30, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 2, Page 683-705, March 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThis article analyzes how authoritarian leaders manipulate intergovernmental transfers to signal their superior status relative to their rivals in power competition.\n\n\nMethods\nWe first discuss under what circumstances the leaders have the incentive to signal dominance over his or her rivals. We then hypothesize that, at equilibrium, those who showed loyalty to the more powerful receive more resources while those who demonstrated loyalty to the weak side receive far fewer resources. Empirically, we investigate how the power shuffle in China that began in late 2002—when Party Secretary General Jiang Zemin resigned his post to Hu Jintao, thus resulting in a power rivalry between them—affected the pattern of center‐to‐province earmarked transfers during 2004–2006.\n\n\nResults\nWe found robust evidence that the earmarked transfers were distributed in a way that signaled Jiang's dominant status in relation to Hu.\n\n\nConclusion\nFor authoritarian leaders, a major goal of distributing economic resources, such as intergovernmental earmarked transfers, is to signal the power distribution at the top when revealing such information is urgent in fierce power competition.\n\n"]

  March 30, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12929   open full text
• Trade Layoffs and Hate in the United States.
  Matthew DiLorenzo.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 30, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 2, Page 771-785, March 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nRecent events (e.g., Brexit) have highlighted how globalization may foster hostility toward out‐groups in developed democracies. Is trade competition systematically related to hate in the United States?\n\n\nMethods\nI conduct a county‐level statistical analysis using data from the Trade Adjustment Assistance program, the FBI's Hate Crime Statistics database, and the Southern Poverty Law Center's hate group map over the period of 2003–2017.\n\n\nResults\nCounties with more trade‐related layoffs tend to have more hate groups, though not hate crimes, even after accounting for changes in unemployment rates. The relationship between trade layoffs and hate groups is strongest in counties that have recently experienced larger decreases in the share of the white population.\n\n\nConclusions\nAlthough existing studies on diffuse economic vulnerability and hate find a weak connection between economic factors and hate, trade layoffs can explain some variation in local hate group activity.\n\n"]

  March 30, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12930   open full text
• Defying the Supreme Court: The Impact of Overt Resistance to Landmark Legal Rulings.
  Michael A. Zilis, Xander Borne.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 30, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 2, Page 920-938, March 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nTo explore the political impact of overt resistance to judicial rulings. Existing approaches to answering this question rely on a framework that overlooks important components of how resistance resonates in the modern era.\n\n\nMethods\nFocusing on the Supreme Court's ruling in Obergefell v. Hodges and resistance by local county clerks, we model the relationship between resistance and public opinion. We demonstrate that disobedience affected the media's framing of same‐sex marriage, changing it from an issue framed primarily around equal rights to one in which alternative, anti‐same‐sex marriage frames proliferated. We then use these frames to design an externally valid survey experiment, which we administer to a national sample.\n\n\nResults\nWe find that resistance framing depresses support for same‐sex marriage and increases support for defying the Court.\n\n\nConclusion\nThe findings suggest that political resistance to the judiciary continues to resonate in the modern era, although not in the ways that many assume.\n\n"]

  March 30, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12927   open full text
• Responding to Policy Signals? An Experimental Study on Information about Policy Adoption and Data Retention Policy Support in Germany.
  Eva‐Maria Trüdinger, Achim Hildebrandt, Sebastian Jäckle, Jonas Löser.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 30, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 2, Page 830-843, March 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nWe analyze whether and how individuals react to information about the adoption of a particular policy, with a focus on the role of conservatism.\n\n\nMethods\nWe conducted an online survey experiment on support for data retention in Germany. A recent law on this issue allowed us to test the effects of two policy signals, information about the adoption of a new law (law signal) and information that this followed a Constitutional Court decision (law and court signal), on separate groups of respondents.\n\n\nResults\nOur results show a positive effect of each policy signal on support for data retention. The effect of the law signal was even slightly stronger for individuals with conservative beliefs.\n\n\nConclusion\nIllustrating how lock‐in effects of policies can work, our study contributes to research on attitudinal policy feedback: creating new legislation also means legitimizing the policy position in question and stating that this norm should be accepted.\n\n"]

  March 30, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12931   open full text
• Municipal Insurance Pools and Disenfranchisement in Indian Country.
  Joseph Dietrich, Jean Schroedel, Kara Mazareas, Joseph Lake.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 30, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 2, Page 649-662, March 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nOur objective is to establish the impact of a litigation pattern used by defendants in voting rights cases in Indian Country which relies on municipal insurance pools and the barring of fee recovery.\n\n\nMethods\nWe use history and case studies from four states to demonstrate the argument.\n\n\nResults\nCourt is the only option for challenging disenfranchisement of voters, but cases require financial resources often unavailable to Native American plaintiffs. Defendants, typically state and local governments, do not face similar resource constraints as they participate in municipal insurance pools. Defendants, therefore, attempt to raise litigation costs to pressure plaintiffs to dispose of cases. If defendants think they will lose, they settle, preventing plaintiffs from recovering litigation costs or setting a precedent. This form of voting rights infringement discourages others from filing lawsuits as the financial impact can be devastating.\n\n\nConclusion\nWe conclude that the states provide a new arena to litigate voting rights cases.\n\n"]

  March 30, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12937   open full text
• Care to Wager Again? An Appraisal of Paul Ehrlich's Counterbet Offer to Julian Simon, Part 2: Critical Analysis.
  Pierre Desrochers, Vincent Geloso, Joanna Szurmak.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 30, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 2, Page 808-829, March 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThis paper provides the first comprehensive assessment of the outcome of Paul Ehrlich's and Stephen Schneider's counteroffer (1995) to economist Julian Simon following Ehrlich's loss in the famous Ehrlich‐Simon wager on economic growth and the price of natural resources (1980‐1990). Our main conclusion in a previous article is that, for indicators that can be measured satisfactorily or can be inferred from proxies, the outcome favors Ehrlich‐Schneider in the first decade following their offer. This second article extends the timeline towards the present time period to examine the long‐term trends of each indicator and proxy, and assesses the reasons invoked by Simon to refuse the bet.\n\n\nMethods\nLiterature review, data gathering, and critical assessment of the indicators and proxies suggested or implied by Ehrlich and Schneider. Critical assessment of Simon's reasons for rejecting the bet. Data gathering for his alternative indicators.\n\n\nResults\nFor indicators that can be measured directly, the balance of the outcomes favors the Ehrlich‐Schneider claims for the initial ten‐year period. Extending the timeline and accounting for the measurement limitations or dubious relevance of many of their indicators, however, shifts the balance of the evidence towards Simon's perspective.\n\n\nConclusion\nThe fact that Ehrlich and Schneider's own choice of indicators yielded mixed results in the long run, coupled with the fact that Simon's preferred indicators of direct human welfare yielded largely favorable outcomes is, in our opinion, sufficient to claim that Simon's optimistic perspective was largely validated.\n\n"]

  March 30, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12920   open full text
• Care to Wager Again? An Appraisal of Paul Ehrlich's Counterbet Offer to Julian Simon, Part 1: Outcomes.
  Pierre Desrochers, Vincent Geloso, Joanna Szurmak.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 30, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 2, Page 786-807, March 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThis paper provides the first comprehensive assessment of the outcome of Paul Ehrlich and Stephen Schneider's counteroffer (1995) to economist Julian Simon following Ehrlich's loss in the famous Ehrlich‐Simon wager on economic growth and the price of natural resources (1980‐1990).\n\n\nMethods\nLiterature review, data gathering and critical assessment of the indicators and proxies suggested or implied by Ehrlich and Schneider. Critical assessment of Simon's reasons for rejecting the bet. Data gathering for his alternative indicators.\n\n\nResults\nFor indicators that can be measured satisfactorily, the balance of the outcomes favors the Ehrlich‐Schneider claims for the initial ten‐year period. Extending the timeline and accounting for the measurement limitations or dubious relevance of many of their indicators, however, shifts the balance of the evidence towards Simon's perspective.\n\n\nConclusion\nAlthough the outcomes favour the Ehrlich‐Schneider claims for the initial ten‐year period, Ehrlich and Schneider.s indicators yielded mixed results in the long run. Simon's preferred indicators of direct human welfare would yield largely favourable outcomes if the bet were extended into the present. Based on this, we claim that Simon's optimistic perspective was once again largely validated.\n\n"]

  March 30, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12928   open full text
• Does Income (Re)distribution Matter for Subjective Well‐being? Evidence from Cross‐country Panel Data.
  Haejo Kang, Dong‐Eun Rhee.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 30, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 2, Page 706-721, March 2021. ", "\n\nObjectives\nThis study empirically investigates the effects of income inequality and income redistribution policy on country‐level subjective well‐being.\n\n\nMethods\nThe paper uses panel data of 134 countries from 2005 to 2017. The fixed effect model with time and country dummies is employed.\n\n\nResults\nWe find that a higher inequality level significantly deteriorates happiness in a country with high income inequality, while it does not affect happiness in a country with a low level of inequality. In addition, stronger redistributive policies improve subjective well‐being of countries that have high income inequality, while the policies do not have significant effect on subjective well‐being in countries with relatively low‐income inequality. Furthermore, this paper finds that people are affected by relative levels of income inequality as income grows: people in developed countries may have higher standard for income equality compared with those in developing countries.\n\n\nConclusions\nThe policy implication of this paper is that an active income redistribution policy can improve the country level subjective well‐being if a country's income inequality level is higher than its peer group, regardless of whether it is a developed or developing country.\n\n"]

  March 30, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12943   open full text
• Racial Politics and the Presidency: Analyzing White House Visits by Professional Sports Teams.
  Kendall L. Bailey, Austin Trantham.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 30, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 2, Page 897-919, March 2021. ", "\n\nObjectives\nThis article investigates the impact of racial politics on White House visits by professional sports teams. Given increasing political polarization and varying racial compositions of major sports leagues, we hypothesize increased visits and objections over time while the prevalence of nonwhite players in a league detrimentally affects visits with Republican presidents and objections to visiting with them.\n\n\nMethods\nUtilizing an original data set, we employ binary logistic regression to examine White House visits and objections by champions of six major professional sports leagues between 1993 and 2019.\n\n\nResults\nWe find (1) increased visits and objections over time; (2) a negative relationship between a league's nonwhite composition and the likelihood of a White House visit; and (3) a positive relationship between a league's nonwhite composition and objections to visits with Republican presidents.\n\n\nConclusions\nThis research provides a more nuanced understanding of how racial politics influences the relationship between the American presidency, society, and culture.\n\n"]

  March 30, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12944   open full text
• Local Weather Effects: Perception of Climate Change and Public Support for Government Intervention.
  Jeong Hyun Kim, Min Hee Seo, Betsy Sinclair.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 30, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 2, Page 881-896, March 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThis article examines how people's lived experience of local weather might influence climate policy preferences in the presence of strong partisan bias.\n\n\nMethods\nUsing a comprehensive dataset combining four‐wave panel survey responses from U.S. residents over three years with geocoded data on their local weather experience, we evaluate the impacts of local weather variations on beliefs about climate change, risk perceptions of climate change, and climate policy preferences. The panel structure of our data allows us to causally identify how one's actual experience of weather modifies climate change opinions over time.\n\n\nResults\nWe find that both long‐ and short‐term unusual local weather experiences change individuals' climate change opinions and preferences on climate change policy.\n\n\nConclusion\nOne's lived experience alters beliefs in climate change, risk perceptions of climate change, and preferences for government climate policy even in the context of strong partisan bias.\n\n"]

  March 30, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12942   open full text
• Prescription Opioid Misuse and Property Crime.
  McCaslin Giles, Michael Malcolm.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 30, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 2, Page 663-682, March 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nWhile there is an extensive literature on the relationship between drug use and crime, research on crime stemming from the recent uptick in opioid misuse is surprisingly sparse, and much of it provides contradictory answers. Using state‐level data and dynamic panel techniques, we find evidence of a large, positive association between nonmedical use of pain relievers and property crime. The correlation is strongest for the youngest users, holds for multiple classes of property crime, and its magnitude suggests hundreds of thousands of excess property crimes over the study period resulting from even modest increases in opioid abuse. We also present evidence of a link between prescribing rates and crime. Evidence of a link between pain relievers and violent crime is much weaker, as is evidence of an association between other drugs and crime. Our use of robust panel inference helps to address endogeneity concerns that can arise in other studies, many of which also draw conclusions from small or nonrepresentative samples.\n"]

  March 30, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12945   open full text
• The Transferability of Out‐Group Contact: Does Knowing a Member of the LGBT Community Improve Feelings Toward Racial Minorities, Muslims, and Immigrants?
  Spencer Lindsay.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 30, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 2, Page 737-754, March 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThis article seeks to establish a positive relationship between in‐group contact with members of one particular out‐group and affect toward all out‐groups. I hope to provide early evidence that contact with one specific out‐group may have a transferable effect on feelings toward all out‐groups.\n\n\nMethods\nUsing data from the American National Election Study, I use a series of regression models to estimate the effect of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transsexual (LGBT) contact on authoritarianism, social dominance orientation, and ethnocentrism as well as feeling thermometers toward Muslims, undocumented immigrants, Latinos, Asian Americans, and blacks. I also analyze the effect of LGBT contact on political issues that affect other out‐groups.\n\n\nResults\nI find that contact with a member of the LGBT community is negatively associated with ethnocentrism, authoritarianism, and social dominance orientation. It is also positively associated with feelings toward Muslims, undocumented immigrants, and racial minorities. It also seems to be correlated with political positions that affect these groups, though these results are less robust.\n\n\nConclusions\nThis article provides preliminary support for the hypothesis that out‐group contact has transferable effects. It suggests that contact with members of one out‐group may affect how in‐group members see all out‐groups.\n\n"]

  March 30, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12939   open full text
• Teaching in the Virtual World: Examining Teachers’ Job Satisfaction and Turnover.
  Christine H. Roch, Courtney Montague.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 18, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. ", "\n\nObjective\nThis article explores levels of job satisfaction and turnover intention of teachers in K‐12 online schools. Thus far, there has been little research on these factors in virtual schools.\n\n\nMethods\nUsing data from the 2015‐16 National Teacher and Principal Survey, we estimate multilevel models using hierarchical linear modeling methodology and also conduct an analysis using propensity score matching.\n\n\nResults\nWe find that teachers working in virtual schools have higher levels of satisfaction with their jobs. They do not differ from teachers in regular schools in their intention to leave teaching or to move to another school.\n\n\nConclusion\nTeachers view their trajectories in virtual schools as stably as they do in brick and mortar schools. These teachers,\noverall, are more satisfied with their jobs.\n\n"]

  March 18, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12948   open full text
• Effects of Charter School Competition on District School Budgeting Decisions: Experimental Evidence from Texas.
  Corey A. DeAngelis, Christian Barnard.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 25, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 1, Page 523-546, January 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThe effects of competition from public charter schools on district school budget decisions are theoretically ambiguous. Competitive pressures could increase desired budget autonomy since they give district school leaders more flexibility; however, competition could decrease desired budget autonomy if district school leaders are generally riskaverse or if they believe that central office staff are in better positions to make school‐level budget decisions. Competitive pressures could also increase or decrease changes in school‐level spending depending on school leaders’ beliefs about how to efficiently allocate resources.\n\n\nMethods\nWe randomly assign surveys to district school leaders in Texas in the 2019–2020 school year to determine the effects of anticipated competition from public charter schools on reported desire for budget autonomy and expectations about future school‐level spending decisions.\n\n\nResults\nWe find the first experimental evidence to suggest that anticipated charter school competition has large negative effects on school leaders’ reported spending on certain categories of support staff, and reduces, or has no effect on, the reported desire for more school‐level budget autonomy. The negative effects on spending for support staff tend to be larger for school leaders with more experience.\n\n\nConclusion\nAlthough more research is needed, these results suggest that competition from public charter schools could lead to reductions in spending for certain categories in district‐run public schools if school leaders have the autonomy to make budget decisions.\n\n"]

  January 25, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12877   open full text
• The Interactive Effects of Scientific Knowledge and Gender on COVID‐19 Social Distancing Compliance.
  Carlos Algara, Sam Fuller, Christopher Hare, Sara Kazemian.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 25, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 1, Page 7-16, January 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nIn this research note, we examine the role scientific knowledge and gender plays in citizen responses to governmental social distancing recommendations.\n\n\nMethods\nUsing two waves of the American Trends Panel Survey and a measure of latent scientific knowledge, we test whether scientific knowledge is associated with comfort in participating in social activities during the COVID‐19 pandemic within both the full U.S. population and the two major political parties.\n\n\nResults\nIn both the general population and within the Democratic Party, we find that women are generally more likely to use their scientific knowledge to inform their level of comfort with social activities during the COVID‐19 pandemic.\n\n\nConclusion\nThese findings shed light on how knowledge and gender intersect to drive compliance with government recommendations and policies during a public health crisis in a deeply partisan America.\n\n"]

  January 25, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12894   open full text
• Who Are “the Immigrants”? Beliefs About Immigrant Populations and Anti‐Immigration Attitudes in the United States and Britain.
  Kirill Zhirkov.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 25, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 1, Page 228-237, January 2021. ", "\n\nObjectives\nThere is important variation in beliefs about immigration within the publics of immigrant‐receiving societies but empirical social research has largely overlooked it. The “imagined immigration” concept aims to bring these beliefs back in as an important component of public attitudes toward immigrants. It also offers a new perspective on the political conflict around immigration that persists despite the consensus on desired qualities of potential immigrants among citizens in industrial democracies.\n\n\nMethods\nI review the imagined immigration concept and present new empirical evidence in its favor using original survey studies in the United States and Britain.\n\n\nResults\nI describe respondents’ beliefs about immigrants, demonstrate their association with partisanship, and confirm that these beliefs are significantly related to perceptions of immigration as harmful—even when controlled for partisanship, ideology, and ethnocentrism.\n\n\nConclusion\nI corroborate the foundations of the imagined immigration concept and discuss its promise and limitations.\n\n"]

  January 25, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12925   open full text
• Perception of Immigrants in Europe: A Multilevel Assessment of Macrolevel Conditions.
  Francis D. Boateng, Wesley S. McCann, Joselyne L. Chenane, Daniel K. Pryce.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 25, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 1, Page 209-227, January 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nIn recent times, immigration has been a controversial topic. Discussions about immigration have become common household conversation. The primary objective of the current study is to explore the dynamics of native‐born citizens' attitudes toward immigrants and examine the potential influence of macro‐level conditions.\n\n\nMethods\nThe current study employed multi‐level techniques to examine macro‐level effects on attitudes toward immigrants across 22 European countries. Specifically, three Hierarchical Linear Models were conducted to achieve the study's stated objective.\n\n\nResults\nThe Hierarchical Linear Modeling (HLM) analyses revealed that a country's level of economic development as measured by changes in gross domestic product (GDP) and education significantly influenced native‐born citizens' views about immigrants. Moreover, the number of immigrants (per 1,000 residents) and crime rates determine whether native‐born Europeans will view foreigners positively or negatively. Nevertheless, a country's unemployment rate had no significant effect on perceptions of immigrants. Several individual‐level characteristics were found to predict perceptions of immigrants among native‐born Europeans.\n\n\nConclusion\nResults from this endeavor provide insights for addressing common misconceptions about immigration and also help in understanding, from empirical standpoint, how native‐born citizens form their views about immigrants.\n\n"]

  January 25, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12888   open full text
• The Cultural Sources of Deception in Soccer: How Collectivism Affects the Number of Penalties in European Soccer Leagues.
  Ignacio Lago, Carlos Lago‐Peñas.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 25, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 1, Page 362-373, January 2021. ", "\n\nObjectives\nThis article relies on data from 20,730 matches in 30 national soccer leagues in Europe to explore the determinants of penalties taken in elite soccer.\n\n\nMethods\nWe run OLS cross‐sectional regressions using aggregated data.\n\n\nResults\nWe find that the variation in the number of penalties given across European soccer leagues is largely explained by the individualism versus collectivism dimension.\n\n\nConclusions\nThe more (less) collectivistic (individualistic) the culture of the country, the more likely soccer players are to fall intentionally in the penalty area to increase the chances of a foul being called.\n\n"]

  January 25, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12890   open full text
• Identifying and Understanding Distinctive Political Attitudes of Chinese Migrant Workers: A Research Note.
  Yao‐Yuan Yeh, Robert Harmel.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 25, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 1, Page 154-165, January 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThe objectives are to (1) determine the extent to which problem priorities of migrant workers differ from attitudes of both nonmigrating rural peasants and urban workers and (2) attempt to explain those differences as resulting from either relative deprivation or relative awareness.\n\n\nMethods\nUsing data from a nationwide representative survey of Chinese adults, analyses include both cross‐tabulation and multiple regression.\n\n\nResults\nRural migrants are indeed significantly more likely than at‐home peasants to give high priority to solving several “economic” problems as well as environmental pollution and crime.\n\n\nConclusion\nThe problem identifications of hundreds of millions of rural migrant workers have plausibly been altered by their experience as rural‐to‐urban migrants. Of broader theoretical significance, the findings of this study suggest not only that citizens’ attitudes can be shaped significantly by their environment, but that change in a citizen's attitudes may result when a citizen experiences a dramatic change in environment.\n\n"]

  January 25, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12887   open full text
• Polarization and the Decline of Economic Voting in American National Elections.
  Christopher R. Ellis, Joseph Daniel Ura.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 25, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 1, Page 83-89, January 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThere is substantial evidence that American voters blame or credit the president for the state of the economy when making electoral decisions. However, a variety of findings on economic voting, cognitive biases in information processing, and party polarization indicate that both objective and subjective economic information should become less important to voters as partisan polarization increases. We evaluate whether partisan polarization attenuates the link between economic performance and citizens’ votes.\n\n\nMethods\nWe estimate statistical models of the incumbent party vote shares in U.S. presidential elections from 1952 to 2016 including as predictive terms national partisan polarization (DW‐NOMINATE) and the interaction between polarization and economic growth (annualized second quarter GDP change in election years).\n\n\nResults\nWe find support for our expectation that greater partisan polarization mitigates the association between economic performance and American election returns.\n\n\nConclusion\nEconomic performance exerts less influence on vote choices when parties are highly polarized than when they are not. Also, currently high levels of partisan polarization in the United States indicate elections will remain competitive, even if economic conditions otherwise favor or undermine an incumbent candidate's chances of winning.\n\n"]

  January 25, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12881   open full text
• The People and The Nation: The “Thick” and the “Thin” of Right‐Wing Populism in Canada.
  Chris Erl.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 25, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 1, Page 107-124, January 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nWhile Canada is commonly portrayed as a bastion of political moderation, two influential right‐wing populist (RWP) movements appeared in the past decade. This study examines support for the People's Party of Canada (PPC) and “Ford Nation” of the eponymous Toronto‐based political family, comparing each movement's supporters.\n\n\nMethods\nData from the 2014 Toronto Election Study and 2019 Canadian Election Study were analyzed with logistic regression models to assess differences between supporters of each movement.\n\n\nResults\nPopulism as a “thin‐centered ideology” is displayed by the differences between each movement. Ford Nation advanced a suburban‐focused neoliberal populism while the PPC blended libertarianism and civilizationist–nationalist rhetoric. Contrary to both movements’ platforms, PPC supporters did not display significant animosity toward immigrants, while those of the Ford Nation did. The supporters of Ford Nation were distinct among conventional supporters of RWP movements because they tended to be both immigrants and economically secure.\n\n\nConclusions\nWhile both the PPC and Ford Nation are RWP movements, each movement is only nominally related, as evidenced by their different underlying “thick” ideologies and the substantial differences among their supporters.\n\n"]

  January 25, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12889   open full text
• Enhancing Democracy: Can Civic Engagement Foster Political Participation?
  Martin Binder.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 25, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 1, Page 47-68, January 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThe aim of the present article is to address Tocqueville's hypothesis that voluntary associations and volunteering are breeding grounds for democratic virtues and skills and thus enhance political participation.\n\n\nMethods\nData from the British Household Panel Survey data set spanning the years 1991–2008 are analyzed using multivariate panel data regression techniques to assess the effect of voluntary association membership/activities on political participation in the United Kingdom.\n\n\nResults\nIt is found that organizational activity (more than mere membership) positively impacts political participation, but these effects are smaller than usually found and depend on types of associations and degree of activity. Sensitivity analyses support the finding that the political interest more strongly predicts political party support than associational activities. Further support for causal interpretations is scant.\n\n\nConclusion\nSome evidence for Tocqueville's hypothesis can be found for the United kingdom during the sample horizon, but the effect is sensitive to model specification and issues of reverse causation remain.\n\n"]

  January 25, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12882   open full text
• Tracking Hispanic Political Emergence in Georgia: An Update.
  M.V. Hood, Charles S. Bullock.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 25, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 1, Page 259-268, January 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThis short note traces the political presence of Hispanics in Georgia over the last decade and a half. Our analysis examines Hispanics as a group, as well as comparisons to whites and blacks.\n\n\nMethods\nWe rely on official records from the Georgia Secretary of State to produce over time inferences concerning Hispanic voter registration and turnout.\n\n\nResults\nOur findings indicate that Hispanics in Georgia have registered steady gains in registration and turnout since the early 2000s. The share of Hispanics in the Georgia electorate, while just over 2 percent in 2018, is also slowly on the rise. Hispanic political influence is less than the group's share in the population due to the presence of non‐citizens, and registration and turnout rates that continue to lag those for whites and blacks.\n\n\nConclusion\nIn the long term, the Hispanic population has the ability to reshape politics in the Peach State. However, given our findings, this process could take years to play out fully.\n\n"]

  January 25, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12923   open full text
• Nationalization and Its Consequences for State Legislatures.
  Richard Burke.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 25, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 1, Page 269-280, January 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nI theorize that as nationalization increases, state legislatures will take less legislative actions related to local topics and take more legislative actions on divisive, national issues.\n\n\nMethod\nTo measure nationalization I use election data as well as data on mass partisanship in a state. To measure a state's legislative agenda, I use data on legislative actions collected from LexisNexis. For my statistical analysis, I use two‐way linear fixed effects regression.\n\n\nResults\nI find that as nationalization increases, legislatures take less legislative actions pertaining to education, transportation, and localities. I also find that as nationalization increases, Republican‐controlled states increase the number of legislative actions related to abortion.\n\n\nConclusion\nTaken together, the article provides evidence that nationalization delocalizes the agenda and places on the agenda issues associated with the national partisan conflict.\n\n"]

  January 25, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12926   open full text
• What Determines the Demand for Redistribution and What Can We Expect from the Nearby Future: Empirical Evidence for Spain.
  Juan Ignacio Martín‐Legendre, Pablo Castellanos‐García, José Manuel Sánchez‐Santos.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 25, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 1, Page 492-507, January 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nIn this article, we seek to determine the main explanatory factors of individual preferences for redistribution in Spain.\n\n\nMethods\nWe use data from the World Values Survey capturing economic factors, political preferences, personal beliefs, and sociodemographic characteristics.\n\n\nResults\nThe results, obtained using both OLS and ordered logit regressions, reveal that factors regarding relative household income, personal beliefs, sociodemographic characteristics, and regional differences are the main determinants of the demand for redistribution.\n\n\nConclusion\nThese results, coupled with long‐standing trends that the Spanish society has been experiencing for decades, suggest that there may be an increase in the demand for redistribution in the coming years.\n\n"]

  January 25, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12924   open full text
• Poverty and the Incidence of Material Hardship, Revisited.
  John Iceland, Claire Kovach, John Creamer.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 25, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 1, Page 585-617, January 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nWe examine trends in seven types of material hardship, such as food and housing hardships, and how their incidence by poverty status changed over the 1992–2011 period.\n\n\nMethod\nWe use data from multiple panels of the Survey of Income and Program Participation and logistic regressions to examine these relationships.\n\n\nResults\nWe find declines in four of the seven hardships, with little change or moderate increases for the others. Declines were larger for hardships more dependent on longer term income flows, while those more sensitive to short‐term income fluctuations declined by less (or increased). Notably, declines in hardship were most evident among the lowest income groups over the period.\n\n\nConclusion\nThat short‐term hardships did not decline suggests that income volatility poses an important challenge for many households. Larger declines in hardship among the lowest income groups suggest a greater underreporting of income over time and the presence of family resources not comprehensively counted in the official poverty measure.\n\n"]

  January 25, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12922   open full text
• Asset Limits in Public Assistance and Savings Behavior Among Low‐Income Families.
  Leah Hamilton.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 25, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 1, Page 454-467, January 2021. ", "\n\nObjectives\nLow‐income families receiving public benefits in the United States are often subject to asset limits for eligibility, which some argue to be counterproductive to their long‐term economic stability. Previous research suggests that families were more likely to save when asset limits increased after welfare reform in 1996. The current study builds upon this work for the years before and after the Great Recession.\n\n\nMethods\nThis study utilized data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics. Assets and bank account ownership of low‐income female‐headed households were compared to multiple control groups for the years 2003–2013 using a difference‐in‐difference analytical approach.\n\n\nResults\nResults suggest that wealth is associated with race and income, but not with asset limit policies. Bank account ownership was similarly unaffected by Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF) policy.\n\n\nConclusions\nIt is likely that TANF policies are only one of the many barriers to asset accumulation faced by low‐income families, especially in a period of recession.\n\n"]

  January 25, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12874   open full text
• One Group, Two Worlds? Latino Perceptions of Policy Salience Among Mainstream and Spanish‐Language News Consumers.
  Barbara Gomez‐Aguinaga.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 25, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 1, Page 238-258, January 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nTo examine whether the consumption of Spanish‐language news influences perceptions of issue salience among Latinos, the largest ethnoracial group in the United States.\n\n\nMethods\nThis mixed‐methods analysis incorporates conceptual content analyses of English and Spanish‐language online newspapers from major Latino metropolitan areas, logistic regressions, and robustness checks to predict the salience of Latino issues.\n\n\nResults\nSpanish‐language news media covers immigration to a much greater extent than mainstream media, even within the same geographical locations; as a result, Latinos who consume Spanish‐language news are more likely to report immigration as a salient issue, even after accounting for important predispositions such as nativity and in‐group linked fate.\n\n\nConclusion\nThis study highlights the importance of Spanish‐language and ethnic media in a growingly diverse country, where ethnoracial groups will soon make up the majority of the country.\n\n"]

  January 25, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12884   open full text
• An Authoritarian Undercurrent in the Postmaterialist Tide: The Rise of Authoritarianism Among the Younger Generation in China.
  Shuai Jin, Yingnan Joseph Zhou.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 25, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 1, Page 90-106, January 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThis study examines how the political context of socialization affects the political orientations of the younger generation in China.\n\n\nMethods\nUsing four national surveys and multiple indicators of authoritarian orientation, this study compares Chinese generations with multilevel ordered logistic regression and linear regression.\n\n\nResults\nOur analysis shows that the younger generation, Xi generation, is more orientated toward authoritarianism than its preceding generations, while its previous generation, Hu generation, was not more authoritarian than its prior generations when the Hu generation was the youngest in the survey.\n\n\nConclusion\nAgainst the influential modernization theory, which predicts young generations to be more critical of the status quo, we conclude that the younger generation in China is on the authoritarian side of the spectrum and this generational pattern is more likely to be caused by heightened authoritarianism in the political context of socialization than a life‐cycle effect.\n\n"]

  January 25, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12898   open full text
• Discrete Events and Hate Crimes: The Causal Role of the Brexit Referendum.
  Daniel Devine.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 25, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 1, Page 374-386, January 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThe article contributes to the literature on discrete events and behavioral change among the public by studying the link between the United Kingdom's 2016 “Brexit”referendum and racial and religious hate crime.\n\n\nMethods\nTime series intervention models on daily and monthly hate crime numbers from the UK Home Office and police forces, controlling for other events such as terror attacks. A range of robustness tests including additional vector auto‐regression.\n\n\nResults\nThe Brexit referendum led to a 19–23 percent increase in hate crimes, but did not lead to a longer‐term increase. The results are robust to a range of alternative specifications, and there is no evidence of a relationship between media coverage of hate crime or immigration salience and hate crimes. The results also show the consistent, large effect of terror attacks on increasing the number of hate crimes.\n\n\nConclusion\nThe Brexit referendum caused an increase in hate crimes on par with terror attacks. Discrete political events, like referendums and elections, can play a sizeable role in prejudicial behavioral change.\n\n"]

  January 25, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12896   open full text
• Are Individuals Harmed by Gerrymandering? Examining Access to Congressional District Offices.
  David Niven, Benjamin Plener Cover, Michael Solimine.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 25, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 1, Page 29-46, January 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nWe consider proximity and access to the district offices of members of Congress to explore whether gerrymandering affects individuals’ capacity to be heard and thus impairs their representation.\n\n\nMethods\nIn a study of six states, we conduct more than 123 million distance measurements to identify residents whose closest district office is in the wrong congressional district. Based on survey results, we then estimate the likelihood that such mismatched individuals will personally visit the office of their member of Congress.\n\n\nResults\nWe find that in five gerrymandered states, between 28.7 and 47.5 percent of residents have a mismatched closest district office, a rate several times higher than in a non‐gerrymandered state. Extrapolating from survey results, we find that mismatched residents are 38 percent less likely to visit their own district office, and that across five states gerrymandering effectively deters nearly 600,000 office visits over a two‐year congressional session.\n\n\nConclusion\nOf significance in both the legal and scholarly arena, we find that gerrymandering increases the prevalence of mismatched district offices, thereby impeding constituents from making in‐person visits that are widely viewed as the most effective mechanism for communicating their opinions and needs to Congress. We believe this heretofore undocumented mismatch warrants additional scholarly consideration of gerrymandering's effects on individual's access to tangible aspects of representation.\n\n"]

  January 25, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12883   open full text
• Intersecting Vulnerabilities, Intersectional Discrimination, and Stigmatization Among People Living Homeless in Nicaragua.
  José Juan Vázquez, Alexia C. Suarez, Alberto E. Berríos, Sonia Panadero.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 25, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 1, Page 618-627, January 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThe main objective of this study is to examine the intersecting vulnerabilities, intersectional discrimination, and stigmatization experienced by homeless people living in León (Nicaragua).\n\n\nMethod\nThe data analyzed come from a Point‐In‐Time count carried out in the city of León, which identified 82 people living homeless. Forty‐seven of the people identified responded to a brief questionnaire that provided more accurate information.\n\n\nResults\nThe results obtained showed that people living homeless in León largely presented “non‐white” ethnic‐racial traits, poor personal hygiene, readily visible physical health problems, and observable symptoms associated with mental health problems and alcohol and/or drug abuse.\n\n\nConclusions\nThe information we obtained showed that people living homeless in León were subject to multiple intersecting vulnerabilities and aggravated forms of intersectional discrimination and social stigmatization, with a cumulative effect that could be highly detrimental to their social inclusion processes, leading to high levels of chronification of homelessness.\n\n"]

  January 25, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12879   open full text
• Physical Attractiveness, Halo Effects, and Social Joining.
  Carl L. Palmer, Rolfe Daus Peterson.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 25, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 1, Page 552-566, January 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nObjective: Scholarship in psychology on halo effects demonstrates the powerful effects attractiveness has on social interactions. Here, we consider the influence of physical attractiveness on the development of social capital through social joining. With the unavoidable nature of attractiveness biases, we argue that more physically attractive individuals should be increasingly likely to join social organizations, which have been shown to be important parts of broader social engagement and the growth of social capital.\nMethods: Utilizing the Wisconsin Longitudinal Study and an original survey experiment, we find that individuals who are rated as more attractive are consistently more likely to participate in organizations, particularly early in adult life. These effects persist when controlling for socioeconomic variables like income and education.\nResults: Our experimental results bolster these findings, showing that more attractive individuals are more likely to be invited to join both organizations and informal gatherings.\nConclusions: These findings suggest a further mechanism through which the development of social capital differs between individuals in society.\n"]

  January 25, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12892   open full text
• Christmas Trees, Presidents, and Mass Shootings: Explaining Gun Purchases in the South and Non‐South.
  Kristina M. LaPlant, Keith E. Lee, James T. LaPlant.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 25, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 1, Page 387-406, January 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThis article explores the factors that influence gun purchases in the United States with particular attention to regional differences between the South and non‐South.\n\n\nMethods\nWe use data collected by the Federal Bureau of Investigation's National Instant Criminal Background Check System to conduct a time‐series cross‐sectional analysis of monthly firearm background checks, a proxy for gun purchases, in each state from January 1999 to May 2020.\n\n\nResults\nThroughout the data series, average gun purchases in the South dwarf those in the non‐South. Spikes in gun sales are positively associated with Democratic presidencies, Christmas holidays, mass shootings, and news coverage of mass shootings. Gun purchases have also spiked nationwide in the wake of the coronavirus pandemic, though most notably in the South.\n\n\nConclusion\nOur findings speak to the powerful role fear plays in motivating gun purchases, the magnitude of political polarization in the United States, and the regional distinctiveness of the South.\n\n"]

  January 25, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12897   open full text
• Welcome Home—Now Vote! Voting Rights Restoration and Postsupervision Participation.
  Kevin Morris.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 25, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 1, Page 140-153, January 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nPast research demonstrates that formerly incarcerated individuals turn out at very low rates. Executive Order 181 in New York State allows us to test whether restoring voting rights at an in‐person meeting while an individual is still on parole can increase their postsupervision registration and turnout.\n\n\nMethods\nBy linking administrative parole records with the registered voter file I estimate individual‐level turnout. I use an interrupted time series and a two‐stage least squares approach to estimate the causal effect of Executive Order 181 on postsupervision participation.\n\n\nResults\nI find that Executive Order 181 increased postsupervision registration and turnout for individuals discharged from parole as a whole; these results, however, mask racial heterogeneity. Although the participation of nonblack individuals increased substantially, the treatment effect for black individuals was either much smaller or nonexistent.\n\n\nConclusion\nState policy can meaningfully increase the political participation of individuals even after they are no longer on parole. However, at least in the case of New York State, rights restoration prior to parole discharge appears less effective for black individuals who make up roughly 40 percent of the formerly incarcerated population.\n\n"]

  January 25, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12901   open full text
• Cui Bono? Partisanship and Attitudes Toward Refugees.
  Richard Hanania.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 25, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 1, Page 166-178, January 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThis paper tests the hypothesis that the expected partisan affiliation of refugee populations partially explains why white conservatives and white liberals have different attitudes toward refugee resettlement in the United States.\n\n\nMethod\nThis was tested with a preregistered survey experiment that examined how attitudes toward refugee resettlement changed depending on the racial and political characteristics of a theoretical refugee population.\n\n\nResults\nConservative opposition to refugee resettlement can be weakened if conservatives are given reasons to believe those refugees will support the Republican Party. At the same time, liberal support for refugees drops when they receive the same information.\n\n\nConclusion\nAlthough white conservatives and white liberals exhibit different levels of racial prejudice, and this has consequences for their immigration and refugee policy preferences, their beliefs about how newcomers influence domestic partisan politics are also consequential.\n\n"]

  January 25, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12891   open full text
• Leadership Matters: Police Chief Race and Fatal Shootings by Police Officers.
  Stephen Wu.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 25, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 1, Page 407-419, January 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThis study analyzes the relationship between the race of a city's police chief and the incidence of fatal shootings by police officers.\n\n\nMethods\nThe Washington Post's “Fatal Force Database” is used to calculate per‐capita rates of fatal shootings by police officers occurring between January 1, 2015 and June 1, 2020 for the 100 largest cities in the United States. I compare fatal shooting rates for cities with police chiefs of different races, both unadjusted and adjusted for differences in city characteristics.\n\n\nResults\nRates of fatal shootings by officers are almost 50 percent higher in cities with police forces led by white police chiefs than in cities with black police chiefs. Of the 30 cities with the highest rates of fatal shootings, 23 have police departments led by whites and only four have departments led by blacks, while of the 30 cities with the lowest rates, 16 have police departments led by blacks and only 11 are led by whites. Differences in fatal shooting rates persist after controlling for city characteristics.\n\n\nConclusion\nLeaders in the highest position of authority may have a powerful effect on the culture of a police department and its resulting behavior.\n\n"]

  January 25, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12900   open full text
• Diffusion and Typology: The Invention and Early Adoption of Medicinal Marijuana and Offshore Wind Policies.
  Michael J. Motta.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 25, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 1, Page 567-584, January 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThis article investigates how different types of policies (morality based and highly technical) inform early‐stage policy learning and diffusion processes.\n\n\nMethods\nUsing process tracing, interviews, archival research, and cross‐case analysis, this article describes and compares the emergence of medical marijuana and offshore wind energy policies in U.S. states. Using iterative data collection and analysis, the study identifies which factors proffered by the literature affect the policy learning and diffusion process.\n\n\nResults\nDespite representing different types of policies, there were significant similarities across both cases: State actors drew lessons from Europe; policy lessons from Europe were weaponized by national political interests in an effort to stymy state‐level diffusion; and, as policies diffused to other states, organized opposition curtailed.\n\n\nConclusion\nThis study demonstrates how the stage of diffusion can be as determinative of the policy learning context as the type of policy, and highlights how the diffusion and typology literatures can inform each other.\n\n"]

  January 25, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12893   open full text
• Dividing Lines: The Role School District Boundaries Play in Spending Inequality for Public Education.
  Karin Kitchens.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 25, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 1, Page 468-491, January 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nTo highlight the role that school district boundaries along racial cleavages contribute to differences in spending on public education.\n\n\nMethods\nFinancial and demographic data were collected on the 11,000 plus school districts and 1,800 counties in the United States from 1995 to 2011. A series of panel models was used to estimate the effect of segregation on differences in spending.\n\n\nResults\nModels show that white–Black segregation leads to increased variation in per child local revenue within counties. Within these segregated counties, districts with larger Black populations collect less in local revenue but have a higher tax burden.\n\n\nConclusion\nIn explaining differences in per child expenditures across school districts, economic differences are the most cited. Racial segregation often occurs along school district borders and leads to differences in per child expenditures through concentration of resources in certain districts.\n\n"]

  January 25, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12886   open full text
• Income, Equality, and Economic Development.
  Alvaro Montenegro.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 25, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 1, Page 508-522, January 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThis article proposes a simple and operational definition of development that combines the level of income per capita with a measure of income distribution.\n\n\nMethod\nFollowing the definition, an economic development index is constructed by averaging income per capita with Gini coefficients from the well‐known SWIID database.\n\n\nResults\nA ranking of countries is obtained for the proposed index, and it is compared to the rankings produced using the United Nations’ Human Development Index (HDI) and the GDP per capita.\n\n\nConclusion\nThe results for the proposed index show interesting differences with the rankings produced by the HDI and the economists’ favorite GDP per capita.\n\n"]

  January 25, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12908   open full text
• Professors and Practitioners: Assessing the Impact of COVID‐19 in the State of Oklahoma with and Without Residents of Long‐Term Care Facilities.
  Jared Taylor, Melinda McCann, Goutam Chakraborty, Glen Krutz, Justin Dvorak, Aaron Wendelboe.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 25, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 1, Page 17-28, January 2021. ", "\n\nObjectives\nOur analysis, which began as a request from the Oklahoma Governor for useable analysis for state decision making, seeks to predict statewide COVID‐19 spread through a variety of lenses, including with and without long‐term care facilities (LTCFs), accounting for rural/urban differences, and considering the impact of state government regulations of the citizenry on disease spread.\n\n\nMethods\nWe utilize a deterministic susceptible exposed infectious resistant (SEIR) model designed to fit observed fatalities, hospitalizations, and ICU beds for the state of Oklahoma with a particular focus on the role of the rural/urban nature of the state and the impact that COVID‐19 cases in LTCFs played in the outbreak.\n\n\nResults\nThe model provides a reasonable fit for the observed data on new cases, deaths, and hospitalizations. Moreover, removing LTCF cases from the analysis sharpens the analysis of the population in general, showing a more gradual increase in cases at the start of the pandemic and a steeper increase when the second surge occurred.\n\n\nConclusions\nWe anticipate that this procedure could be helpful to policymakers in other states or municipalities now and in the future.\n\n"]

  January 25, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12895   open full text
• Cognitive Sophistication, Religion, and the Trump Vote.
  Darren E. Sherkat.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 25, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 1, Page 179-197, January 2021. ", "\n\nObjectives\nSupport for Donald has been linked to religious commitments and education, though the issue of how cognitive sophistication may play a role in his support has rarely been examined. This study explores how cognitive sophistication and religion influenced political orientations and Trump voting.\n\n\nMethods\nData from the 2018 General Social Survey are examined. Logistic regression is used to predict voting and choice. Structural equation models are estimated to examine the interrelationships between cognitive ability, education, religious commitments, political orientations, and the Trump vote.\n\n\nResults\nCognitive sophistication was found to have a positive effect on voting, but a negative effect on choosing Trump. The influence of cognitive sophistication works through its support for secular beliefs and opposition to biblical inerrancy, influencing Republican partisanship and political conservatism that favored Trump.\n\n\nConclusions\nCognitive sophistication and educational attainment are important for influencing political commitments and the Trump vote, and the effect of cognitive sophistication is entwined with its negative association with religious fundamentalism and positive association with secularism.\n\n"]

  January 25, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12906   open full text
• Senate Representation on Twitter: National Policy Reputations for Constituent Communication.
  Annelise Russell.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 25, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 1, Page 301-323, January 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nAmerican politics has become more nationalized, and this trend is buoyed by senators’ social media patterns that incentivize connections with an expansive digital constituency. This article examines how U.S. senators reflect and perpetuate this trend of national policy priorities with their constituent communication on Twitter.\n\n\nMethods\nI investigate how senators reflect and perpetuate this era of national policy priorities by using a two‐year data set of tweets to show how senators are using Twitter to articulate a robust policy agenda.\n\n\nResults\nSenators’ policy‐driven messaging is the dominant style of reputation building on Twitter. Senators are adopting digital styles of representation that prioritize policy, positioning themselves as legislative experts to emphasize salient policies rather than local concerns.\n\n\nConclusion\nSenators are communicating a policy‐first style of representation that meets the expectations of cultivated policy coalitions, and Twitter offers a birds‐eye view of one source for the public's nationalized attention.\n\n"]

  January 25, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12904   open full text
• Cooperation with Police in China: Surveillance Cameras, Neighborhood Efficacy and Policing.
  Yuning Wu, Ivan Y. Sun, Rong Hu.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 25, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 1, Page 433-453, January 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nGiven the paucity of research on Chinese cooperation with the police and the underdevelopment of knowledge on the influence of surveillance videos on such cooperation, this study investigates the interplay of surveillance cameras and neighborhood collective efficacy, police fairness, and police effectiveness in shaping public willingness to cooperate with the police.\n\n\nMethods\nRelying on face‐to‐face survey interview data collected from 751 residents in a southern city in China, this study used Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) regression analysis to examine the key correlates of Chinese willingness to cooperate with the police.\n\n\nResults\nThe results reveal positive influences of video surveillance, collective efficacy, police fairness, and police effectiveness on cooperative desires. Notably, the cooperation‐promoting effect of surveillance cameras is most profound among people who live in neighborhoods with high levels of collective efficacy and people who perceive low levels of police fairness.\n\n\nConclusion\nThese findings affirm that formal and informal social control interlock in determining the public's cooperative willingness, and reiterate the need for testing theoretical interactions. They also help us understand the underlying reasons that may explain the public's reliance on video surveillance to make their decisions about helping the police in the context of China.\n\n"]

  January 25, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12903   open full text
• Motivations for Social Interaction: The Case of Pokémon Go After the Fad Ended.
  Jocelyn Evans, Sara Z. Evans, Daniel B. Shank, Quinton P. Fallon.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 25, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 1, Page 547-551, January 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nWe survey Pokémon Go players regarding motivations/patterns of gameplay and sociability over time to understand human interaction in augmented game settings. We disentangle effects of solo versus social and past versus current gameplay through replication of the Pokémon Go Motive Scale.\n\n\nMethods\nWe use OLS regression to determine how motivation affects hours of gameplay, to measure changes in hours spent playing Pokémon Go, and to capture perceptions of engagement with the game over time.\n\n\nResults\nWe find seven motivations: exercise, fun, escapism, nostalgia, friendship maintenance, relationship initiation, and achievement. Initiating new relationships leads to increased social playing time and increased perceptions of Pokémon Go as both interesting and challenging.\n\n\nConclusion\nIntrinsic rewards hold the most staying power as a distinct motivation for gameplay. Implications go beyond Pokemon Go gaming to shed light on the differential impact of human motivation for social interaction in games that utilize augmented reality.\n\n"]

  January 25, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12880   open full text
• Terrorist Attacks, Stereotyping, and Attitudes Toward Immigrants: The Case of the Manchester Bombing.
  Moreno Mancosu, Mònica Ferrín Pereira.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 25, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 1, Page 420-432, January 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nGrowing research focusing on citizens' psychological reactions to terrorism finds that attacks perpetrated by individuals belonging to Muslim minorities increase negative attitudes toward immigrants as a whole. We argue that this empirical regularity might be explained by stereotyping, which produces immediate emotional reactions among people holding exogenously positive/neutral attitudes toward immigrants.\n\n\nMethods\nWe employ a quasi‐experimental before–after design based on the Manchester bombing of May 22, 2017.\n\n\nResults\nEvidence is consistent with the stereotyping effect hypothesis as shown by the temporality of the effect on citizen's attitudes: the effect is indeed strong and significant in the first three days after the attacks for the more cosmopolitan citizens. After four to seven days, however, the effect disappears for every group.\n\n\nConclusion\nThe study suggests that the impact of terrorism on public opinion is consistent with a stereotyping effect and therefore, although immediately strong, it lasts very little in time.\n\n"]

  January 25, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12907   open full text
• Ideology and Risk Focus: Conservatism and Opinion‐Writing In the U.S. Supreme Court.
  Gordon Ballingrud.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 25, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 1, Page 281-300, January 2021. ", "\nNeuroscience proffers evidence that self‐described conservatives have stronger fear responses and aversion to risk than self‐described liberals. Combined with studies showing that judicial ideology drives the content of Supreme Court majority opinions, I argue that conservatism is linked to risk focus in Supreme Court majority opinions. I use the Language Inquiry and Word Count (LIWC) software on a sample of Supreme Court majority opinions, and find that conservative opinions score higher on the LIWC dimension called Risk Focus than liberal opinions. This effect is enhanced in criminal procedural cases. If conservative judges’ perceptions of risk are inflated, and if such perceptions are reflected in the binding opinions that they author, then such opinions’ heightened sense of risk may influence the perceptions of risk of lower‐court judges, which may in turn affect their decision‐making in such important areas as sentencing and convictions. Such a pattern raises important questions for the thousands of lower‐court decisions which impact the basic liberties of American citizens.\n\n\nObjective\nTo determine whether judicial ideology affects the focus on risk of Supreme Court opinions.\n\n\nMethods\nOriginal, random sampling of 1200‐1300 Court opinions; use of LIWC software to analyze risk focus of each opinion; regression analysis of ideology on risk focus.\n\n\nResults\nAs ideology becomes more conservative, the Court's opinions demonstrate increased evidence of focus on risk. This effect is pronounced in criminal procedure cases.\n\n\nConclusion\nThe theory is supported. Increasingly conservative Court opinions demonstrate an increased focus on risk.\n\n"]

  January 25, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12885   open full text
• No Justice! Black Protests? No Peace: The Racial Nature of Threat Evaluations of Nonviolent #BlackLivesMatter Protests.
  Periloux C. Peay, Tyler Camarillo.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 25, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 1, Page 198-208, January 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nObjective: Nonviolent protests have been at the center of minority interest advocacy for nearly a century, as marginalized communities air their grievances in search for substantive policy change. While groups organize and demonstrate in a peaceful manner, there is no guarantee that onlookers will perceive them as such. We find it necessary to explore what factors shape perceptions of social movement protests and how the racial composition of a demonstration can elicit dramatically different responses from onlookers.\nMethods: To examine the impact of racial identity on protest evaluations, we conduct a survey experiment on a total of 921 respondents. We simulate a media report concerning a Black Lives Matter protest to determine how subtle changes in the racial composition of the demonstration elicit varying perceptions of a potential for violence.\nResults: We find that protests that comprise all‐Black participants are perceived to have a higher probability to end in violence than more diverse demonstrations. These findings come despite an assurance that the protest in question was peaceful. Consistent with minority threat theory, these perceptions are largely driven by the sentiments of white respondents.\nConclusion: We argue that ill‐conceived threat perceptions, rooted in the racial composition of Black Lives Matter protests, complicate the mission of those charged with making visible the plight of Black Americans. Even when Black protesters adhere to the “rules” of non‐violent protest, there is no guarantee that the biases of onlookers will not drown out their efforts. These findings have wide reaching implications on the exercise of First Amendment right to protest, the role of the media in reporting on protests, and the expectations of government interactions with protesters.\n"]

  January 25, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12902   open full text
• Determinants of Confidence in U.S. Institutions: Comparing Congress and Corporations.
  Daniel Bolger, Robert Thomson, Elaine Howard Ecklund.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 25, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 1, Page 324-342, January 2021. ", "\n\nObjectives\nThe political discourse surrounding the 2016 U.S. presidential election highlighted discontent with both Congress and corporations, a reality corroborated in recent scholarship highlighting declines in institutional confidence among U.S. citizens. Here we test theories of institutional confidence to understand the social and cultural determinants of confidence in Congress and corporations prior to the start of the 2016 presidential campaigns.\n\n\nMethods\nWe draw on data from the Religious Understandings of Science Survey, a nationally representative survey conducted in 2013–2014 (N = 9,416).\n\n\nResults\nWe find that political ideology largely explained confidence in corporations while social location (particularly racial‐ethnic identity and gender) strongly related to confidence in Congress. Seemingly opposing factors converged to predict trust in both institutions.\n\n\nConclusions\nInstitutional confidence is shaped not only by social and cultural factors but also by the symbolic functions of institutions themselves.\n\n"]

  January 25, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12921   open full text
• Monuments as Mobilization? The United Daughters of the Confederacy and the Memorialization of the Lost Cause.
  Adam Chamberlain, Alixandra B. Yanus.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 25, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 1, Page 125-139, January 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThe United Daughters of the Confederacy (UDC) played an important role in constructing monuments commemorating the Civil War. Memorialization of the “Lost Cause” and preserving southern heritage are often cited as reasons for monument construction. Here, we study whether these monuments were also used as tools to mobilize potential members.\n\n\nMethod\nWe use data on Confederate monuments and UDC membership to empirically test if monument construction mobilized women to join the UDC.\n\n\nResults\nStates with more Confederate monuments tended to have more UDC members. Confederate monument construction, especially courthouse monuments, was also predictive of the annual growth in UDC membership in a state. However, membership in individual chapters was not consistently affected by building a monument in a community\n\n\nConclusion\nConfederate monuments could be a boon to UDC membership, underscoring how memorials can be used as catalysts for interest group mobilization.\n\n"]

  January 25, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12875   open full text
• Learning to Play Through Pain and Injury: An Examination of Social Learning Theory Among Iranian Athletes.
  Saeed Kabiri, Jaeyong Choi, Seyyedeh Masoomeh (Shamila) Shadmanfaat, Koen Ponnet, Julak Lee, Sanghun Lee, Christopher M. Donner.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 25, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 1, Page 343-361, January 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThis study investigates the social factors affecting playing through pain and injury of professional athletes, using Akers’s social learning theory (SLT).\n\n\nMethods\nPropositions of SLT were examined using a sample of 784 athletes from Rasht and Bandar Anzali in Iran.\n\n\nResults\nFindings from structural equation modeling indicated that the social learning components (i.e., differential association, differential reinforcement, imitations, and definitions) predicted 33 percent of the variance in athletes’ playing through pain and injury.\n\n\nConclusion\nThis study demonstrates that athletes’ playing through pain and injury is determined by the social setting in which the athlete plays, through his or her interactions with other sports culture members, the internalization of desirable definitions, imitation of others, and the assessment of personal and social benefits.\n\n"]

  January 25, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12878   open full text
• Does the Bureaucracy Affect Trust in Government? Evidence from Aggregate Public Opinion.
  Louis Fucilla.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 25, 2021
  ["Social Science Quarterly, Volume 102, Issue 1, Page 69-82, January 2021. ", "\n\nObjective\nThis study aims to determine if attitudes toward the bureaucracy affect trust in government. Trust is a topic of interest in several disciplines but theory and empirical work are not well integrated with one another.\n\n\nMethods\nI extend previous work to create a macro‐level measure of attitudes toward the bureaucracy, bureaucratic approval, and then use time‐series analysis of aggregate public opinion to model trust in government from 1973 to 2018.\n\n\nResults\nI find that bureaucratic approval does affect trust in government, controlling for other important factors, and that the magnitude of this is comparable to that of congressional approval and consumer sentiment.\n\n\nConclusion\nThis study provides the first evidence that aggregate attitudes toward the bureaucracy affect trust. Moreover, bureaucratic approval is modestly favorable and has not substantially declined over time like congressional approval. I discuss the implications of the findings of this study for using the bureaucracy to improve trust in government.\n\n"]

  January 25, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12876   open full text
• “The Debt of Gratitude”: Mobilizing “Motherhood” in Times of Unrest in the United Arab Emirates.
  Rima Sabban.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 13, 2021
  ["\n\nObjective\nThe objective of this study is to examine the framework of \"motherhood\" and gender identity politics in the context of growing nationalist state projects rooted in the UAE national service discourse. While the Western scholarship has extensively examined the concept of motherhood, little empirical studies have focused on the complex linkages between motherhood, state, and national service, particularly in non‐Western contexts such as the UAE.\n\n\nMethods\nThe method was an in‐depth field interviews with national mothers. National mothers have increasingly emerged as the new ideological “objects” of the state‐led nationalist campaign to promote national military service in the UAE. The study further dissects the spatial boundaries of, and the complex relationships between motherhood and state, while simultaneously highlighting vignette of gendered narratives of various local UAE national mothers, and how they micro‐view, sacrifice, cope, and respond to the ongoing state project.\n\n\nResults\nThe results show how UAE national service has shaped the daily lives and sense of belonging of UAE national mothers, their acceptance of the changes National service has brought to their families. A “debt of gratitude” is a catalyst of their attitude to a state which represents their interpretation and understanding of what they foresee as the UAE state's act of “disciplining and governmentality” in times of ongoing unrest in the broader Middle East region.\n\n\nConclusion\nIn conclusion, UAE mothers aligned their adaptation to a new disrupted change and family relationships.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 7, Page 2507-2521, December 2020. "]

  January 13, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12916   open full text
• Innovation in Financing Energy‐Efficient and Renewable Energy Upgrades: An Evaluation of Property Assessed Clean Energy for California Residences.
  Ruth Winecoff, Michelle Graff.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 13, 2021
  ["\n\nObjective\nWe examine whether Property Assessed Clean Energy (PACE) programs, an innovative financing mechanism using municipal bonds to finance the up‐front cost of household energy conservation projects, reduced conventional energy purchases by residential customers and increased energy generated through residential solar panel and fuel cell installations.\n\n\nMethods\nUsing data on municipal bond issuances, electricity and natural gas purchases, and self‐generated energy, we use a difference‐in‐differences design to estimate the effect of PACE bonds issued in California between 2009 and 2017 on purchases and self‐generation.\n\n\nResults\nWe find more residential energy self‐generation in counties with PACE programs. Results are inconclusive for conventional energy purchases, suggesting a possible rebound effect.\n\n\nConclusion\nWhile innovative financing mechanisms facilitate access to otherwise prohibitively expensive technologies, governments must consider that behavioral responses may result in lower efficacy than desired and should consider pairing financing tools with instruments that concurrently promote reduced energy consumption.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 7, Page 2555-2573, December 2020. "]

  January 13, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12919   open full text
• An Overview of Innovation in the Arab Gulf States: From Origins and Five‐Year Plans to New Cities and Indices.
  James C. A. Redman.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 13, 2021
  ["\n\nObjective\nThis study first contextualizes and then examines the innovation initiatives currently being undertaken by the states of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC).\n\n\nMethods\nThe data presented are a qualitative analysis based on government planning documents from GCC members, which is followed by an assessment of innovation in the GCC using a composite index (Global Innovation Index) and an individual indicator.\n\n\nResults\nThe pathways toward innovation in the GCC are traced at local policy‐making levels, but giving meaning to the quantification of these efforts and their results is confounded by the fact that innovation can be an inexact concept with imprecise measurements.\n\n\nConclusion\nThis overview of innovation in the GCC shows how it is being conceptualized and executed as statecraft; however, innovation might be better gauged for the GCC if indigenous socioeconomic conditions—like the welfare models and disproportionate public and service sectors—can be taken into account.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 7, Page 2485-2506, December 2020. "]

  January 13, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12915   open full text
• Democratic Competition for Rank, Cooperation, and Deception in Small Groups.
  Stephen Benard, Pat Barclay.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 13, 2021
  ["\n\nObjective\nStratified groups face at least two obstacles in solving collective action problems and producing public goods. Individuals face temptation to free ride, and high‐ranking group members face incentives to protect their position at the group's expense. We introduce democratic competition for rank as a solution to the problem of cooperation in groups. We argue that democratic competition for high rank creates incentives for cooperation that are absent in nondemocratic groups.\n\n\nMethods\nIn a small‐group behavioral experiment, we contrast groups in which individuals compete for a valuable high‐ranking position through democratic elections with groups in which individuals compete for high rank in resource‐based competitions. Groups faceda fluctuating external threat, and group members could invest resources in manipulating the apparent (but not actual) level of this threat.\n\n\nResults\nWe find that democratic groups reward high contributors by electing them to the high‐ranking position at greater rates than low contributors. We also find evidence that individuals in democratic groups contribute more to the public good than individuals in nondemocratic groups. However, high‐ranking individuals in democratic groups exaggerate threats to the group at similar rates to high‐ranking individuals in nondemocratic groups.\n\n\nConclusion\nThe findings suggest that democratic competition increases public goods production and overall group efficiency, but does not eliminate—and may exacerbate—individuals' tendency to deceive their peers\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 7, Page 2413-2436, December 2020. "]

  January 13, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12910   open full text
• Policy Innovations and Rationale for Sustainable Energy Transition in the UAE.
  Farkhod Aminjonov.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 13, 2021
  ["\n\nObjective\nThe study explains the rationale behind the transition to a renewable energy source in one of the world's leading oil and gas producers. It also provides a comprehensive analysis of the risks that the rentier UAE may encounter in the process of shifting from a hydrocarbon dominated to a sustainable energy driven economy.\n\n\nMethods\nIn‐depth expert interviews, secondary sources, and state official websites are used for data collection and analysis.\n\n\nResults\nDespite the successfully implemented several record‐breaking renewable energy projects, the rentier mentality, intermittent nature of the renewables, and geopolitical implications may prevent the UAE from emerging as a clear‐cut winner in the transition.\n\n\nConclusion\nIt is instrumental for the UAE to introduce policy innovations that would encourage stakeholders’ participation beyond the state and turn the system resistant to potential technical and geopolitical disruptions.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 7, Page 2398-2412, December 2020. "]

  January 13, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12909   open full text
• Prosocial Motivation as a Driver of Social Innovation in the UAE.
  Sophia Soyoung Jeong, Dhia Waddah Talib Ali Alhanaee.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 13, 2021
  ["\nAbstract\nOne important domain of nonmarket‐driven innovation is social innovation. Defined as “new ideas that have the potential to improve either the quality or the quantity of life,” social innovation stands in stark contrast to business innovation that focuses on creativity with the intention of making a profit. Drawing on research on motivation, creativity, rentier mentality, and Islamic work ethics, this article takes a motivational approach to social innovation and advances a proposition that prosocial motivation is of particular importance in fostering social innovation in the context of the UAE. We argue that due to policies that grant nationals high financial stability and affluence, UAE locals are less likely to be driven by extrinsic motivation, but rather by intrinsic motivation. We propose that enhancing their prosocial motivation will have a synergetic effect with their intrinsic motivation and therefore lead to higher social innovation. This article extends the literature on prosocial motivation, social innovation, and social entrepreneurship by identifying a geographical/cultural region where the motivational basis for social innovation is amplified. Significantly, this article questions common assumptions about a rentier mentality and proposes a path to leverage social innovation. Implications for policymakers and practitioners are discussed.\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 7, Page 2450-2464, December 2020. "]

  January 13, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12913   open full text
• In Blockchain We Trust: Does Blockchain Itself Generate Trust?
  Donghee Shin, William T. Bianco.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 13, 2021
  ["\n\nObjectives\nThis study considers the affordance of users' perceived technological property of blockchains and investigates how users discover the possible actions that can be performed within blockchain media. With a focus on the role of trust, it analyzes how motivational affordances in blockchain media influence user experience\n\n\nMethods\nQualitative methods are used to obtain the depth of understanding and elicit the perspective of blockchain media. We then conduct a survey to analyze the affordance of trust in the acceptance of blockchain media\n\n\nResults\nOur confirmed model indicates a heuristic dimension of trust regarding underlying ties to affective and technological\naffordances. These findings imply that cognitive heuristics affect users' decision making about privacy and security on blockchain media. These heuristics lead users to engage in uncertain and even risky transactions in blockchain media.\n\n\nConclusions\nDespite the exponential growth in blockchain development, there has been little attention paid on how technological innovations of blockchains can produce value in the media sector. Our findings provide a lens to understand the blockchain's usability problems by pairing heuristics to blockchain design and user experience principles.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 7, Page 2522-2538, December 2020. "]

  January 13, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12917   open full text
• Innovations in Early Maritime Technology in Mesopotamia and the Arabian Gulf.
  Eric Staples.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 13, 2021
  ["\n\nObjective\nThe objective of the article is to address the following fundamental questions: First, to what extent can Bronze Age maritime technology in Mesopotamia and the Gulf be considered an example of historical innovation, given the limited set of evidence? Second, what are the challenges of effectively measuring and analyzing maritime technological “innovation” in this period? Third, what methodologies have been recently developed to help us better understand these innovations?\n\n\nMethods\nThe method relies on historical‐archaeological analysis of the evidence as well as experimental archaeological reconstruction.\n\n\nResults\nThe study suggest that while the archaeological and textual evidence clearly shows that innovations took place, the paucity of that evidence limits any detailed analysis of innovation.\n\n\nConclusion\nDue to the limited data currently available to us, maritime experimental archaeology provides the best methodology for potentially understanding these innovations until further archaeological discoveries are made related to the subject.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 7, Page 2539-2554, December 2020. "]

  January 13, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12918   open full text
• Derrida's Unconditional Hospitality as the Improbable: An Example of Innovation in Refugee Care.
  Melissa Kerr Chiovenda.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 13, 2021
  ["\n\nObjective\nI contend that City Plaza, a refugee‐run hotel in Athens, Greece has actually used socialist and anarchist political theories in an innovative way for our current global system by subverting the norms of the nation‐state with regard to refugee care. I am framing this argument by considering Derrida's discussion of unconditional and conditional hospitality.\n\n\nMethods\nThe article is based on ethnographic research carried out in Athens during the summers from 2016–2019.\n\n\nResults\nI suggest that in its innovative methods of providing refugee care, City Plaza is highly successful.\n\n\nConclusion\nWhile Derrida contends that unconditional hospitality, the acceptance and embracing of the stranger without condition or question, is a moral imperative, realistically this is not possible in our current global system. I argue that at City Plaza, the improbable was achieved as a group of activists subverted the dominant system and yielded better results than state governments and international organizations with much greater resources.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 7, Page 2437-2449, December 2020. "]

  January 13, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12911   open full text
• Incentivizing Innovation in a Knowledge Society.
  William Bianco, Keith Gaddie, John Rice, Don Shin, Henrik Stahl, Ruth Winecoff, William Kindred Winecoff.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 13, 2021
  [nil, "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 7, Page 2389-2397, December 2020. "]

  January 13, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12912   open full text
• Whither the State? The Oslo Peace Process and Neoliberal Configurations of Palestine.
  Suzanne Morrison.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 13, 2021
  ["\n\nObjective\nThis article considers the raison d'être of international institutions in the occupied Palestinian territories during the Oslo period (1993–2000) and discusses how these institutions have shaped the notion of a future Palestinian state through their policy recommendations and development projects.\n\n\nMethods\nDrawing on neo‐Gramscian concepts of hegemony and internationalization of the state this project analyzes the Oslo peace process through primary source data and information in the Oslo Accords as well as the official reports and publications of the major international development and financial organizations involved in the Palestinian territories.\n\n\nResults\nThrough policy recommendations, development projects, and donor funding and aid coordination, international institutions set in motion the neoliberal conceptualization and configuration of Palestine during the Oslo process.\n\n\nConclusion\nI conclude with a review of the findings, as illustrated throughout the article, and emphasize that Palestine's conceptualization will continue to be rooted in the development of the neoliberal condition as long as a political process that would lead to Palestinian self‐determination and an end the conflict is not pursued.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 7, Page 2465-2484, December 2020. "]

  January 13, 2021   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12914   open full text
• Extending a Hand in Perilous Times: Beneficial Immigration Policy in the Fifty States, 2005–2012.
  Lisa M. Sanchez, Isabel Williams.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 29, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nThe passage of Arizona SB 1070 in 2010 focused national attention on punitive, state‐level immigration legislation. Largely ignored is the increasing number of beneficial, state‐level policies passed during the same period. We seek to understand whether beneficial immigration policy making amounts to reversing the factors underlying punitive immigration policy making, as is implied by current literature.\n\n\nMethods\nWe utilize data from the National Conference of State Legislatures from 2005 to 2012 to uncover the puzzling enactment of beneficial state immigration laws during a period of high anti‐immigrant sentiment and budgetary declines in the 50 states.\n\n\nResults\nBeneficial immigration policy making is not a reversal of the process that underlines punitive immigration policy making and is particularly responsive to the need generated by immigrant population size, regardless of the documentation status of the beneficiary.\n\n\nConclusion\nThe passage of beneficial immigration policies requires further analysis, as it is not as simple as reversing the process that produces punitive immigration policies.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 6, Page 2257-2271, October 2020. "]

  October 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12868   open full text
• Badge of Courage or Sign of Criminality? Experimental Evidence for How Voters Respond to Candidates Who Were Arrested at a Protest.
  Karen O. Caballero Armendariz, Ben Farrer, Monica Martinez.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 29, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nTo test whether political activists who are arrested at a protest will subsequently be more or less able to successfully run for office.\n\n\nMethods\nWe use a conjoint survey experiment conducted on Amazon's Mechanical Turk platform. Participants are asked to choose between hypothetical candidates, with a protest arrest randomly added to the description of one candidate. We also vary the group that organized the protest, the demographics of the candidate, how much time has passed since the protest, and the seriousness of the arrest charge.\n\n\nResults\nWe find left‐leaning voters can see a protest arrest as an asset, if it occurred at a left‐wing protest. Right‐leaning voters are less tolerant of protest arrests though, especially if the candidate is black or if the protest was recent.\n\n\nConclusion\nWe conclude that activists with electoral ambitions should weigh the risks of arrest carefully, especially if they are black or will need to appeal to right‐leaning electorates.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 6, Page 2203-2219, October 2020. "]

  October 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12866   open full text
• Legal, Political Science, and Economics Approaches to Measuring Malapportionment: The U.S. House, Senate, and Electoral College 1790–2010.
  Jonathan Cervas, Bernard Grofman.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 29, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nWe compare and contrast methods for measuring malapportionment from different disciplines: law, political science, and economics.\n\n\nMethods\nWith data from the U.S. House, Senate, and Electoral College (EC) over the period 1790–2010, we compare disproportionality measures and compare both across time and between institutions.\n\n\nResults\nWe demonstrate that which approach to measurement we take can dramatically affect some of the conclusions we reach. However, we also demonstrate that the House and the EC are hardly malapportioned, regardless of which measure we use, while the level of malapportionment we observe in the Senate can depend on which measure we use.\n\n\nConclusion\nSince there are many axiomatic properties we might wish to satisfy, no one measure is uniformly best with respect to all feasible desiderata. However, one measure, the minimum population needed to win a majority, offers a readily comparable measure across legislatures and jurisdictions, and is easy for nonspecialists to understand.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 6, Page 2238-2256, October 2020. "]

  October 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12871   open full text
• Does Deliberation Increase Public‐Spiritedness?
  Rui Wang, James S. Fishkin, Robert C. Luskin.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 29, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nThis article investigates the hypothesis, dating back to de Tocqueville and Mill, that deliberation helps make citizens more “public‐spirited,” increasing their support for policies that benefit the community, even at some possible cost to themselves. The hypothesis has previously occasioned much speculation but little empirical investigation.\n\n\nMethods\nWe employ data from a series of regional Deliberative Polls in Texas, gathering random samples from seven different service areas for weekend‐long deliberations about the pros and cons of alternative energy choices. Confidential questionnaires were administered at time of recruitment and at the end of the weekend.\n\n\nResults\nThe participants showed an increased willingness to pay for renewable energy, conservation, and to see to it that everyone’s basic needs are met. The contours of these results suggest that they should be taken as evidence of increased public‐spiritedness.\n\n\nConclusion\nWe provide new evidence in support of the venerable hypothesis that deliberation increases public‐spiritedness—among deliberation’s most important but hitherto least examined effects.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 6, Page 2163-2182, October 2020. "]

  October 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12863   open full text
• When States Align Social Welfare Programs: Considering the Child Support Income Exclusion for SNAP.
  Colleen M. Heflin, Leonard M. Lopoo, Mattie Mackenzie‐Liu.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 29, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nIn the United States, state social services rarely coordinate across departments, a practice that could both increase receipt and reduce administrative burden. The purpose of this article is to investigate the state‐level conditions associated with the adoption of policies that benefit participants in multiple social welfare programs, focusing on the case of the child support income exclusion for SNAP benefit eligibility calculations.\n\n\nMethods\nUsing annual data for each of the states (including the District of Columbia), we estimate multiple analyses to test three hypotheses regarding which factors are associated with policy adoption.\n\n\nResults\nWe find that collaboration across social programs is more likely as state income tax revenues increase and when administrative costs are lower.\n\n\nConclusions\nOur findings suggest that state revenue and administrative costs are associated with state interagency alignment but find only weak evidence that political ideology is a factor.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 6, Page 2272-2288, October 2020. "]

  October 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12864   open full text
• The Effect of Classmates’ Maternal College Attainment on Volunteering in Young Adulthood.
  Jinho Kim.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 29, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nIn this study, I explore whether and how attending class with students who have a college‐educated mother generates positive spillovers to classmates’ volunteering behavior in young adulthood.\n\n\nMethods\nUsing data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health (Add Health), I employ a quasi‐experimental research design that exploits variation in student composition across grade cohorts within schools.\n\n\nResults\nThis study finds that the proportion of classmates with college‐educated mothers has a positive impact on the likelihood of students’ engagement in volunteering in young adulthood. Exposure to a higher proportion of classmates with college‐educated mothers increases adolescents’ future volunteering, in part, by directly transmitting civic values and providing civic opportunities and indirectly increasing “dominant status” attainment in young adulthood.\n\n\nConclusion\nThis study suggests that the spillover effects of having peers with highly educated mothers go beyond educational outcomes and influence volunteering behavior that persists into adulthood.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 6, Page 2289-2311, October 2020. "]

  October 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12867   open full text
• A Democratic Emergency After a Health Emergency? Exposure to COVID‐19, Perceived Economic Threat and Support for Anti‐Democratic Political Systems.
  Michele Roccato, Nicoletta Cavazza, Pasquale Colloca, Silvia Russo.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 29, 2020
  ["\n\nObjectives\nThe urgency of the COVID‐19 pandemic has led governments to impose restrictions on individual freedom and required citizens to comply with these restrictions. In addition, lockdowns related to COVID‐19 have led to a significant economic crisis. We aimed to study how the pandemic and related economic threats have impacted support for anti‐democratic political systems.\n\n\nMethod\nWe analyzed data from a quota panel of the Italian adult population (N = 1,195), surveyed once before and once during the pandemic.\n\n\nResults\nA hierarchical regression model showed that exposure to COVID‐19 and perceived economic insecurity were associated with support for anti‐democratic political systems, independent of participants’ predispositions toward a strong leader.\n\n\nConclusion\nAn authoritarian personality is not a necessary precondition for individual anti‐democracy: when facing severe personal threats, anyone could restore a subjective sense of control over the social world by becoming anti‐democratic, independent of their initial predisposition to support anti‐democratic political systems.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 6, Page 2193-2202, October 2020. "]

  October 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12865   open full text
• Construct Validity of Cultural Theory Survey Measures.
  Brendon Swedlow, Joseph T. Ripberger, Li‐Yin Liu, Carol L. Silva, Hank Jenkins‐Smith, Branden B. Johnson.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 29, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nCultural Theory (CT) has attracted significant attention across the social sciences and is increasingly being used in survey research. We assess the construct validity of three CT survey operationalizations to help interpret and improve these measures.\n\n\nMethods\nA coding protocol for face and content validity of survey items was developed with input from several CT scholars and applied independently by two of authors of this article. Convergent, discriminant, and predictive validity of these items were assessed using survey data.\n\n\nResults\nWe find that these measures generally lack face and content validity but have reasonably good convergent, discriminant, and predictive validity.\n\n\nConclusion\nWhile these measures can continue to be used to predict attitudes and behaviors that CT hypothesizes will vary with culture, scholars interested in testing CT's basic claims in survey research should seek to improve their face and content validity, which will also allow better tests of convergent, discriminant, and predictive validity.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 6, Page 2332-2383, October 2020. "]

  October 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12859   open full text
• Are You Threatening Me? Asian‐American Panethnicity in the Trump Era.
  Danvy Le, Maneesh Arora, Christopher Stout.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 29, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nThis study explores the effect of Donald Trump's candidacy, and first year in office, on Asian‐American linked fate. We argue that the use of anti‐Asian and anti‐immigrant messaging during the 2016 election, and the enactment of discriminatory policies once elected, increased feelings of panethnic linked fate among Asian Americans.\n\n\nMethod\nTo test our hypotheses, we assess Asian Americans’ levels of linked fate before the 2016 election, immediately after the 2016 election, and one year after the 2016 election with several time‐series surveys.\n\n\nResults\nWe find that Asian‐American linked fate is higher after the election and remains high one year later. Qualitative data collected through open‐ended survey responses suggest that the increase in panethnic linked fate can be at least partially attributed to Trump's discriminatory rhetoric.\n\n\nConclusion\nThe results have implications for Asian‐American political behavior, particularly mobilization, by invoking collective action through panethnic linked fate.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 6, Page 2183-2192, October 2020. "]

  October 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12870   open full text
• Racial Context and Political Support for California School Taxes.
  Jennifer M. Nations, Isaac W. Martin.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 29, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nTo determine how racial context influences school districts’ ability to raise taxes and whether it is mitigated by racial context.\n\n\nMethod\nPanel regression models are fit to a data set of 293 parcel tax measures and 967 California school districts from 1997 to 2010, including data on the racial composition of enrolled students, the district population, and the school board, with controls for features of the policy and the social, political, and economic context.\n\n\nResults\nSchool boards were least likely to propose new parcel taxes where there was a high percentage of Latinx students or a large gap between the percentage of white students and the percentage of white residents 65 and older. Once a tax was proposed, these and other measures of racial context had no measurable influence on the propensity of voters to approve it. Policy design influenced outcomes, but not by mitigating racial context.\n\n\nConclusion\nRacial context affects whether school districts propose new taxes.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 6, Page 2220-2237, October 2020. "]

  October 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12869   open full text
• Unmet Promises: Diminishing Confidence in Education Among College‐Educated Adults from 1973 to 2018.
  Michael A. Miner.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 29, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nThis article asks: Does experience with education undermine confidence in the institution? If so, has this changed over time?\n\n\nMethod\nThis study uses mixed effects binary logistic regression on the General Social Survey (1973–2018).\n\n\nResults\nConfidence in the institution of education has declined over time. Those with a college degree are less confident in education and their confidence is diminishing over time. By 2018, those with a college degree indicated the lowest levels of confidence in education since 1973. These changes are distinct from general trends in institutional confidence. In fact, higher education is typically associated with more confidence in social institutions.\n\n\nConclusion\nThese trends likely reflect the shifting rhetoric around the purpose and function of college education as well as the changing economic landscape of higher education. By focusing on long‐term changes to a key symbolic impact of higher education (i.e., public confidence in education), findings add to the existing literature on the material benefits and consequences of attaining a college degree.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 6, Page 2312-2331, October 2020. "]

  October 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12873   open full text
• The Bicameral Roots of Congressional Deadlock: Analyzing Divided Government Through the Lens of Majority Rule.
  William Bianco, Regina Smyth.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 29, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nIt is widely argued that a primary source of legislative deadlock in America is the combination of a secular increase in polarization, combined with constitutional provisions that divide law‐making power across branches. We argue that polarization affects productivity, but only given a particular pattern of divided government. We distinguish between split branches, where a president from one party faces a Congress controlled by the other, and split chambers, where each party controls one house of Congress.\n\n\nMethods\nMultivariate analysis of enactment data from post‐War Congresses, augmented by data on House and Senate Uncovered Sets.\n\n\nResults\nEnactments of major legislation are less likely given split chambers compared to the other options and polarization has no impact after controlling for these factors.\n\n\nConclusion\nThese results redefine the conditions under which polarization drives deadlock. They also explain why the increase in polarization over the last two decades has until recently had little impact on major enactments.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 5, Page 1712-1727, September 2020. "]

  September 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12811   open full text
• The Military in Politics and Democracy: Its Impact on Government Spending for Education and Health.
  David Shin.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 29, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nThere is considerable debate over the determinants of government spending, but few studies have considered the impact of the military in politics. This article examines how the military in politics and democracy and the interaction between them might affect the allocation of government spending.\n\n\nMethods\nI use a variety of econometric specifications, including pooled‐OLS, panel data with random effects and fixed effects estimation, and a panel data set of 129 countries from 1984 and 2013. Further, the SGMM estimator is used to check for robustness.\n\n\nResults\nThe empirical results show that the military in politics has a significant negative impact on education spending. The results also indicate that the interaction between the military in politics and democracy has a positive impact on government spending for education and health.\n\n\nConclusion\nThe results suggest that policies to reduce military involvement in politics, combined with those to increase civilian control of the military, would have a considerable impact on social development.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 5, Page 1810-1826, September 2020. "]

  September 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12858   open full text
• Causation and Behavior: The Necessity and Benefits of Incorporating Evolutionary Thinking into Political Science.
  Jordan Mansell.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 29, 2020
  ["\nAbstract\nPolitical science now recognizes that both biological and social factors are significant to the expression of political phenomena. While necessary, this development has significant theoretical and methodological consequences. The recognition of biological and social factors complicates, rather than simplifies, the study of political phenomena by requiring a more complex model of behavioral causation.Objective.To adapt to this complexity, political science must familiarize itself with the study of behavior in the life and evolutionary sciences and adopt a consilient behavioral model. Method.To assist with this development, this article familiarizes political scientists with the principles on causation as they relate to behavior. It also reviews the most common approaches to studying behavioral causation in the evolutionary sciences. Conclusion.The article discusses the practical benefits of incorporating evolutionary thinking into the study of politics, including the importance of evolutionary thinking for problems of omitted variable bias.\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 5, Page 1677-1698, September 2020. "]

  September 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12856   open full text
• Generating Support for a Hypothetical War: Presidential Cues and Justifications.
  Andrew Gooch.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 29, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nSupport for wars that involve the United States typically divides by party identification among American voters, leading many scholars to believe that voters need only a partisan cue to go along with war. However, presidents do not endorse war in isolation; instead, they justify it with a variety of reasons ranging from minimal to extensive. Causally identifying these factors—partisan cues and justifications—can be challenging because (1) both occur simultaneously and (2) measured opinion on war usually occurs after the public has been exposed to both.\n\n\nMethod\nThis study leverages experimental evidence that randomizes presidential cues (an actual sitting president) and justifications about a hypothetical (and unnecessary) war in which elites have not staked out positions.\n\n\nResults\nResults show that a presidential endorsement alone does not generate support for a hypothetical war, but the inclusion of a justification, even one that is minimal, can increase support for war and improve presidential approval. Overall support still remains low for a hypothetical war and is concentrated among in‐partisans.\n\n\nConclusion\nThese results imply that a segment of the American public will go along with war, but the reach is limited to their own party.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 5, Page 1761-1772, September 2020. "]

  September 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12849   open full text
• Southern Accents and Partisan Stereotypes: Evaluating Political Candidates.
  Kathleen Ash, Wesley Johnson, Gracie Lagadinos, Sarah Simon, Jared Thomas, Evan Wright, Jason Gainous.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 29, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nRecent research suggests that many American voters use candidate accents as an evaluative heuristic. We build on this research by examining whether this effect is conditional on the partisan positions of the candidate and across participant party identification.\n\n\nMethods\nWe designed an experiment using actors to record candidate stump speeches, manipulating the accent of the candidate and the partisan issue position of the candidate.\n\n\nResults\nDemocrats and Republicans in our sample were more likely to believe candidates with southern accents were Republican as opposed Democrat, and were also more likely to negatively evaluate candidates with a southern accent. This was true in both instances regardless of whether the candidate espoused a typical Democratic or Republican issue position. Democrats’ judgments of candidates with southern accents, though, were harsher than those of Republicans and, again, this was the case across the partisan positioning of the candidate. Finally, both Democrats and Republicans in our pool were less likely to say they would vote for the candidate with a southern accent regardless of the partisan position of the candidate.\n\n\nConclusion\nOur results confirm that accent is a heuristic and add nuance to our understanding of how partisanship shapes this effect.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 5, Page 1951-1968, September 2020. "]

  September 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12862   open full text
• Trade‐Induced Job Loss and Support for Free Trade.
  Hannah Lukinovich, Dmitriy Nurullayev, James C. Garand.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 29, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nIn this paper we consider the possible effects of contextual economic conditions (i.e., job losses attributed to trade, general unemployment) and subjective economic evaluations on how Americans think about international trade.\n\n\nMethods\nWe use data from the 2016 Voter Study Group survey and from the 2016 American National Election Study, and we supplement these survey data with data on state contextual variables from the Bureau of Labor Statistics and from the Trade Adjustment Assistance (TAA) program of the U.S. Department of Labor.\n\n\nResults\nWe find that state job losses linked to trade have discernible effects on Americans' attitudes toward trade, as do subjective economic evaluations tied to confidence and anxiety about the economy.\n\n\nConclusion\nSimply, (trade‐related) economic context has a strong effect on how Americans think about expanded and free trade.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 5, Page 2017-2031, September 2020. "]

  September 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12852   open full text
• Arresting Confidence: Mass Incarceration and Black–White Differences in Perceptions of Legal Authorities.
  Timothy L. O'Brien.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 29, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nThis article investigates changes in confidence in legal authorities associated with mass incarceration.\n\n\nMethods\nBinary logistic regression models are used to analyze five waves of data from a national survey of U.S. adults collected between 1981 and 2011 (n = 8,548). Predicted probabilities and discrete change coefficients are calculated to examine changes in blacks’ and whites’ attitudes about police and courts associated with changes in the incarceration rate.\n\n\nResults\nAs the incarceration rate grew, blacks’ confidence in police declined substantially, while whites’ was unchanged. Blacks and whites each lost confidence in courts as incarceration increased. However, the loss was significantly greater among blacks than whites.\n\n\nConclusions\nThe growing incarceration rate was accompanied by distinctive shifts in blacks’ and whites’ confidence in legal authorities. This article underscores the importance of macro legal contexts for understanding race differences in legal confidence.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 5, Page 1905-1919, September 2020. "]

  September 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12842   open full text
• Does Compulsory Schooling Affect Innovation? Evidence from the United States.
  Corey A. DeAngelis, Angela K. Dills.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 29, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nU.S. states adopted compulsory schooling laws between 1852 and 1929. This is the first study to empirically test the historical relationship between the adoption of state‐level compulsory schooling laws and measures of innovation and entrepreneurship such as the number of patents per capita and output per worker.\n\n\nMethods\nWe use difference‐in‐difference and event study methods to estimate the effects of these laws.\n\n\nResults\nOur results suggest that the adoption of compulsory schooling in the United States reduced patents per capita and output per worker over time.\n\n\nConclusion\nCompulsory schooling laws may have reduced innovation and productivity by reducing home education in favor of formal schooling or by changing the nature of formal schooling.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 5, Page 1728-1742, September 2020. "]

  September 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12832   open full text
• How the Alt‐Right Label Informs Political Assessments.
  John Cluverius, Kevin K. Banda, Hannah R. Daly.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 29, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nTo determine how the alt‐right label informs how voters assess individuals and political candidates.\n\n\nMethods\nWe use a survey experiment with a hypothetical candidate. Along with a control, we vary the ideological label the hypothetical candidate uses, including conservative and alt‐right.\n\n\nResults\nThe alt‐right label leads people to view candidates as holding more right‐leaning ideological and issue positions relative to no label and often—specifically on issues relating to race, gender, and norms—relative to a more explicit conservative label.\n\n\nConclusion\nThese results shed light on how citizens come to understand and use new ideological labels and suggest that the alt‐right label conveys context‐specific information that differs from that connected to the conservative label.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 5, Page 1699-1711, September 2020. "]

  September 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12810   open full text
• Political Trust and Native American Electoral Participation: An Analysis of Survey Data from Nevada and South Dakota.
  Jean Schroedel, Aaron Berg, Joseph Dietrich, Javier M. Rodriguez.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 29, 2020
  ["\nAbstract\nObjective. This research analyzes the impact of political trust on Native American electoral participation, using survey responses from roughly 1,500 Native Americans living in South Dakota and Nevada. Method. The in‐person survey taking was conducted at locations in Native communities and with the support of tribal leaders, allowing us to overcome many of the methodological issues that have hampered previous studies. Results. We found much higher levels of electoral participation in tribal elections than in non‐tribal elections. Respondents expressed high levels of distrust in nontribal government and voting methods, and this distrust has a surprisingly powerful impact on the decision to participate in nontribal elections. Conclusion. We suggest that historical trauma and ongoing discrimination are the primary causes of distrust among Native Americans and find support for this in the observed differences in levels of trust between South Dakota and Nevada.\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 5, Page 1885-1904, September 2020. "]

  September 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12840   open full text
• Ongoing Debate Between Foreign Aid and Economic Growth in Nigeria: A Wavelet Analysis.
  Tomiwa Sunday Adebayo, Demet Beton Kalmaz.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 29, 2020
  ["\nAbstract\nThis study aims to reexamine the interconnection between economic growth, foreign aid, trade, gross fixed capital formation, and inflation rate in one model for the case of Nigeria, which has not yet been analyzed utilizing the new econometric techniques, employing time series data covering the years between 1980 and 2018. No previous research has employed a wavelet coherence technique to gather information on the dynamic connection and/or causality between these economic indicators at dissimilar frequencies and various time frames. The main objectives are to address the questions: (a) Is there long‐run relationship between the indicators under consideration? (b) What are the main determinants of economic growth in the long run? (c) How are the indicators related at dissimilar frequencies and various time frames? The empirical findings confirm that (a) there is a long‐run relationship between the indicators under consideration; (b) in the long run, economic growth is influenced significantly by foreign aid, trade openness, gross fixed capital formation, and inflation rate; (c) the outcomes of the wavelet coherence technique give evidence to support the long‐run estimations of this study; and (d) the outcomes of wavelet coherence are supported by the Toda‐Yamamoto causality test results.\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 5, Page 2032-2051, September 2020. "]

  September 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12841   open full text
• Climate Change Communication: Examining the Social and Cognitive Barriers to Productive Environmental Communication.
  Sonia Hélène Merkel, Angela M. Person, Randy A. Peppler, Sarah M. Melcher.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 29, 2020
  ["\nAbstract\nObjectives. This study explores the efficacy of visual appeals that may be used to communicate environmental risk.Methods. To better understand the social and cognitive barriers present in environmental risk communication associated with climate change, we conducted a series of six focus groups. Groups were asked to view images of environmental issues and select the best representation of their feelings out of a range of preselected emotions. While further research is required, preliminary investigation based on the focus groups suggests several themes. Results. First, an individual's familiarity with both an area and an event will decrease the individual's perception of urgency; conversely, the participants expressed greater concern for events that were local and new—in other words, familiarity diminishes urgency, while emergent problems create alacrity. Second, participants expressed a sentiment of tacit blame, in which the participant's own contribution to the issue received less emphasis when ascribing fault. Last, the participants reacted positively toward messages that emphasized a hopeful and solution‐based narrative and were seemingly less motivated by images that relied on fear‐based messaging. \n Conclusions. \n Preliminary findings suggest that hopeful, solution‐based messaging may be more effective in facilitating pro‐environmental behavior than either fear‐ or guilt‐based appeals.\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 5, Page 2085-2100, September 2020. "]

  September 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12843   open full text
• Popularity and Visibility Appraisals for Computing Olympic Medal Rankings.
  Pedro Garcia‐del‐Barrio, Carlos Gomez‐Gonzalez, José Manuel Sánchez‐Santos.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 29, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nThe ranking of countries in the Olympic Games generates a great deal of interest among analysts, academics, and fans. This article proposes an innovative approach to provide Olympic medals (gold, silver, and bronze) with different weights based on metrics of popularity and media visibility and create an alternative historical ranking.\n\n\nMethods\nThe analysis uses “Google Trends” and “MERIT” appraisals to capture content and news articles on the Internet that relate to the different types of metals. Figures on weekly relative search intensity in Google and content in the Internet registered monthly are used to track changes over time and thus to control for differences between Summer and Winter Olympic Games.\n\n\nResults\nThe results show that gold medals gather far more attention than silver and bronze medals. By applying the estimated multiplying factors, we create an alternative historical ranking of countries that shows some relevant changes.\n\n\nConclusion\nThe use of weights based on popularity and visibility has managerial implications and opens new avenues for future research.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 5, Page 2137-2157, September 2020. "]

  September 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12835   open full text
• Who's an iAddict? A Sociodemographic Exploration of Device Addiction Among American Adults.
  Justin J. Nelson, Christopher M. Pieper.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 29, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nIn this study, we explore how daily Internet and social media use are related to feeling addicted to technological devices and describe the sociodemographic indicators of device addiction for U.S. adults.\n\n\nMethods\nUsing a nationally representative sample of U.S. adults, we estimate a series of logistic regression analyses predicting device addiction.\n\n\nResults\nWe find that social media use, rather than Internet use alone, is a stronger indicator of device addiction. Women report more addiction than men, and employment and education are both associated with increased addiction. Results describe device addiction as a felt reality for U.S. adults of all ages, while also noting particular social and demographic class characteristics for which these dilemmas may be more acute.\n\n\nConclusion\n“iAddiction” appears to be endemic to general conditions of postscarcity and concentrated in those with particularly high situations of ontological security. Directions for constructive theory building in the sociology of technology are elaborated.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 5, Page 2071-2084, September 2020. "]

  September 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12833   open full text
• The Dual Identity of Asian Americans.
  Fan Lu.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 29, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nThis article investigates whether gains in ethnic identity reduce pan‐ethnic identity among Asian American and Pacific Islanders (AAPI).\n\n\nMethods\nOrdered logit regression using data from the 2016 National Asian American Survey (NAAS).\n\n\nResults\nGains in ethnic identity do not reduce pan‐ethnic identity among AAPI. As importance of ethnic identity moves from “not at all” to “extremely,” log odds of reporting higher levels of pan‐Asian identity are about three to four times higher. Furthermore, AAPI who value both ethnic and pan‐Asian identities show similar support for AAPI political candidates as those who identify in only ethnic or only pan‐Asian terms.\n\n\nConclusion\nIdentity politics and disaggregated AAPI data are not inherently divisive.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 5, Page 1869-1884, September 2020. "]

  September 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12831   open full text
• The Chinese Dream: Hukou, Social Mobility, and Trust in Government.
  Xian Huang.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 29, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nSocial mobility plays an important role in stabilizing the political order. This article leverages China's hukou (household registration) reforms to examine the effects of state‐engineered social mobility on individuals’ trust in the government.\n\n\nMethods\nUsing China General Social Survey data for 2010 and entropy balancing for causal effects, this article provides empirical evidence for the attitudinal effects of social mobility at the individual level.\n\n\nResults\nIt finds that, first, individuals with the rural‐to‐urban hukou change are more likely to experience upward mobility, while individuals with the nonlocal‐to‐local hukou change are more pessimistic about their prospects of upward mobility; second, the rural‐to‐urban hukou change increases beneficiaries’ trust in the central government, while the nonlocal‐to‐local hukou change increases beneficiaries’ trust in the local government.\n\n\nConclusion\nThe Chinese authoritarian regime's co‐optation tactic of engineering upward social mobility via the hukou reforms contributes to its performance‐based political legitimacy as it effectively bolsters individuals’ trust in government.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 5, Page 2052-2070, September 2020. "]

  September 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12847   open full text
• Ethnic Cues, Latino Skin Tone, and Voter Preferences: An Experimental Test.
  Ben Anderson, Garrett Bird, Richard Kornrumpf, Maria Macaluso, Natasha Mundkur, Madison Swingholm, Jason Gainous.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 29, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nResearch suggests that voters rely on cognitive heuristics to simplify the evaluative process. Such heuristics include candidate race and other visible characteristics. We set out to test whether Americans use Latino ethnicity as a heuristic to evaluate candidates, and whether the darkness of Latino candidates’ skin tone influences these judgments. Finally, we examine individual‐level partisan differences in the application of these heuristics.\n\n\nMethods\nWe leverage a large sample posttest experimental design that manipulates candidate ethnicity and skin tone.\n\n\nResults\nSome respondents in our sample clearly use ethnicity as a heuristic but skin tone does not seem to matter. Democrats evaluated Latino candidates, regardless of skin tone, more positively than they did a white candidate. Republicans seemed immune to ethnic cues or skin tone.\n\n\nConclusion\nThese results shed light on how Latino ethnicity shapes voter preferences, but these tests need to be extended to cross‐sectional data.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 5, Page 1920-1935, September 2020. "]

  September 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12845   open full text
• Defying the Rally During COVID‐19 Pandemic: A Regression Discontinuity Approach.
  Enrijeta Shino, Michael Binder.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 29, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nDo people set aside their partisan differences and rally around elected officials during a pandemic? President Trump's delegation of responsibility to the states during the COVID‐19 pandemic placed governors on the frontlines of the battle; some have shined and garnered positive national attention, others have wilted under the pressure of the national spotlight.\n\n\nMethods\nWe use regression discontinuity design and exploit a discontinuity in the state's political events to assess the support of a governor's response to the pandemic.\n\n\nResults\nUsing survey data from Florida's registered voters, we find that Governor DeSantis's approval dropped by 7 percentage points following his “Safer at Home” order press conference on April 1.\n\n\nConclusion\nOur results suggest that under certain circumstances partisanship can blunt a “rally around the flag” effect. This finding provides context to understanding when and under which circumstances elected officials can expect increases (or decreases) in public support.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 5, Page 1979-1994, September 2020. "]

  September 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12844   open full text
• Work‐Limiting Disability and Intergenerational Economic Mobility.
  Katie M Jajtner.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 29, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nTo examine whether work‐limiting disability may modify intergenerational economic mobility in the United States.\n\n\nMethods\nUsing the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, common metrics of intergenerational mobility are estimated by parent work‐limiting disability. These include rank slope coefficients capturing persistence of socioeconomic status and absolute upward economic mobility capturing expected child outcomes.\n\n\nResults\nParent–child pairs with work‐limiting disability experience 5–12 percentiles lower absolute economic mobility at the 25th percentile of parent income. More severe and/or chronic conditions have larger disparities and higher parent income is associated with smaller disparities. Women may experience larger mobility differences, while non‐Hispanic black children may face a higher likelihood of parents experiencing work limitations.\n\n\nConclusions\nWork‐limiting disability appears to modify children's economic opportunity. This contributes to the understanding of disparate access to opportunity in the United States while also identifying economic disadvantages associated with disability for subsequent generations.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 5, Page 2001-2016, September 2020. "]

  September 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12836   open full text
• Analysis of Youths’ Perspective in India On and During the Pandemic of COVID‐19.
  Aman Basu, Ajishnu Roy, Amit Kumar Hazra, Kousik Pramanick.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 29, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nIn this COVID‐19 pandemic, there are not many sound studies focusing on the extensive socioeconomic impact ushered in with this disaster. This work aims to understand the thought of the youth, their opinions and understanding of various aspects of the COVID‐19 pandemic.\n\n\nMethodology\nUsing a combined qualitative–quantitative approach, Q‐method, we tried to assess people's discernment from different perspectives. This was done through a questionnaire survey method during the national‐level lockdown 1.0 in India.\n\n\nResults\nWe have differentiated the perceptions of youth respondents into seven factors, including six subdimensions, on COVID‐19 pandemic (viz., science, society, environment, economy, politics, and religion). The choices and opinions have been segregated into two major groups: quantitative and qualitative.\n\n\nConclusion\nThis work yielded a firsthand ground‐level insight into the comprehensive yet diverse responses from youths regarding the COVID‐19 pandemic in India. There are various topics that arise from this study, for example, misinformation, misinterpretation of science, dubious nature of faith in governance and policy, turbid understanding of strategy, polarization of opinion, and so forth. Following this work of identification, the next steps would be to understand how to mitigate the problems toward betterment in the COVID‐19 pandemic situation or similar widespread crisis events in the foreseeable future.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 5, Page 1969-1978, September 2020. "]

  September 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12839   open full text
• Preferential Trade Agreements, Democracy, and the Risk of Coups d’état.
  Wen‐Chin Wu, Fangjin Ye.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 29, 2020
  ["\n\nObjectives\nWe seek to investigate the impact of preferential trade agreements (PTAs) on coups d’état. We argue that signing PTAs lowers the risk of coups because it acts as a credible commitment of signatory countries to pursuing long‐term economic benefits, which further reduces potential challengers’ incentives to initiate coups. In addition, the effect of PTAs is larger in democracies because democratic signatories are perceived to be more credible in upholding treaty commitments than their authoritarian counterparts.\n\n\nMethods\nWe employ binary time‐series cross‐sectional (BTSCS) models to examine a sample of 154 countries between 1960 and 2012.\n\n\nResults\nWe find that signing PTAs reduces risks of coups, especially in countries with higher levels of democratic development.\n\n\nConclusions\nOur study sheds light on how PTAs can prolong leader survival through reducing the likelihood of coups and contributes to emerging studies on the consequences of signing PTAs in the age of economic globalization.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 5, Page 1834-1849, September 2020. "]

  September 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12848   open full text
• Essential Work Is Gender Segregated: This Shapes the Gendered Representation of Essential Workers in Political Office.
  Tiffany D. Barnes, Mirya R. Holman.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 29, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nTo understand how gender structures the occupations of essential workers and which essential workers serve in political office.\n\n\nMethods\nWe first use population‐level data by gender and occupation to examine the gender segregation of occupations deemed essential. Using the population composition as our baseline, we then examine descriptive representation using a new data set that codes the presence of essential workers in 30 state legislatures over 15 years.\n\n\nResults\nWe show that men and women make up similar shares of the occupations considered essential during COVID, but the occupations that they hold are highly gender segregated. We find that women essential workers and those from women‐dominated occupations are dramatically underrepresented in state legislatures.\n\n\nConclusion\nDocumenting the (lack of) representation of essential workers, and particularly those from women‐dominated occupations, in decision‐making bodies is a critical first step to understanding policy making in response to COVID‐19.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 5, Page 1827-1833, September 2020. "]

  September 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12850   open full text
• Judicial Performance and Trust in Legal Systems: Findings from a Decade of Surveys in over 20 European Countries.
  Pedro C. Magalhães, Nuno Garoupa.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 29, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nDetermining the existence of a relationship between judicial performance and citizens’ trust in the legal system.\n\n\nMethod\nCross‐classified multilevel models, using data from more than 20 European countries, 80 surveys, and 100,000 respondents, over a decade.\n\n\nResults\nThe longer the time that lower courts take, on average, to dispose of pending cases, the lower is the public's trust in their legal system.\n\n\nConclusion\nJudicial performance, operationalized as the ability of courts to avoid delays in the delivery of justice, is a significant correlate of citizens’ evaluations of their country's legal system.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 5, Page 1743-1760, September 2020. "]

  September 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12846   open full text
• Presidential Versus Parliamentary Systems: Where Do Female Entrepreneurs Thrive?
  Rajeev K. Goel, Michael A. Nelson.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 29, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nThis article examines whether female managers and female owners of firms are better empowered in presidential or parliamentary democracies. Parliamentary democracies might be more responsive to the demands of special interest groups, while government decision making might be more streamlined in presidential democracies.\n\n\nMethods\nWe use firm‐level data from the World Bank for more than 100 emerging and developing nations and employ the logistic estimation procedure.\n\n\nResults\nResults show that female owners of firms thrive in presidential democracies, but the effects on female managers were largely statistically insignificant. Other interesting findings include both female managers and female owners facing special challenges in nations with greater gender inequality, with female owners benefiting in nations with a larger informal sector.\n\n\nConclusions\nOur results show that the type of democracy is relevant in female entrepreneurship, with female owners of firms thriving in presidential democracies, but not necessarily female managers.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 5, Page 1773-1788, September 2020. "]

  September 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12851   open full text
• Imperial Pandemicide.
  Douglas A. Van Belle, Thomas Jamieson.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 29, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nTo provide a quick, in the moment analysis of the social and political aspects of the COVID‐19 pandemic to preserve the possibly ephemeral aspects that might be overlooked in future historical studies.\n\n\nMethods\nQualitative and a statistical analyses of real time information.\n\n\nResults\nThe clustering of former imperial powers as states suffering extreme initial impacts, combined with a brief qualitative commentary on the domestic politics related to the pandemic response, suggests that colonial imperialism has lingering domestic political effects.\n\n\nConclusion\nThe domestic political power bases that enabled colonial imperialism may be a significant and previously unrecognized factor in politics both in the context of disaster response and more broadly.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 5, Page 1995-2000, September 2020. "]

  September 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12854   open full text
• Does Distance Matter? Evaluating the Impact of Drop Boxes on Voter Turnout.
  William McGuire, Benjamin Gonzalez O'Brien, Katherine Baird, Benjamin Corbett, Loren Collingwood.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 29, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nThis article examines the impact that reducing the distance to a voter's nearest ballot drop box has on turnout.\n\n\nMethods\nThe placement of five new ballot drop boxes was randomized among six potential sites identified based on similar criteria. The randomization of the five boxes across the six sites created natural Treatment (those sites that received a new box) and Placebo (the site that did not receive a new box) groups. We then employed a difference‐in‐difference design to determine whether voters in the Treatment group were more likely to vote in the 2017 general election compared to those in the Placebo group.\n\n\nResults\nWe find that a decrease of one mile to the nearest drop box increased the probability of voting by 0.64 percent.\n\n\nConclusion\nOur finding indicates that drop boxes have a positive effect on voter turnout and that decreasing the distance to these boxes can lead to an increased likelihood of voting.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 5, Page 1789-1809, September 2020. "]

  September 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12853   open full text
• Anxious About Social Violence: The Emotional Underpinnings of Support for Gun Control.
  Alexandra Filindra, Loren Collingwood, Noah J. Kaplan.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 29, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nWe theorize that anxiety (fear) related to mass shootings and social violence increases support for gun control among the American public.\n\n\nMethods\nWe support our theory with a regression discontinuity analysis based on an actual mass shooting, observational analyses from the same data set testing the relationship between fear and support for gun control, and two survey experiments that prime anxiety in the context of mass shootings and social violence.\n\n\nFindings\nWe show that support for gun control increased on the day after an actual mass shooting. Observational analysis shows a positive correlation between fear of crime and support for gun control. One priming experiment shows that inducing anxiety about mass shootings increases support for gun control. A second priming experiment shows that exposure to a story about social violence activates anxiety and also increases support for gun control.\n\n\nConclusions\nOur analyses show that anxiety related to mass shootings and mass violence increases support for gun control.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 5, Page 2101-2120, September 2020. "]

  September 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12857   open full text
• Nexus Between Governance and Socioeconomic Factors on Public Service Fragility in Asian Economies.
  Hafiz Syed Mohsin Abbas, Samreen Gillani, Saif Ullah, Muhammad Ahsan Ali Raza, Atta Ullah.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 29, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nThis article examines the impact of internal factors such as governance and state fragility on institutional quality in terms of public service fragility (PSF) in Asian economies.\n\n\nMethod\nThis study used the PSF as dependent variables in Asian economies from 2008 to 2018 and applied a two‐step generalized method of moment estimation; government effectiveness (GE), regulatory control (RC), demographic pressure (DP), and Human Capital Index (HCI) as explanatory variables, with population growth and GDP growth rate as control variables.\n\n\nResults\nThe results show that DPs have significant impacts on PSF, while GE, RC, and efficient human capital utilization have insignificant impacts on PSF.\n\n\nConclusion\nBased on the findings of this study, it can be concluded that DP has a significant impact on public service delivery in Asia compared to other socioeconomic factors. However, with the implication of effective governance policies and by maximum human capital utilization, public services can be improved.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 5, Page 1850-1868, September 2020. "]

  September 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12855   open full text
• Gun Ownership and Life Satisfaction in the United States.
  Terrence D. Hill, Benjamin Dowd‐Arrow, Amy M. Burdette, Tara D. Warner.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 29, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nAlthough there is little empirical evidence linking gun ownership with personal well‐being, speculation is widespread in gun culture. In this article, we test whether people who own guns are more or less satisfied with their lives than people who do not own guns.\n\n\nMethods\nWe employ data collected from three national surveys, the Baylor Religion Survey (2014), the Chapman University Survey on American Fears (2014), and the General Social Survey (2018) to formally assess this understudied association.\n\n\nResults\nIn adjusted models, gun ownership was unrelated to life satisfaction. This general pattern was consistent across surveys, different measures and specifications of life satisfaction, and a wide range of subgroups.\n\n\nConclusion\nOur analyses contribute to the growing study of gun ownership and personal well‐being and challenge theoretical perspectives and cultural narratives about how owning a gun can contribute favorably to one's quality of life.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 5, Page 2121-2136, September 2020. "]

  September 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12860   open full text
• Media Consumption and Racial Residential Preferences.
  Elizabeth Korver‐Glenn, Sylvia Emmanuel, Mary E. Campbell, Verna M. Keith.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 29, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nTo what extent do mainstream media, social media, and ethnic media consumption, as dominant and counter‐dominant forms of public discourse, connect to where people prefer to live? We unpack whether media consumption influences such preferences in Texas, a racially segregated and increasingly racially diverse state.\n\n\nMethods\nUsing the Texas Diversity Survey (n = 1,322), we run a series of logit regression models, stratified by respondent race (Black, Latinx, Multiracial, and White), to measure the relationship between media consumption and racial residential preferences.\n\n\nResults\nWe find that racial residential preferences are shaped not only by expected attributes (e.g., age, education, racial composition of current neighborhood of residence) but also by whether mainstream media are consumed for Latinx respondents. Whites who consume ethnic media are significantly more likely to prefer living in Black and Latinx communities.\n\n\nConclusion\nThese findings suggest that public discourse is connected to residential preference formation and a “sense of group position”—but how this happens depends on the media source as well as the group in question.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 5, Page 1936-1950, September 2020. "]

  September 29, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12861   open full text
• Resistance and Response: Latinos and Conservative Radio Advertisements1.
  Peter W. Wielhouwer.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 28, 2020
  ["\n\nObjectives\nThis exploratory research examines whether the opinions of Latinos on policy issues are subject to persuasion via radio advertisements. Zaller's resistance and response axioms frame hypotheses about effects among partisans and cross‐pressured partisans. This experiment was conducted as part of an effort by a conservative political group to assess its strategic messaging toward Latinos.\n\n\nMethods\nAn online experiment with Spanish‐fluent Latino‐American citizens asked participants to listen to radio ads developed by a conservative foundation for the purpose of persuading Latinos to consider conservative or Republican policies.\n\n\nResults\nThe effects of the ads were mostly limited. Democrats and independents were resistant to the messages; Conservative Republicans were responsive to a partisan school choice ad, while Republicans generally tended to be responsive to abortion ads.\n\n\nConclusions\nConservative organizations attempting to influence the Latino polity ought to develop messages that emphasize the community effects of policy outcomes, rather than emphasizing individualist or moralistic themes. Resources may be better allocated to persuading ideologically conflicted Republicans, but the results are tentative and need replication.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 4, Page 1513-1533, July 2020. "]

  July 28, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12827   open full text
• (Re)Considering the Sources of Economic Perceptions.
  Cameron Anderson.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 28, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nDo voters hold accurate perceptions about economic conditions and what factors drive those perceptions? Some work suggests that voters are too hopelessly biased by partisanship or other commitments to be able to develop accurate perceptions of the economy upon which to base judgments of incumbent performance (Evans and Andersen, 2006). By contrast, other work shows that voters do a good job of developing accurate perceptions about economic conditions in which partisan bias is a minor influence (Lewis‐Beck et al., 2013).\n\n\nMethods\nThe research note draws on a pooled data set of Canadian Election Studies from nine national elections for the period 1988–2015 to explore the relative influence of both approaches using multilevel modeling.\n\n\nResults\nFindings indicate evidence for both camps: partisan bias does exert some independent influence on shaping national economic evaluations and national economic evaluations reflect actual real‐world economic conditions.\n\n\nConclusions\nImplications of these results suggest that economic perceptions have mixed origins that lend some, not insignificant, support to the claim that economic voting remains a viable scholarly enterprise.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 4, Page 1314-1325, July 2020. "]

  July 28, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12825   open full text
• Unpacking Gender, Age, and Education Knowledge Inequalities: A Systematic Comparison.
  Marta Fraile, Jessica Fortin‐Rittberger.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 28, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nScrutinize how the three main sources of knowledge inequalities, namely, gender, age, and education, relate to the content, format, and object of the survey items used to measure knowledge\n\n\nMethods\nUsing a pooled data set encompassing 106 postelection surveys in 47 countries from the CSES, we perform analyses by stacking the data at the question level.\n\n\nResults\nQuestions probing familiarity with electoral and partisan politics provide knowledge gaps of a higher magnitude. However, our balanced comparison of the three gaps also confirms the peculiarities of the gender gap in knowledge previously portrayed by the bulk of the literature.\n\n\nConclusion\nSurveys aspiring to measure citizens’ knowledge about the political world in a valid manner should include items inquiring about different substantive contents, and not only elections or partisan politics as the available postelectoral surveys around the world currently do. They also should use closed‐ended format with at least four possible options, and should maximize the object of inquiry, so that the cognitive abilities required to correctly answer the questions are diverse and the measurement does not favor one over the others.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 4, Page 1653-1669, July 2020. "]

  July 28, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12822   open full text
• Reconceptualizing the Enclave: Measuring Success Among Latino‐Owned Businesses.
  Marlene Orozco.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 28, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nThis study considers whether ethnic economy characteristics, such as serving a primarily co‐ethnic customer base or having a business located among co‐ethnics (i.e., enclaves), promote greater success for Latino‐owned businesses. Previous studies offer unclear accounts of how the enclave is measured and have suffered from issues of selection bias. I validate spatial measures with additional measures related to ethnic economies.\n\n\nMethods\nRather than starting with a predetermined geographic location, I leverage a national business sample, the 2018 Survey of U.S. Latino Business Owners (N = 4,024), to estimate an ordered logistic regression that predicts the successful characteristics of the economic niche under which Latino‐owned businesses operate.\n\n\nResults\nI find Latino‐owned businesses have the greatest profitability selling Latino products but see the greatest revenue returns serving mostly non‐Latino customers. I uncover the largest effect sizes among Latino‐owned businesses that mainly employ co‐ethnics rather than among businesses located within a defined geography.\n\n\nConclusion\nThese findings suggest ethnic economies are not geographically bounded, as previously theorized, but rather culturally based.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 4, Page 1374-1396, July 2020. "]

  July 28, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12821   open full text
• Horizontal Networks and Economic Performance: Evidence from City Leaders in China.
  Danglun Luo, Congcong Liu, Lifan Wu.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 28, 2020
  ["\n\nObjectives\nWe examine political connections at the horizontal level of local government officials and their impacts on economic growth in China.\n\n\nMethods\nWe identify two types of horizontal networks: hometown tie and alumni tie, and analyze the biographic data of the top officials of 256 prefecture‐cities during the period of 1999–2013.\n\n\nResults\nWe find a positive relationship between city leaders’ hometown tie and economic growth, measured by either the relative GDP per capita growth rate or the GDP per capita growth rate. Furthermore, we find the positive relationship is more profound in the low market‐open cities. However, we do not find any significant impacts of the alumni tie on economic growth.\n\n\nConclusions\nThe hometown tie improves the city leaders’ economic performance.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 4, Page 1359-1373, July 2020. "]

  July 28, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12816   open full text
• Local Officials as Partisan Operatives: The Effect of County Officials on Early Voting Administration.
  Markie McBrayer, R. Lucas Williams, Andrea Eckelman.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 28, 2020
  ["\n\nObjectives\nWe explore whether officials in county governments follow their partisan allegiances when selecting and siting early voting locations. Because low‐turnout elections are said to benefit Republicans and high‐turnout elections to benefit Democrats, we hypothesize that majority‐Republican county governments create fewer early voting sites than majority‐Democrat county governments. Moreover, we expect the partisan composition of key officials in county government to affect the accessibility of early voting sites, with Republican‐dominated county governments placing sites such that less of the population resides proximately.\n\n\nMethods\nUsing an originally collected data set, we assess how counties’ commissioners courts affect the number of sites generally. We then geocode early voting locations in Texas from the 2014, 2016, and 2017 general elections to determine the accessibility of such locations.\n\n\nResults\nOur results provide support for our theory that partisan county officials strategically maintain early voting sites to benefit their party's electoral fortunes. Specifically, Republican‐majority county governments employ fewer early voting locations than Democrat‐majority county governments. Yet, both Democrat and Republican courts site early voting locations similarly.\n\n\nConclusion\nThese findings suggest that Republican‐majority county governments make decisions that increase the costs of voting by providing fewer sites, while Democrat‐majority county governments seek to decrease the costs of voting by offering more sites, with both parties attempting to provide their party an electoral edge. Still, Republican‐ and Democratic‐majority county governments site their early voting locations in similarly accessible ways, suggesting that other factors, besides partisanship, structure site location.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 4, Page 1475-1488, July 2020. "]

  July 28, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12815   open full text
• Economic Vulnerability and Anti‐Immigrant Attitudes: Isolated Anomaly or Emerging Trend.
  Flavio Hickel, Melissa Bredbenner.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 28, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nDonald Trump's sustained emphasis on the negative impact of immigration policies for personal economic conditions necessitates reevaluating the influence of the latter on the former. We assess the interaction between income and individual economic anxiety on immigration attitudes.\n\n\nMethods\nMultivariate analysis of the 2012 and 2016 American National Election Study survey data.\n\n\nResults\nAfter controlling for conventional explanations and standard political covariates, those who share an income bracket with foreign‐born workers and also expressed individual economic anxiety were significantly more likely to express negative attitudes toward immigrants in 2016, but not in 2012.\n\n\nConclusion\nThe discrepancy between the results in 2016 and 2012 is partially attributed to the different rhetorical approaches toward immigration policy adopted by Donald Trump and Mitt Romney. Whether the 2016 results represent an isolated anomaly or emerging trend may depend on the rhetorical choices of future presidential candidates.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 4, Page 1345-1358, July 2020. "]

  July 28, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12814   open full text
• The Electoral Choices of Voters with Coalition‐Straddling Consideration Sets.
  Jacob Sohlberg, Annika Fredén.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 28, 2020
  ["\n\nObjectives\nPreelectoral party coalitions are common in multiparty systems. We examine the proposition that individuals who choose between parties from competing coalitions think and behave differently compared to those who only consider voting for parties of the same coalition. Part of the reason, we suggest, is that coalition‐straddling voters play a key role in deciding who forms government.\n\n\nMethods\nWe rely on data from a multiwave panel with thousands of participants collected during two election campaigns in Sweden. Statistical regression techniques are used to analyze the data.\n\n\nResults\nWe find that citizens who straddle opposing coalitions think that the vote decision is harder and rely more on voting advice applications. Moreover, the evidence suggests that their ultimate vote choice is more consequential in how they view parties.\n\n\nConclusion\nCoalition‐straddling influences political behavior. The evidence is largely in line with the notion that coalition‐straddling individuals are aware of their importance.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 4, Page 1303-1313, July 2020. "]

  July 28, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12813   open full text
• “Distant Participation” and Youth Political Attitudes: Evidence from a Natural Experiment.
  Stan Hok‐Wui Wong, Mathew Y. H. Wong.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 28, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nIn this article, we explore the seldom studied concept of “distant participation,” defined as the experience of social movements (such as receiving information from online media) from overseas. Online media may affect people's political attitudes, but how people use online media is also contingent upon their political attitudes.\n\n\nMethod\nWe take advantage of a natural experiment to deal with this endogenous selection problem. Our treatment group consists of college students who happened to join a short‐term overseas exchange program during the Umbrella Movement, which had an unexpectedly large turnout in Hong Kong. These students had a different mode of participation in the event from their peers physically in Hong Kong. The experience, including intensive exposure to online media, changed their media consumption habits, and hence their political attitudes.\n\n\nResults\nWe find that the treatment group is more likely to report using online media to obtain news. They also have a stronger sense of political efficacy and significantly weaker national identity. We, however, find no significant difference between the treatment and control groups regarding civic and political participation.\n\n\nConclusion\nThis study provides a rare contribution to the study of the effect of online media by tackling the problem of selection. The concept of distant participation should also be given more attention given the ease of population flow and technological advancement nowadays.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 4, Page 1489-1512, July 2020. "]

  July 28, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12812   open full text
• Combat Experience and the Foreign Policy Positions of Veterans.
  Travis W. Endicott.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 28, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nPrior work on the effect of combat on veterans typically measures combat experience as a dichotomous event. I extend work in this area by theorizing and empirically accounting for the number of unique combat experiences a veteran endures and how that associates with the veteran's outlook on foreign policy.\n\n\nMethods\nI utilize an original survey that asks for multiple types of military combat experience, as well as foreign policy positions.\n\n\nFindings\nConsistent with previous research, I find that veterans tend to be more hawkish than civilians. When I account for veterans’ number of unique combat experiences, however, I find that the more combat experiences that veterans endure, the less hawkish their foreign policy positions are. Moreover, consistent with literature from military psychology, this association only holds for veterans who express more regret about their time in the military.\n\n\nConclusions\nThe results should encourage public opinion scholars to consider the effects that the number of individual combat event experiences and regret have on veterans' issue positions more broadly.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 4, Page 1413-1429, July 2020. "]

  July 28, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12796   open full text
• Polarization and American Jews: The Partisan Debate Over Attribution of Blame and Responsibility for Rising Anti‐Semitism in the United States.
  Amy B. Becker.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 28, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nThe research considers the relative influence of political ideology and partisan vote choice on perceptions of Democratic versus Republican responsibility for the level of anti‐Semitism in the United States and the perception of anti‐Semitic threat posed by the extreme political right versus the extreme political left.\n\n\nMethods\nAnalysis of data from the American Jewish Committee's 2019 American Jewish Attitudes About Anti‐Semitism Survey (N = 1,283 Jewish Americans ages 18+).\n\n\nResults\nHierarchical OLS regression shows that attributions of Democratic versus Republican blame or responsibility for anti‐Semitism and perceptions of threat are primarily explained by political ideology and partisan vote choice over and above awareness, engagement, or personal experience with anti‐Semitism.\n\n\nConclusion\nThe implications of the findings are considered in light of the contemporary political context shaped by Donald Trump's December 2019 “Executive Order on Combating Anti‐Semitism,” the rise of anti‐Semitic violence in the United States, and the increasing support for the Boycott, Divest, Sanctions movement.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 4, Page 1572-1583, July 2020. "]

  July 28, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12829   open full text
• Unpacking the Suitcase: Premigratory Experiences with Ethnic Violence and Descriptive Representation Among Asian Americans.
  John Ishiyama, Andrea Silva.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 28, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nDo premigratory experiences shape the perceived need for racial and/or ethnic political representation? Although there is much literature that has examined whether a “pan‐ethnic” Asian‐American identity is emerging, we test the effects of premigration experiences with ethnic violence on the perceived need for descriptive representation among Asian Americans.\n\n\nMethods\nUsing the 2016 National Asian American Pre‐Election Survey, in combination with comparative cross‐national data, we explore the relationship between premigration experiences and the perceived need for racial and ethnic representation.\n\n\nResults\nUsing both multilevel logit and a Heckman selection analyses, we find that premigratory experiences with violence significantly reduce the assessment that racial and ethnic representation is important.\n\n\nConclusion\nThis suggests that premigratory experiences with ethnic violence reduce individual assessments that racial and ethnic representation is important. Individuals who emigrated from countries that experienced ethnic violence eschew descriptive representation in understanding politics in the United States.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 4, Page 1534-1551, July 2020. "]

  July 28, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12828   open full text
• Underrepresenting Reality? Media Coverage of Women in Politics and Sport.
  Michael Courtney, Michael Breen, Claire McGing, Iain McMenamin, Eoin O'Malley, Kevin Rafter.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 28, 2020
  ["\n\nObjectives\nHow do surges in female representation in public life affect media coverage? Can the media underrepresent the reality of women's progress? If so, is the source of underrepresentation the media itself or social elites that interact with the media?\n\n\nMethods\nUsing automatic content analysis, we study two remarkable step changes in women's role in public life in Ireland: the 2016 elections and 2012 Olympics.\n\n\nResults\nThe increase in female participation was associated with a new and substantial gender gap in coverage, which we attribute to the media, not other elites.\n\n\nConclusions\nWe cannot assume that media coverage will increase proportionally as women advance in public life. The reemergence of bias when female representation jumps may also exist outside the media in any context where there are large numbers of decisions about whether to favor males or females.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 4, Page 1282-1302, July 2020. "]

  July 28, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12826   open full text
• Dear Reviewer 2: Go F’ Yourself.
  David A. M. Peterson.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 28, 2020
  ["\n\nObjectives\nThe objective of this study was to empirically test the wide belief that Reviewer #2 is a uniquely poor reviewer.\n\n\nMethods\nThe test involved analyzing the reviewer database from Political Behavior. There are two main tests. First, the reviewer's categorical evaluation of the manuscript was compared by reviewer number. Second, the data were analyzed to test if Reviewer #2 was disproportionately likely to be more than one category below the mean of the other reviewers of the manuscript.\n\n\nResults\nThere is no evidence that Reviewer #2 is either more negative about the manuscript or out of line with the other reviewers. There is, however, evidence that Reviewer #3 is more likely to be more than one category below the other reviewers.\n\n\nConclusions\nReviewer #2 is not the problem. Reviewer #3 is. In fact, he is such a bad actor that he even gets the unwitting Reviewer #2 blamed for his bad behavior.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 4, Page 1648-1652, July 2020. "]

  July 28, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12824   open full text
• Judgments of Capability and Conformity as Distinct Forms of Social Judgments, and the Way They Interact to Shape Evaluator Decisions.
  Başak Topaler, Eyüp Tolunay Küp.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 28, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nSocial judgments are evaluators’ opinions about the social properties of a set of actors. Different types of judgments rendered by the evaluators and potential interactions between them may have major consequences for the actors who are evaluated. In this article, we distinguish between judgments of capability and conformity, and examine their concurrent and interdependent effects on evaluator impressions.\n\nMethods\nWe investigate these dynamics in the context of authors competing for the best paper award at the Academy of Management (AoM) conference.\n\n\nResults\nFindings of our empirical analyses demonstrate interdependent effects of capability and conformity judgments on the committee members’ decisions. We demonstrate that evaluators expect greater conformity to their ideal template from more capable actors who have greater potential to contribute to these ideals.\n\n\nConclusion\nOur study advances the literature on social judgments by showing that congruence (or incongruence) among distinct types of judgment shape evaluators’ decisions, beyond their independent effects.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 4, Page 1634-1641, July 2020. "]

  July 28, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12823   open full text
• Public Views of the U.S. Supreme Court in the Aftermath of the Kavanaugh Confirmation.
  Christopher N. Krewson, Jean R. Schroedel.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 28, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nWe analyze public views of the Supreme Court following the confirmation hearings of Brett M. Kavanaugh.\n\n\nMethods\nWe distributed an online survey days after the Senate confirmed Kavanaugh's appointment.\n\n\nResults\nSupreme Court legitimacy was weak following the hearings and perceptions of legitimacy varied based on partisanship, gender, and race. However, legitimacy was not strongly related to support for Kavanaugh. Furthermore, respondents consistently ranked political characteristics as the least important attributes of a nominee. Still, those satisfied with the Senate confirmation process ranked political attributes as more important.\n\n\nConclusion\nOur findings portend some challenges for the Court in the wake of the Kavanaugh confirmation. At the same time, Supreme Court legitimacy was only weakly tied to Kavanaugh, and legal qualities and moral character were more important to the public than a nominee's political attributes.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 4, Page 1430-1441, July 2020. "]

  July 28, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12820   open full text
• The Politics of White Racial Identity and Vote Choice in the 2018 Midterm Elections.
  Jonathan Knuckey, Myunghee Kim.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 28, 2020
  ["\n\nObjectives\nThis article examines the role of white racial identity or white racial group consciousness in the vote choice of whites for the U.S. House of Representatives in the 2018 midterm elections.\n\n\nMethods\nData from the 2018 American National Election Study (ANES) Pilot Study are analyzed using a logistic regression model.\n\n\nResults\nWhite racial consciousness was a significant predictor of U.S. House vote choice in 2018, even after controlling for other relevant explanatory variables such as racial resentment, party identification, and ideology. The effects were especially evident for two quintessential swing groups: independents and moderates.\n\n\nConclusion\nIn the first national election of the Trump era, white racial group consciousness became a relevant electoral cleavage and determinant of white vote choice at the subpresidential level. Given the rhetoric and action of Trump as president, the Republican Party has morphed into a white identity political party, not dissimilar to populist right‐wing parties in Europe. While this might reap electoral benefits for the Republican Party in jurisdictions with smaller minority populations, it is likely to cost the party support where there is greater racial diversity. In the long term, the politics of white identity is likely to be an impediment to the Republican Party's ability to expand its electoral base.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 4, Page 1584-1599, July 2020. "]

  July 28, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12809   open full text
• Social Network Analysis for Coronavirus (COVID‐19) in the United States.
  Seungil Yum.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 28, 2020
  ["\n\nObjectives\nThis study explores how public key players play an important role in social networks for coronavirus (COVID‐19).\n\n\nMethods\nThis study employs social network analyses based on 2,864 Twitter users and 2,775 communications of Twitter.\n\n\nResults\nThis study finds that President Trump plays the most important role in social networks among the top 20 key players for both in‐degree centrality and content in tweets. Second, Donald Trump and Barak Obama show the opposite result for the in‐degree centrality and follower analysis. The result shows that the topic‐based networks and the person‐based networks play a different role in social networks. This study demonstrates that the presidents, the World Health Organization (WHO) and its regional offices, the Centers for Disease Control, and news channels play a crucial role in the news of COVID‐19 for people. Key players, such as Donald Trump, Barack Obama, and BBC, are located in the central networks. In contrast, U.S. news channels and WHO and its regional offices have independent channels.\n\n\nConclusions\nGovernments should understand the characteristics of public key players to provide information for COVID‐19 in a timely manner.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 4, Page 1642-1647, July 2020. "]

  July 28, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12808   open full text
• Criminal Threat, Immigrant/Minority Threat, and Political Ideology: An Examination of Handgun Permits Across Texas Counties.
  S. E. Costanza, Ronald Helms, John C. Kilburn, David A. Bowers.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 28, 2020
  ["\n\nObjectives\nTo assess the extent to which crime, Hispanic‐to‐white population changes, black‐to‐white population changes, and conservative political appeals affect gun permit application rates across Texas counties.\n\n\nMethods\nThis article uses spatial lag regression and robust regression with county‐level data to assess structural sources of variation in handgun permitting across Texas counties in 2016.\n\nConclusions\nSpatial and robust regression model results confirm that median incomes, Republican votes, and rising rates of Hispanic‐to‐white populations are significant predictors of handgun permit application rates. The results call attention to the centrality of Hispanic threat and the prevalence of partisan politics in aggregate permit‐seeking processes.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 4, Page 1442-1460, July 2020. "]

  July 28, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12800   open full text
• Welfare Chauvinism? Refugee Flows and Electoral Support for Populist‐Right Parties in Industrial Democracies.
  Krishna Chaitanya Vadlamannati.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 28, 2020
  ["\n\nObjectives\nThe objective of this article is to examine whether refugee flows are associated with an increase in electoral support for populist‐right parties. The empirical evidence on this so far remains mixed. This article argues that refugee inflows alone are an inaccurate predictor of the success of populist‐right parties. Rather, refugee inflows can lead to a rise in electoral support for populist‐right parties where traditional welfare states are expansive—the so‐called welfare chauvinism argument, wherein natives already dependent on high levels of social welfare are likely to see refugees as interlopers who free‐ride on welfare and thereby threaten the welfare of locals.\n\n\nMethods\nThis article deploys Tobit and OLS fixed effect estimators in panel data covering 27 OECD countries during the period 1990–2014 (25 years).\n\n\nResults\nThere is no evidence to suggest that refugee inflows per se increase electoral support for populist‐right parties. However, a positive effect of refugee inflows on electoral support for populist‐right parties is conditional upon a higher degree of social welfare spending, which supports the propositions of “welfare chauvinism.” Moreover, support for populist‐right parties increases when the degree of labor market regulation and welfare spending is high. These results are robust to alternative data, sample, and estimation techniques.\n\n\nConclusion\nThe results suggest that societies with higher levels of social protection through high taxes might fuel “welfare chauvinism,” in which the segments of native population fear significant welfare losses from inflow of refugees.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 4, Page 1600-1626, July 2020. "]

  July 28, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12838   open full text
• Types of White Identification and Attitudes About Black Lives Matter.
  Geneva Cole.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 28, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nUntil recently, whiteness was not considered a politically significant social identity. This study builds on recent work and explores empirically the different ways in which white people understand their whiteness with the objective of recognizing how variations in white identification shape attitudes about the Black Lives Matter movement.\n\n\nMethods\nI use qualitative analysis of in‐depth semistructured interviews to develop a theoretical framework for understanding how white Americans understand and identify with their whiteness and apply this typology to expressed attitudes about Black Lives Matter.\n\n\nResults\nI find three distinct patterns of white identification that characterize how white people understand their own race and privilege. These patterns subsequently affect how white Americans understand the experiences of minorities, specifically analyzed through opinions about Black Lives Matter.\n\n\nConclusion\nVariations in the way that white Americans understand their whiteness have tangible effects on the way they approach racial politics, with this article focused specifically on white attitudes about the Black Lives Matter movement. As the movement engages a broad multiracial coalition it is very possible that those who were previously unaware of their whiteness will come to see it as important, with potentially wide‐ranging impacts on the future of racial politics in the United States.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 4, Page 1627-1633, July 2020. "]

  July 28, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12837   open full text
• Three Roads to Populism? An Italian Field Study on the 2019 European Election.
  Michele Roccato, Nicoletta Cavazza, Pasquale Colloca, Silvia Russo.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 28, 2020
  ["\n\nObjectives\nWe predicted populist orientation and vote for two populist parties, the Five Star Movement (FSM) and the League, in the 2019 European election by focusing on perceived economic threat, perceived cultural threat, dissatisfaction with representative democracy, and on first‐order interactions.\n\n\nMethod\nWe surveyed a quota sample of the Italian adult general population (N = 1,504) and tested a latent moderated structural equations model aimed at predicting participants’ populist vote and populist orientation.\n\n\nResults\nPerceived cultural threat and dissatisfaction with democracy were positively associated with populist orientation. Dissatisfaction with democracy was positively associated with votes for the FSM, while perceived cultural threat was positively associated with votes for the League. Perceived economic threat was negatively associated with votes for the League.\n\n\nConclusion\nPopulist orientation and populist vote share just some predictors, and are associated with main effects only, but not with interactions between perceived cultural, economic, and political variables.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 4, Page 1222-1235, July 2020. "]

  July 28, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12834   open full text
• The Impact of Muslim Religious Accommodations on Subjective Well‐Being Among Christian Majorities and Nonattendees: Evidence from the European Social Survey, 2002–2008.
  Ronald Kwon, Kevin McCaffree, Caroline Taylor.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 28, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nIn this article, we examine how religious accommodations for Muslim minorities impact subjective well‐being (SWB) among Christian and nonattendee respondents in Western European countries.\n\n\nMethods\nWe apply hierarchal linear modeling and fixed effects regressions on data drawn from the European Social Survey (2002–2008).\n\n\nResults\nWe find that religious accommodations at the country level are negatively associated with lower SWB among both Christian and nonattendee respondents. However, the effect is substantially greater for nonattendees.\n\n\nConclusion\nAlthough the threat and coalition theses are often argued as competing positions, we posit they may be complementary perspectives.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 4, Page 1552-1571, July 2020. "]

  July 28, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12830   open full text
• Survival of Formula One Drivers.
  Onur Burak Celik.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 28, 2020
  ["\n\nObjectives\nTo examine the determinants of the duration time of drivers in the Formula One (F1) competition, which is an industry with high physical capital investment and requires labor with very high human capital.\n\n\nMethods\nSince estimates may be biased when the whole F1 history, starting with the 1950 season, is considered, unlike prior studies in the literature, this article limits its data set to racing seasons from 1981 to 2017. In addition, since the failure times are correlated within the drivers with multiple spells, single‐spell methods used in prior studies underestimate true standard errors and produce inflated test statistics. Hence, the most appropriate approach for the duration analysis of F1 drivers would be the survival analysis for recurrent events, which is employed in this study.\n\n\nResults\nOnce a driver exits F1, he survives for a shorter period of time if he returns. In order to survive longer, a driver has to perform better than his teammate. Each year of age decreases the probability of exit while drivers can increase their duration time in F1 by switching teams. Completing a race does not make any difference to survival but finishing a race on the podium lowers the probability of exit.\n\n\nConclusion\nTeam owners and managers should be cautious when they consider hiring a driver who exited F1 before. A driver should be at least better than his teammate in order to survive in F1. Drivers can also increase their chances of survival substantially by changing teams.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 4, Page 1271-1281, July 2020. "]

  July 28, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12819   open full text
• Violence, Trust, and Public Support for the Colombian Peace Agreement.
  Diego Esparza, Valerie Martinez, Regina Branton, Kimi King, James Meernik.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 28, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nAs peace agreements have increasingly been put to a popular vote in places such as Northern Ireland, South Sudan, and Colombia, there is a corresponding practical and theoretical interest in understanding what factors influence public opinion toward the peace? We contend that support for peace in Colombia, as in other postwar contexts, is most powerfully shaped by individuals’ assessments of two critical factors—the level of violence experienced and trust in the conflict actors. More specifically, we hypothesize that greater experience with violence by the conflict actors and greater levels of trust regarding these actors are the critical dimensions of support for peace.\n\n\nMethods\nWe use a regression model of support for the Colombian peace agreement more generally, as well as voters' intentions regarding the peace agreement vote.\n\n\nResults\nWe find that support for peace is most heavily dependent on contextual violence and trust. However, those who most trusted the conflict actors were among those least likely to indicate they intended to vote, which may help explain why the peace referendum failed.\n\n\nConclusion\nMaintaining public support for the Colombian peace agreement will depend on rebuilding trust and providing government security and assistance in previously marginalized areas.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 4, Page 1236-1254, July 2020. "]

  July 28, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12818   open full text
• The Effect of Partisan Cues on Support for Solar and Wind Energy in the United States.
  Jessica A. Crowe.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 28, 2020
  ["\n\nObjectives\nOverall support for renewable energy is quite strong in the United States. With such high support, the gap between Republicans and Democrats is quite small. Despite such a narrow gap between Republicans and Democrats, the rhetoric spoken about renewable energy by high‐profile Republicans and Democrats is contradictory. This study tests how high‐profile partisan leaders impact an individual's support for renewable energy policy.\n\n\nMethods\nI examine support for solar and wind policy for 1,317 adults throughout the United States. Ordinal regression models are used to examine the influence of high‐profile partisan figures net of political affiliation, social background, and value orientations.\n\n\nResults\nThose who had favorable impressions of Representative Ocasio‐Cortez and rated high for egoistic and biospheric values had higher levels of support for renewable energy. Those who had favorable impressions of President Trump, were older, and white had lower levels of support for renewable energy.\n\n\nConclusions\nThe traditional divide between Democrats and Republicans that exists with respect to environmental concern is not as large for renewable energy support. Instead, cues from highly engaged partisan elites can have an impact on people's, particularly their supporters, perceptions and support of renewable energy.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 4, Page 1461-1474, July 2020. "]

  July 28, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12799   open full text
• Coveting Uniformity in a Diverse World: The Authoritarian Roots of Welfare Chauvinism in Postmigration Crisis Germany.
  Markus M. L. Crepaz.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 28, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nTo explore the links between authoritarian personality traits and welfare chauvinism by controlling for a host of alternative explanations while also investigating whether these links are additive or interacting with other triggering variables.\n\n\nMethod\nUsing the online survey platform Qualtrics, a stratified sample of 1,010 respondents in Germany was recruited in January 2019. Authoritarian personality is operationalized by applying the fourfold child‐rearing scale pioneered by Feldman and Stenner.\n\n\nResults\nFindings indicate that authoritarianism has an independent, additive effect on welfare chauvinism, but cultural and economic threats do not systematically mediate the effect of authoritarianism on welfare chauvinism.\n\n\nConclusion\nSubmissive authoritarianism is significantly linked to a desire to disentitle immigrants from using welfare benefits.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 4, Page 1255-1270, July 2020. "]

  July 28, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12798   open full text
• Colonial Military Garrisons as Labor‐Market Shocks: Quebec City and Boston, 1760–1775.
  Jeremy Land, Vincent Geloso.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 28, 2020
  ["\nAbstract\nThe military occupation of Boston in 1768 shocked the city's labor market. The soldiers, who were expected to supplement their pay by working for local businesses, constituted an influx equal to 12.5 percent of greater Boston's population. To assess the importance of this shock, we use the case of Quebec City, which experienced the reverse process (i.e., a reduction in the British military presence from close to 18 percent of the region's population to less than 1 percent). We argue that, in Boston, the combination of the large influx of soldiers and a heavy tax on the local population in the form of the billeting system caused an important wage reduction, while the lighter billeting system of Quebec City and the winding down of the garrison pushed wages up. We tie these experiences to political developments in the 1770s.\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 4, Page 1326-1344, July 2020. "]

  July 28, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12797   open full text
• Uncharitable Acts in Charity: Socioeconomic Drivers of Charity‐Related Fraud.
  Rajeev K. Goel.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 28, 2020
  ["\n\nObjective\nThis article examines determinants of charity‐related crimes, focusing on socioeconomic influences. Charity crimes have proliferated in recent years but formal research on their causes is limited.\n\n\nMethod\nEstimation methods using robust regression and two‐stage least squares are used, employing data across states in the United States obtained from the Federal Bureau of Investigation and other government sources.\n\n\nResults\nThe estimation results show that states with heightened cases of identity theft have greater charity‐related crimes. However, I found no contagion from border identity theft or border charity crimes. With regard to other social factors, race and ethnic homogeneity were associated with charity crimes. Among economic factors, economic prosperity and economic disparity did not matter, but unemployment was associated with more charity crimes. Different dimensions of charity markets did not significantly matter.\n\n\nConclusion\nThe findings show that other white‐collar crimes such as identity theft might be crucially driving charity crimes.\n\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 4, Page 1397-1412, July 2020. "]

  July 28, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12794   open full text
• Caleb Perry Patterson: Political Scientist and Civic Educator.
  James W. Riddlesperger.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 28, 2020
  ["\nAbstract\nCaleb Perry Patterson was a leader in the discipline of political science during a long career. He is remembered as the founder of the national political science honor society, Pi Sigma Alpha, and as a charter founder of the Southwestern Political Science Association (now the Southwestern Social Science Association). Both were founded a century ago, in 1920. While his role in founding those organizations is one of his legacies, his career was much more than that. He was a notable educator, an activist in the politics of his time, and a prolific scholar. He used an oratorical presentation style to inspire generations of students, and through promotion of constitutional values, he encouraged independence of thought. One prominent Texas political observer summed up his impact as encouraging students of all political stripes to “love the thing that is America” and to provide critical thinking during the McCarthy Era. With Patterson as his reference, he concluded that “the only thing that can save us is the professors, really.”\n", "Social Science Quarterly, Volume 101, Issue 4, Page 1207-1221, July 2020. "]

  July 28, 2020   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12817   open full text
• Inequality and Bias in the Demand for and Supply of News.
  Ann L. Owen, Andrew Wei.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 10, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objectives We examine how the supply and demand for news stories that reference an individualistic concept change in response to changes in inequality and the prevailing ideology. Methods We use Google Trends data to construct an index of demand for individualistic news and a database of newspaper articles to construct an index of supply. We estimate fixed effects models on state and DMA‐level data from 1993 to 2017. Results Demand for individualistic news is higher in more conservative areas and it is even stronger when inequality rises. Supply of individualistic news is higher when the share of income to the top 1 percent is higher. The supply effect is strongest in more liberal areas. Conclusion These results provide evidence of both confirmation bias influencing demand and media capture influencing supply. Confirmation bias and media capture are distinct phenomenon, but provide reinforcing explanations for why consumption of individualistic news increases with inequality. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  October 10, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12734   open full text
• School Sector and Climate: An Analysis of K–12 Safety Policies and School Climates in Indiana.
  Corey A. DeAngelis, Martin F. Lueken.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 10, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective We evaluate differences in school‐safety‐related practices and problems between school sectors (private, public charter, and traditional public) in Indiana in 2018. Methods Using survey data collected from 618 school leaders in the state, we empirically examine the relationship between school sector and the reported presence of school‐safety‐related practices and problems occurring at school. Subgroup analyses based on voucher program participation status, school level, and location are also performed. Results After controlling for factors such as school type, enrollment, number of students eligible for the federal free and reduced‐price lunch, the number of minority students and teachers, and urbanicity, we find evidence to suggest that private and charter schools tend to report fewer discipline problems while employing fewer disciplinary practices than traditional public schools. Conclusion Our descriptive results suggest that school sector may play a role in producing positive school environments. Further research is needed to better understand short‐ and long‐run consequences of school safety problems and how school safety and school sector might affect students’ academic and life trajectories. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  October 10, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12737   open full text
• A Matter of Degree? Fear, Anxiety, and Protective Gun Ownership in the United States.
  Tara D. Warner, Courtney R. Thrash.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 07, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objectives This study examines the effect of crime‐specific fears (worry about crime and perceived risk of crime), violent victimization, and diffuse anxieties (belief in a dangerous world [BDW], general distrust, and belief in others’ violent intentions) on protective gun ownership and involvement in “active” gun behaviors (i.e., gun accessibility in the home and handgun carrying). Methods We use data on over 4,000 U.S. adults from the 2017 nationally representative Pew Research Center's American Trends Panel. Results Fear of crime and perceived risks are largely unrelated to gun ownership, yet violent victimization influences protective ownership, which in turn influences gun accessibility. Additionally, diffuse fears and anxieties also matter for protective ownership and accessibility, with some effects explained by political party affiliation. Broader, general distrust of others is associated with owners’ frequency of carrying their handgun outside of the home. Conclusion The results highlight the complexity of the fear‐guns link, with multiple dimensions of fear and experience at work. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  October 07, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12735   open full text
• Is Community Attachment a Determinant of Actual Migration? An Estimate of the Social Capital, Linear‐Development, and Systemic Approaches.
  Yu‐Hui Kao, Stephen G. Sapp.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 07, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective This study examined whether community attachment leads to population changes through in‐ and out‐migration (such as migration rates), based on the concepts posited by the social capital, linear‐development, and systemic approaches. Methods Using the data of the 2014 Iowa Small Towns Project combined with information from the 2016 American Community Survey, we conducted structural equation modeling to examine the associations between community attachment with respect to its predictors (e.g., population size, median age, length of residence, and social capital) and migration. Results The results showed that the model effectively explained community attachment, and in particular, longer length of residence and higher social capital increased the level of community attachment. However, community attachment did not predict migration rates. Conclusion While previous studies found that community attachment is a determinant factor of migration intention, and essentially identical to actual migration, the findings implied that using migration intention or actual migration might yield conflicting results and thus yield different conclusions. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  October 07, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12733   open full text
• Public Service or Propaganda? How Americans Evaluate Political Advocacy by Executive Agencies.
  Michael Henderson, John Maxwell Hamilton.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 07, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective Executive agencies of the federal government frequently engage in explicit political advocacy, exhorting the public to adopt policy positions and engage in political actions. This advocacy conflicts with legal restrictions on unelected bureaucrats. It is unclear what the public thinks of this kind of advocacy. We assess whether Americans judge this advocacy based on principles about acceptable political processes or based on policy goals. Methods We use observational and experimental data from two national surveys of American adults to assess the role of policy preferences in acceptance of political advocacy by executive agencies. Findings We find that Americans approve a broad range of public communications from executive agencies, but approval of political appeals is highly sensitive to whether an individual shares the policy goal of the agency. Conclusions Policy agreement, rather than preferences about process, drives Americans' attitudes toward this kind of advocacy. Americans support political advocacy by executive agencies when it dovetails with their own policy preferences or partisanship and oppose it when these agencies advocate for policies that contradict their own preferences or partisanship. Indeed, they do not draw any distinction between unelected bureaucrats and elected politicians when it comes to evaluating these forms of advocacy. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  October 07, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12736   open full text
• Negative Media Coverage of the Supreme Court: The Interactive Role of Opinion Language, Coalition Size, and Ideological Signals.
  Alexander Denison, Justin Wedeking, Michael A. Zilis.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 07, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective We offer a novel consideration of how judicial behavior influences Court coverage, examining when the media use negative language to cover the Supreme Court, and the consequences of this portrayal. Methods Regression analysis to examine over 1,000 news articles from 29 diverse outlets covering rulings from the 2014 term, using text‐based measures of the Court and media's negative coverage. Results We find that the Court sends an important signal of conflict when using negative language in its decisions, leading to increases in negativity in subsequent coverage. We also show that this effect is conditional upon both the degree of consensus and ideological signals the Court sends when it rules. Conclusion The media's treatment of the Supreme Court is in many ways a product of the conflict and ideological positioning that can be observed from the Court's rulings. It suggests that Court signals can attenuate media slant. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  October 07, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12732   open full text
• The Impact of Fact‐Based Instructions on Juror Application of the Law: Results from a Trans‐Tasman Field Study.
  Benjamin Spivak, James Ogloff, Jonathan Clough, Yvette Tinsley, Warren Young.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 25, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective Over the past five decades, numerous researchers in common‐law jurisdictions have reported that jurors often fail to understand and apply the law presented to them by the trial judge. Several researchers have attempted to improve understanding of the law through revising language and utilizing instructional aides. The present study examines a novel method of instructing the jury, known as the “fact‐based” approach, which embeds legal concepts in a series of logically ordered written factual questions that the jury must answer to reach a verdict. Methods The study compared 287 jurors in 45 trials who received “fact‐based” instructions in New Zealand against 176 jurors in 41 trials who received standard form instructions in Australia. Participants in the study were compared on their ability to perform three tasks—selecting legal concepts in a recognition task, paraphrasing concepts in a recall task, and applying legal concepts to legally unambiguous factual scenarios. Results After controlling for trial‐related factors such as length of trial, word count, and readability of instructions, as well as the self‐reported level of education of participants, the study found that jurors receiving fact‐based directions performed significantly better on application‐based tasks but not significantly different on recall or recognition tasks. Conclusion The findings suggest that fact‐based instructions may have utility for enhancing the jury's ability to resolve questions of fact in accordance with the law. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  September 25, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12722   open full text
• Changes or Cross‐National Differences? Effects of Economic Inequality on Protest Participation.
  Marta Kołczyńska.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 25, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective The association between economic inequality and protest participation has attracted much scholarly attention, and yet empirical tests of this association remain unsatisfactory. Methods Applying a multilevel model to the eight‐wave repeated cross‐sectional data set from the European Social Survey, analyses presented in this article distinguish between cross‐national and longitudinal differences in economic inequality to investigate their effects on protest participation. Results Most of the observed effect of economic inequality on participation is due to between‐country differences rather than within‐country changes in inequality. Conclusion The results do not support theories according to which protest participation is causally related to economic inequality. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  September 25, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12731   open full text
• An Empirical Test of the Comey Effect on the 2016 Presidential Election.
  Dennis Halcoussis, Anton D. Lowenberg, G. Michael Phillips.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 23, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objectives The contentious 2016 U.S. presidential election was marked by acrimonious televised debates between the two major candidates, Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump, federal investigations of Clinton's emails that were sent from a personal server when she held office as Secretary of State, and the release of a videotape of lewd remarks by Trump about his behavior toward women. Financial market uncertainty also played in role in the election campaign. The objective of the article is to examine the impact of these different factors on the election. Method The present article uses a popular vote prediction market to test the impact of these factors on the probability of Trump winning the election. Results Results indicate that the debates and videotape release were not statistically significant, but that a letter to Congress released by FBI Director James B. Comey on October 28, 2016, substantially decreased Clinton's probability of winning the popular vote and simultaneously increased Trump's probability. Financial market uncertainty is found to have some marginal positive effect on Trump's probability of winning. Conclusion Trump's probability of winning the election received a substantial boost from FBI Director James B. Comey's “last‐minute” announcement on October 28, 2016. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  September 23, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12729   open full text
• Emotions and Deliberation in the Citizens’ Initiative Review.
  Genevieve Fuji Johnson, Michael E. Morrell, Laura W. Black.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 18, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective Emotions in deliberative democratic practices have been of interest to researchers and practitioners of democracy for years. Yet, scholars have not fully analyzed emotions in this context. We advance this discussion in terms of both data collection and analysis with respect to Citizens' Initiative Reviews (CIRs) in Arizona, Oregon, and Massachusetts in 2016. We respond to four central research questions: (1) What discrete emotions do participants report experiencing during mini‐public deliberation? (2) How do the reported emotions vary across the period of deliberation? (3) How do the expressed emotions affect the deliberation? and (4) What work do expressed emotions do in mini‐publics in terms of helping or hindering deliberation? Methods To ensure a comprehensive analysis of the data we were able to collect, we employ a mixed‐methods design and use both quantitative and qualitative methods. Results and Conclusion Ultimately, we contend that the activities and tasks of the group, as well as the behaviors of participants and relationships among them, are all important factors that shape how people experience emotion, but that the CIR procedures have the greatest influence in mediating emotions to serve the ends of deliberation in these mini‐publics. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 100, Issue 6, Page 2168-2187, October 2019. '

  September 18, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12707   open full text
• The Type of Student You Were in High School Predicts Voter Turnout in Adulthood.
  Aaron C. Weinschenk, Christopher T. Dawes.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 18, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective Research on political socialization has shown that political and civic experiences during high school can impact later political engagement. However, political scientists are increasingly realizing that nonpolitical experiences, dispositions, and attributes in childhood and adolescence can play a role in shaping political participation. Building on recent studies in developmental psychology, we examine whether and how student characteristics and behaviors in adolescence are related to political engagement in adulthood. Methods Using data from the Project Talent study, a national longitudinal study of a representative sample of high school students in the United States, we find that several behaviors and attributes related to one's high school experience have long‐term effects on voter turnout. Results Responsible students and those with high levels of interest in school are more likely than their counterparts to vote when they reach adulthood. Conclusion The effects of the school‐related measures we examine (1) persist for more than a decade after high school ends, (2) are similar in magnitude to the effects of classic predictors of political engagement such as parental political activism, and (3) hold even in the presence of controls for general personality traits, cognitive ability, resources such as parental socioeconomic status, socialization experiences, and demographic variables. Our results have implications for how to increase political participation. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  September 18, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12730   open full text
• Private School Choice and Crime: Evidence From Milwaukee.
  Corey A. DeAngelis, Patrick J. Wolf.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 18, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objectives This study aims to determine if private school choice reduces the proclivity of students to commit crimes as adults. Methods We examine crime rates for young adults who experienced Milwaukee's citywide voucher program as high school students compared to matched public school peers using unique data collected as part of a longitudinal evaluation of the program. Results We find that mere exposure to private schooling through a voucher is associated with lower rates of criminal activity, but the relationship is not robust to different analytic samples. Students who used the program through 12th grade, however, were much less likely to have criminal records than their public school peers. These results are apparent when controlling for a robust set of student demographics, test scores, and parental characteristics. Conclusions We conclude that merely being exposed to private schooling for a short time through a voucher program may not have a significant impact on criminal activity, though persistently attending a private school through a voucher program can decrease subsequent crime rates. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 100, Issue 6, Page 2302-2315, October 2019. '

  September 18, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12698   open full text
• The Effect of Human Values on Party Identification and Ideology for Black and White Partisans.
  Jessy Defenderfer.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 18, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective Recent research on core political values and moral foundations suggests our understanding of underlying values by race is underdeveloped. We know that Democrats prefer equality and Republicans prefer social order, but we know little as to whether these differences remain constant between blacks and whites. I utilize social psychological measures, not confounding core political values, to examine these differences. Methods Conducting an original survey, I utilize the Schwartz Portrait Values to examine the effect of values on party identification and ideology by race. Results I find that black Americans, relatively speaking, prioritize self‐transcendence values more so than whites; white Americans give more priority to values of conservation; and black Americans give more priority to values of self‐enhancement as compared to conservation. Further, the contribution of self‐transcendence values to Democratic Party identification is similar for both races, but conservation values lead to a Republican identification for white Americans, while self‐enhancement does so for black Americans. Conclusion This research contributes to the scarce literature on the human value structures of black Americans. The well‐established premise that Republicans prefer social order holds for white Americans, but for black Republicans, values of self‐enhancement undergird their party identification. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 100, Issue 6, Page 2240-2255, October 2019. '

  September 18, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12717   open full text
• Is it Safe to Keep This Job? The Costs of Violence on the Psychological Health and Careers of U.S. Mayors.
  Rebekah Herrick, Lori D. Franklin.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 18, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective This article explores the effects of physical and psychological violence on politicians' mental health and political ambition. Methods All mayors in cities of 30,000 and above were surveyed regarding any experiences of violence during their campaigns and service as mayors. Additionally, they reported any psychological and political costs of the negative experiences. Results Of 1,360 subjects, responses were received from 283. Among these, 216 subjects reported experiencing at least one incident of violence. Of those, more than 42 percent reported at least one indicator of potential psychological harm, but fewer than one‐fifth were considering leaving office. Harassment, frequency of violence, and physical violence had the greatest effects. Conclusion Violence has modest, but real effects on mayors’ psychological well‐being and political ambition, and these effects are more pronounced for those experiencing physical violence or harassment. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 100, Issue 6, Page 2047-2058, October 2019. '

  September 18, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12713   open full text
• Gun Ownership as a Social Identity: Estimating Behavioral and Attitudinal Relationships.
  Matthew J. Lacombe, Adam J. Howat, Jacob E. Rothschild.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 18, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective Recent research suggests that a gun owner social identity may undergird the deep political engagement of U.S. gun rights supporters. We adapt social psychological measures to assess whether such an identity does indeed exist, examine the factors that predict whether individuals hold the identity, and assess whether the identity predicts individuals’ political attitudes and participation. Methods We analyze two distinct survey data sets using various statistical techniques: (1) an original Mechanical Turk survey and (2) a survey of gun owners conducted by the Pew Research Center. Results Gun owner identity is an individual characteristic that can be meaningfully measured. Moreover, gun owner identity is predicted by contact with the National Rifle Association and participation in gun‐related social activities, among other factors. Further, this identity strongly predicts firearm‐related policy attitudes, the importance individuals place upon these issues, and their propensity to act in opposition to gun regulations, all independent of gun ownership. Conclusions Our results suggest that nuanced measurement of gun owner identity can provide a richer understanding of gun policy attitudes, identity politics, and interest group influence. In so doing, they help explain gun rights supporters’ unusual dedication and, by extension, the NRA's success in the realm of gun policy. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 100, Issue 6, Page 2408-2424, October 2019. '

  September 18, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12710   open full text
• Measuring the Disaster Resilience of an Urban Community Using ANP‐FCE Method from the Perspective of Capitals.
  Peng Cui, Dezhi Li.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 18, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective Facing increasingly frequent disasters, the resilience concept can make up the limitations of traditional community disaster management. This article evaluated the disaster resilience in an urban community from the perspective of capital, and provides measurements for stakeholders to enhance the community resilience. Methods On the basis of selected capital indicators using systematic literature review, the urban community resilience framework is established based on analytic network process and fuzzy comprehensive evaluation. Finally, the results are analyzed using the importance–performance analysis. Results First, 12 indicators within three dimensions of community capitals are identified. Then, the weights of social, economic, and natural capital are calculated as 33, 41, and 26 percent, respectively. Afterward, taking a waterlogging disaster as an example, an aged community acquired a 46.57 score of resilience. The importance–performance quadrant shows the priority of factors to be improved. Conclusion Relationship, norms, demographic characteristics, voluntary activity, physical facilities, communication system, general property, dedicated assets, resources, energy, ecological environment, and artificial environment are considered as key capitals of community resilience. In addition, a general framework to calculate and evaluate the resilience in a community is established that provides a benchmark for rating the resilience of urban communities. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 100, Issue 6, Page 2059-2077, October 2019. '

  September 18, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12699   open full text
• Intersectionality in Action: Gun Ownership and Women's Political Participation.
  Alexandra Middlewood, Mark R. Joslyn, Donald P. Haider‐Markel.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 18, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective We hypothesize that gun ownership among women is an important determinant of political engagement. Methods First, using 2013 Pew Research Center data, we examine different types of political participation concerning gun policy. Next, we examine data from a survey experiment embedded in a unique June 2017 national survey of nearly 900 gun owners. Finally, we analyze 2016 American National Election Studies data of behavioral and cognitive forms of political participation. Results Gun‐owning women exhibit levels of political participation about gun policy and a greater willingness to engage in political discussions about gun control than nonowning women. We also find greater levels of political engagement among gun‐owning women on measures of participation not related to gun policy. Conclusion We discuss the implications of our findings for research on political participation as well as for gun policy. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 100, Issue 6, Page 2507-2518, October 2019. '

  September 18, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12697   open full text
• Human Factors and Cybersecurity in Online Game Addiction: An Analysis of the Relationship Between High School Students' Online Game Addiction and the State of Providing Personal Cybersecurity and Representing Cyber Human Values in Online Games.
  Hatice Yildiz Durak.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 18, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective The number of users of online games is increasing day by day due to their constantly developing features. Users who have access to online games at all times are in a constant interaction with other users. In this regard, it can be suggested the interaction carries human values and does not contain information security threats. As a matter of fact, the virtual world presented in online gaming environments has evolved into an alternative survival area for individuals. On the other hand, the massive time spent in online environments leads to game addiction. This article seeks to determine the relationship between online game addiction (OGA) and the state of providing personal cybersecurity and representing cyber human values of high school students who actively play online games. Methods In accordance with this purpose, 212 high school students playing online games and using various applications have been surveyed. Results and Conclusion As a result of this study in which relational screening method was employed, a significant relationship was found between OGA and behaviors that focus on human values of truth and tolerance. In this study, which is aimed to expand existing knowledge, variables identified in this study and providing predictability of OGA can be used to prevent and alleviate gaming addiction in high school students. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 100, Issue 6, Page 1984-1998, October 2019. '

  September 18, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12693   open full text
• Facilitating Hope Among the Hopeless: The Role of Ideology and Moral Content in Shaping Reactions to Internal Criticism in the Context of Intractable Conflict.
  Julia Elad‐Strenger, Eran Halperin, Tamar Saguy.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 18, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective This study examines the conditions under which exposure to internal criticism among one's rival in conflict is effective in facilitating more positive views toward the rival. Methods In two experiments, Jewish Israelis were exposed to a Palestinian criticizing Palestinians for violations of either “binding” or “individualizing” moral values. Results Exposure to Palestinian internal criticism increased rightists' hope regarding the conflict and decreased their support for exclusion of Palestinians, particularly when the criticism targeted “binding” (vs. “individualizing”) moral values. Exposure to both types of criticism decreased leftists’ hope regarding the conflict. Conclusions Internal criticism can facilitate positive views about one's rival in conflict when the target audience holds particularly rigid and negative views about the self‐criticizing group, and particularly when the criticism communicates adherence values that echo those of the target audience. This study critically informs the design of interventions to induce hope and improve intergroup attitudes in intractable conflict. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 100, Issue 6, Page 2425-2444, October 2019. '

  September 18, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12690   open full text
• Assessment of Citizens’ Populist Orientations: Development and Validation of the POPulist ORientation (POPOR) Scale.
  Michele Roccato, Piergiorgio Corbetta, Nicoletta Cavazza, Pasquale Colloca.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 18, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objectives We developed and validated the POPulist ORientation (POPOR) Scale (composed of six five‐category items), operationalizing populist orientation as a unidimensional construct composed of six facets: (1) anti‐economic, financial, and intellectual establishment attitude; (2) anti‐political establishment; (3) conception of the people as a homogeneous and virtuous entity; (4) consideration of the people as legitimated to take part directly in political decision‐making processes; (5) need for a strong leader; and (6) loss of relevance of the traditional ideologies. To prevent response bias, we gave the POPOR Scale a forced‐choice format and a balanced structure. Method We surveyed a quota sample of 1,348 Italians extracted from the general population and analyzed the structure of the scale and its convergent validity via confirmatory factor analysis. Results The POPOR Scale showed a unidimensional structure and a good convergent validity. Supplemental analyses showed its structural invariance across gender, age, education, and area of residence. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 100, Issue 6, Page 2148-2167, October 2019. '

  September 18, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12704   open full text
• The Clinton Effect? The (Non)Impact of a High‐Profile Candidate on Gender Stereotypes.
  Mileah Kromer, Janine A. Parry.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 18, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objectives Does the presence of a particular high‐profile female politician influence how citizens think about women in politics generally? Methods We randomly assigned respondents in four statewide polls either to receive a cue about Hillary Clinton followed by a battery of questions about women in politics generally, or to hear only the women in politics battery. Results Drawing on scholarship from social psychology about the role of exemplars in auto evaluation, our results indicate that most individuals still hold gendered perceptions toward women in public office, but also that pushing the Clinton button first neither diminishes nor aggravates gendered expectations broadly. This is true even among males and Republicans, whom past scholarship suggests would be most susceptible to exemplar effects, and regardless of whether respondents were primed to think about Clinton as a diplomat or a candidate. Conclusions Our findings challenge the view that specific high‐profile female politicians will influence public perception of women's leadership qualifications generally. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 100, Issue 6, Page 2134-2147, October 2019. '

  September 18, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12701   open full text
• The Effects of Regulations on Private School Choice Program Participation: Experimental Evidence from Florida.
  Corey A. DeAngelis, Lindsey M. Burke, Patrick J. Wolf.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 18, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective This is the first experimental evaluation of the effects of various regulations on the willingness of private school leaders to participate in a hypothetical school voucher program. Methods We use surveys to randomly assign different regulations to 2,958 private school leaders in Florida and ask them whether they would participate in a new private school choice program during the following school year. Results We received responses from 327 private school leaders. Relative to no additional regulations, our most conservative models find that open‐enrollment mandates reduce the likelihood that private schools are certain to participate by 17 percentage points or 70 percent. State standardized testing requirements reduce the likelihood that private schools are certain to participate by 12 percentage points or 46 percent. We find no evidence to suggest that the prohibition of copayment affects participation overall. We find limited evidence to suggest that regulations are more likely to deter higher‐quality schools.as measured by tuition levels and enrollment trends. Conclusion These results suggest that various regulations of private school choice programs come with costs and perhaps unintended consequences. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 100, Issue 6, Page 2316-2336, October 2019. '

  September 18, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12689   open full text
• Representation Imperatives in the Public Mind.
  David Doherty, Amanda Clare Bryan, Reid Willis, Paul Witry.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 18, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective Some models of representation posit that high quality representation hinges on legislators adhering to their campaign promises. Others rest on the idea that representatives should respond to prevailing sentiment among their constituents. Still others suggest that legislators have a special obligation to their supporters—the voters who put them into office. We assess how important citizens think it is for elected officials to respond to each of these representation imperatives. Methods We leverage a national survey experiment that asked respondents to evaluate a Senator whose behavior conformed to or was at odds with each of these modes of representation. Findings Adhering to campaign promises and responding to prevailing public preferences similarly, and independently, affect evaluations of whether a vote cast by a legislator was appropriate. We also find a pronounced partisan divide in the importance people attach to responding to electoral supporters' preferences. Conclusions In the aggregate, Americans value each of the three modes of representation we investigate. However, Democrats attach essentially no independent importance to responsiveness to core supporters, while Republicans see this type of responsiveness as just as important as adhering to campaign promises or responding to the broader constituency. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 100, Issue 6, Page 1963-1983, October 2019. '

  September 18, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12686   open full text
• Does Private Schooling Affect Noncognitive Skills? International Evidence Based on Test and Survey Effort on PISA.
  Corey A. DeAngelis.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 18, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective This study estimates the effects of private schooling on noncognitive outcomes as measured by patterns of student responses on exams and surveys. Methods I use Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) data from over 300,000 individual students within 44 countries in 2009 and a historical natural experiment to estimate the causal impact of private schooling on student effort. Since nations with larger shares of Catholics in 1900 tend to have larger shares of private schooling today, the study uses the Catholic share of the population in 1900 as an exogenous instrument to predict whether a given child is in a private school in 2009. Results The results suggest that private schooling increases student effort on PISA tests, as measured by test decline, while decreasing diligence on student surveys, as measured by careless answer patterns and nonresponse rates. In addition, I find that private schooling substantially increases PISA test scores, and that stronger noncognitive skills are associated with higher PISA scores. Conclusion Since this is the first study to connect school sector to these noncognitive outcomes, additional research on this topic is especially welcome. More research is also needed on the validity of measures such as test decline, careless answer patterns, and nonresponse rates. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 100, Issue 6, Page 2256-2276, October 2019. '

  September 18, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12702   open full text
• Dating, Marriage, and Parental Approval: An Examination of Young Adults in China.
  Sampson Lee Blair, Timothy J. Madigan.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 18, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objectives Within Chinese culture, filial piety has long been a central aspect of families and family life, stipulating that children are obligated to their families, and adherence to parental authority is absolutely expected. Given the extent of societal change in China, it is important to assess the relative influence of filial piety upon young adults. Method Using a sample of young adult women and men, survey responses were analyzed to examine how willing daughters and sons are to date or marry someone without parental approval. Results Males were shown to be significantly more willing to go against parental approval compared to females. Familial characteristics were more likely to influence males' willingness to date without parental approval, while females were strongly influenced by their individual characteristics, and particularly those related to the qualities they desired in a partner. Conclusions Although a significant portion of young adults stated their willingness to comply with their parents’ wishes, a large portion did not. Cultural and economic factors may be affecting adherence to filial piety. The results are discussed within the developmental paradigm. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 100, Issue 6, Page 2351-2368, October 2019. '

  September 18, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12718   open full text
• Resilience in Social Innovation: Lessons from Women Market Traders.
  Shikha Upadhyaya, Jose Antonio Rosa.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 18, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective The article adopts a bottom‐up approach to examine the factors that influence the design, development, and diffusion of social innovation. These factors pertain to sociocultural complexities that complicate the commercial environment. Methods This article presents findings from an ethnographic study of women market traders in Fijian informal marketplaces. These informal marketplaces are communal exchange arenas where many economically disadvantaged individuals come to make their living. Results Findings highlight the resiliency of these traders in overcoming ambiguities and pressures that exist in these marketplaces. Conclusion An understanding of women market traders’ experimentation and strategies to manage daily tensions and policy‐related contradictions can potentially open up ideas for innovative business practices. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 100, Issue 6, Page 2115-2133, October 2019. '

  September 18, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12716   open full text
• Environmental Justice and Green Schools—Assessing Students and Communities’ Access to Green Schools.
  Shuang Zhao, Shan Zhou, Douglas S. Noonan.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 18, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective We investigate equity in the distribution of green schools, what kind of student populations they serve, and what kinds of communities host them. Methods Leveraging national school enrollment data (2000–2014), Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design data, and communities’ characteristics data from 2010 U.S. Census, we estimate logit models to examine the association between green schools and student and community demographics. Results Higher percentages of minorities in both student population and hosting neighborhood are associated with greater likelihood that new schools are green. New schools in more affluent and less educated communities are less likely to be green. Conclusion There is a lack of evidence for environmental injustice in students’ and communities’ access to new green schools in the United States. New schools serving lower‐income and minority families and children are more likely to be green, although environmental justice indicators such as education show somewhat “unjust” patterns. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 100, Issue 6, Page 2223-2239, October 2019. '

  September 18, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12715   open full text
• The Kerr–Mills Act and the Puzzles of Health‐Care Reform.
  Matthew Gritter.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 18, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective This article explores the passage and implementation of the Kerr–Mills Act of 1960. The Kerr–Mills Act created the Medical Assistance for the Aged program that preceded the 1965 creation of Medicare and Medicaid. Method Using primary and secondary sources, I seek to explore how the legislation was passed and how it was implemented. Results Kerr–Mills was passed because of an alliance between policy entrepreneur Wilbur Cohen and conservative southern Democratic members of Congress, Wilbur Mills and Roger Kerr. Cohen helped to craft a modest bill that gained easy approval. Three years after the passage of the law less than 1 percent of older Americans were covered, not every state implemented the legislation, and there were large discrepancies in terms of services and access. However, individual states reported success in creating programs. The Medicaid program took the structure of Kerr–Mills but included dependent children as recipients and incentives for states to participate. Conclusion While criticized as an unsuccessful program, Kerr–Mills provided the template for what is today the largest health insurance program: Medicaid. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 100, Issue 6, Page 2209-2222, October 2019. '

  September 18, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12714   open full text
• Is Democracy Necessary for Good Governance?
  John Ishiyama.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 18, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective Is democracy necessary for good governance? Although it is often assumed that there is a natural connection between democracy and governance, there is remarkably little empirical work that tests this relationship cross‐nationally. Methods In this article, I first focus on distinguishing aspects of good governance and separate them conceptually from democracy. Second, I outline several different types of regime models that represent models for emulation among developing countries. Third, using data from 115 countries from 1996 to 2011, I quantitatively analyze which of these is more effective in producing good governance (which in part explains the appeal of some models over others). Results The results suggest that there are (1) either no differences between one‐party regimes and democracies in terms of the promotion of rule of law or effective governance in the developing world; and (2) some types of semi‐authoritarian one‐party regimes are better at promoting rule of law and effective governance than other types of authoritarian regimes—equally as well as democracies. Conclusion Contrary to much of the literature, democracy does not appear to be necessary for good “enough” governance. However, in the long run, for good governance and the “rule of law” to firmly take root (where regime elites are held accountable by law), democratic institutions must be ultimately developed. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 100, Issue 6, Page 2188-2208, October 2019. '

  September 18, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12712   open full text
• Who Are Conspiracy Theorists? A Comprehensive Approach to Explaining Conspiracy Beliefs.
  Adam M. Enders, Steven M. Smallpage.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 18, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective This study disentangles the known correlates of conspiracy beliefs—such as the general predisposition toward conspiratorial thinking, authoritarianism, and partisan and ideological predispositions—in order to better understand the psychological antecedents of such beliefs and answer the question: Who are conspiracy theorists? Methods We use classification and regression tree models to explain individual beliefs in specific conspiracy theories, employing a large set of known correlates of conspiratorial thinking. Results Depending on the characteristics of the conspiracy theory employed on the survey, we find that political orientations and conspiratorial thinking provide the most analytical leverage in predicting individual conspiracy beliefs. Furthermore, paranormal beliefs were more predictive than previous literature suggests, while psychological biases demonstrated very limited predictive utility. Conclusions The psychological antecedents of conspiracy beliefs used to explain those beliefs vary considerably by the stimuli or events at the center of a given conspiracy theory. Therefore, disproportionately favoring one type of conspiracy theory on one's survey may result in inferences about conspiracy theorists that do not translate across studies. Furthermore, though we are not yet capable of fully determining who conspiracy theorists are, conspiratorial thinking, paranormal beliefs, and political orientations are more predictive of particular conspiracy beliefs than other attitudes, predispositions, and orientations. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 100, Issue 6, Page 2017-2032, October 2019. '

  September 18, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12711   open full text
• Publication Performance Through the Lens of the h‐index: How Can We Solve the Problem of the Ties?
  Nuno Crespo, Nadia Simoes.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 18, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective The h‐index is the most diffused bibliometric measure to evaluate publication performance at the author level. Despite its popularity, it is unable to provide a thorough ranking of the authors since it generates many ties. This problem is especially severe in the lower part of the distribution and is a serious shortcoming because the h‐index is used in a variety of decision‐making situations that have profound impacts at both the personal and institutional levels. Method We propose a method to differentiate authors with the same h‐index, thereby solving the problem of the ties. Results We conduct an empirical analysis covering 472 economists from the departments of economics of the top 10 world universities. When the h‐index and the measure proposed in this study are considered together, the problem of the ties diminishes dramatically. Conclusion In this study, we add to the available metrics aiming to increase fairness in ranking and selection processes. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 100, Issue 6, Page 2495-2506, October 2019. '

  September 18, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12696   open full text
• Affective Consistency and Sorting.
  Nicholas T. Davis, Samara Klar, Christopher R. Weber.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 18, 2019
  --- - |2 Objective Sorting is often portrayed as a mechanistic response to elite polarization: individuals recognize salient differences between the parties and match their preferences accordingly. Much less is known, however, about the psychological and motivational processes that contribute to it. In particular, how might affective reactions to elites shape convergence among political preferences? Method To explore the relationship between the consistency of self‐reported affect and sorting, we analyze cross‐sectional and panel data from the American National Election Studies. Results On balance, we find that negative emotions directed toward the opposing party candidate and positive emotions toward one's own party candidate are associated with an increase in the alignment of ideological and partisan preferences. Conclusion These findings illustrate how affect contributes to consistency in mass opinion. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 100, Issue 6, Page 2477-2494, October 2019. '

  September 18, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12695   open full text
• Melanated Millennials and the Politics of Black Hair.
  Byron D'Andra Orey, Yu Zhang.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 18, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective This research employs the phenotypic prototypicality framework to makes a connection between African‐American voters' perceptions of African‐American women candidates' appearances and candidate evaluations in contests with limited information. The primary focus is on the candidates' skin tone and hair texture. Methods The data consist of a convenience sample of 672 African‐American students from a Historically Black University in the Deep South. An experimental research design was employed to test whether African‐American candidates who possessed phenotypes that mirrored the prototypical African American were perceived differently when compared to those with more Eurocentric features. Each subject was randomly exposed to a stimulus that consisted of a brief campaign platform and an image of a light or dark woman donning either straight hair, twist outs or dreadlocks. Those subjects in the control group were exposed to an image of a dark male with short hair. Results African‐American students found the dark candidates to be more attractive when compared to their lighter counterparts, regardless of hairstyles. Candidates who possessed the prototypical Afrocentric appearance (i.e., dark skin and/or textured hair) were found to be more supportive of Historically Black Colleges and Universities, progressive policies and were perceived to be more hardworking, when compared to their lighter counterparts. Light‐skinned women, regardless of hairstyles, were perceived to be less supportive of Black Nationalist views. Conclusion The findings here run counter to the conventional wisdom associated with colorism, whereby African Americans have been deemed to possess self‐hatred by possessing a more positive bias toward women with a lighter hue and straight hair. In recent years, due to such events as police shootings of unarmed African‐Americans and the Black Lives Matter movement, Black Millennials have become more aware of the oppression and discrimination faced by many African Americans. This heightened level of consciousness, in tandem with the fact that they were born during an era when natural hairstyles were being popularized, has led them to embrace the aesthetic revolution that includes appreciating their melanated skin and kinky hair. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 100, Issue 6, Page 2458-2476, October 2019. '

  September 18, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12694   open full text
• Media Consumption and Fear of Crime in a Large Chinese City.
  Yuning Wu, Feng Li, Ruth A. Triplett, Ivan Y. Sun.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 18, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective While empirical research on Chinese people's perceptions of crime has developed encouragingly during the past decade, an important issue regarding correlates of such fear – the media effect, frequently found by the Western literature as a critical source of fear – has largely eluded scholarly attention. This study investigates the effects of consumption of different media types on Chinese fear of crime, while taking a wide range of other theoretically relevant and empirically validated factors into consideration. Methods Relying on data collected from a sample of residents in a large Chinese city, this study uses ordinary least squares regression to investigate the correlates of fear of crime. Results Consumption of newspapers and radio reports of news is associated with lower levels of fear, and consumption of political and social news from television and the Internet is connected to higher levels of fear of crime. The vulnerability model, crime and justice model, and community model have also received some support in these data. Conclusion This study provides robust support for the importance of the media in shaping public fear of crime, and indicates that the cultural context in which the media reports on crime is critical to understanding its role and impact. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 100, Issue 6, Page 2337-2350, October 2019. '

  September 18, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12692   open full text
• Content Matters: How Online Language Content Gives Rise to Digital Divides.
  Rob Grace, Caroline Stratton, Fred Fonseca.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 18, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective We examine the language content of Massive Open Online Courses (MOOCs) to consider how features of online content unequally structure access to capital‐enhancing uses of the Internet and contribute to digital divides. Methodology This study adopts a mixed‐methods approach using descriptive statistics to examine the distribution of language content among MOOCs, and qualitative content analysis to understand the motivations, resources, and methods behind initiatives to create MOOC language content. Results The availability of MOOCs varies significantly by language, with a preponderance of English‐language courses available compared to other world languages. Furthermore, a qualitative content analysis of initiatives to expand MOOC language content reveals a diverse ensemble of actors whose varied motivations, resources, and methods may widen existing inequalities structuring access to online learning despite expanding the availability of MOOCs in non‐English languages. Conclusion By revealing the availability of online content structuring access to capital‐enhancing uses of the Internet, studies of online content can help explain sociodemographic differences in Internet accessibility and usage, and can delineate digital divides along lines of inequality, when content is available to some people but not others, as well as inequity, when content is available but not useful in people's contexts of use. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 100, Issue 6, Page 1999-2016, October 2019. '

  September 18, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12691   open full text
• Co‐Movement of Political Risk and Sovereign Credit Risk: A Wavelet Coherence Analysis for Argentina, Brazil, and Venezuela.
  Dervis Kirikkaleli, Alper Ozun.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 18, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective This article aim to investigate the causal relationship between sovereign credit risk and political risk in Argentina, Brazil, and Venezuela. Methods Granger causality, Toda Yamamoto causality, and wavelet coherence tests are used to answer the following questions: (i) Is there are causal linkage between sovereign credit risk and political risk? (ii) If yes, in which direction(s)? It also provides a recent literature on the methods of quantification of political risk and historic economic instabilities in the selected countries. Results The findings from wavelet coherence reveal that (i) between 1997 and 2005, sovereign credit risk significantly causes political risk in Argentina at medium frequency but between 2008 and 2015, at high frequency, the direction of causality is opposite relative to the previous period; (ii) the correlation between political risk and sovereign credit risk is not high throughout the period of 1993‐2015, although there is a positive correlation between sovereign credit risk and political risk 1998 and 2000 at only high frequency in Brazil; (iii) between 1997 and 2011, political risk significantly causes sovereign credit risk in Venezuela. At high frequency, between 2006 and 2007, there is also positive correlation between sovereign credit risk and political risk. Conclusion There is evidence that there is a feedback causal relationship between political risk and sovereign credit risk at different frequencies. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 100, Issue 6, Page 2094-2114, October 2019. '

  September 18, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12709   open full text
• It's All Relative: Understanding “Women Friendliness” Between and Within States.
  Nicholas Pyeatt, Alixandra B. Yanus.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 18, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective In this article, we reexamine how the entry and success of women state legislative candidates is affected by local political context. Methods We use evidence from state legislative elections from 2001 to 2010 to test our hypotheses. Results We find that female candidates’ emergence and success are affected by the district's context relative to both all districts nationally and all districts within that state. Intrastate comparisons are particularly influential in districts that are less women friendly using a national comparison. Conclusions Our findings underscore the importance of considering multiple dimensions of political context as scholars attempt to understand the variation in political representation of women state legislators. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 100, Issue 6, Page 2391-2407, October 2019. '

  September 18, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12708   open full text
• Different Immigrants, Same Attitudes? Making Sense of the Association Between Two Immigrant Groups.
  Tsung‐han Tsai, Chia‐hung Tsai, Chi Huang.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 18, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective Previous studies of public attitudes toward immigration have been set in economically developed areas such as the United States and the countries of Western Europe, implicitly applying the term “immigrants” solely to blue‐collar laborers. In this article, we extend the discussion to Taiwan, a newly democratic and nearly developed country in East Asia. Methods Our study investigates public attitudes toward immigrants with different occupations and test predictions derived from both economic and cultural approaches. Results From an analysis of the survey data, we find different economic factors for pro‐immigration attitudes toward foreign professionals and laborers. Conclusions Specifically, people who have higher incomes are more likely to allow foreign professionals to become citizens, and people with positive assessments of national and individual economic conditions are more likely to favor the inflow of foreign workers. Furthermore, cultural tolerance and a high level of education are correlated to pro‐migration attitudes toward both foreign professionals and laborers. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 100, Issue 6, Page 2369-2390, October 2019. '

  September 18, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12706   open full text
• Does Predisposition Toward Disgust Affect Emotional Response to Political Leaders? Evidence from the 2012 U.S. Presidential Election.
  Patrick A. Stewart, Jamilah R. George, Thomas Adams.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 18, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective We explore the effects of trait disgust sensitivity and induced disgust on emotional response to political leaders. We assert that disgust sensitivity, especially in response to pathogen‐based stimuli (e.g., insects, feces, and vomit), will affect an individual's interaction with his or her political environment, including political leaders. Methods We analyze the effect of individual predispositions in response to stimuli indicating the presence of pathogens on emotional response to President Barack Obama, as well as his Republican challenger during the 2012 election, Mitt Romney. Study 1 utilizes cross‐sectional data to determine how disgust sensitivity relates to how President Obama made respondents feel. Study 2 analyzes experimental data considering the effect of a disgusting odorant (butyric acid) on emotional response to Obama and Romney. Results Findings suggest disgust plays an important role in emotional response to political leaders both through trait sensitivity and when induced and it is particularly relevant to emotional responses to President Obama. Conclusions Disgust, both as a trait sensitivity and as experimentally induced by an odorant, influences emotional response to the political environment, including high‐profile political leaders. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 100, Issue 6, Page 2033-2046, October 2019. '

  September 18, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12705   open full text
• Do Charter School Students Outperform Public School Students on Standardized Tests in Michigan?
  Kevin J. Murphy, Oded Izraeli.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 18, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective We compare academic achievement in charter schools versus two types of traditional public school in the State of Michigan over a 10‐year period. Charter schools serve as a reform measure for failing public schools, so the natural research question is: Do charter schools generate higher achievement levels than observationally comparable public schools? Methods We have assembled a longitudinal data set spanning academic years 2002/2003–2011/2012 containing proficiency rates on standardized math and reading tests for Grades 4, 7, and 11. Our set of control variables includes demographic measures, free lunch eligibility, school characteristics, funding per student, and locational measures. We model unobserved heterogeneity using random effects estimation. Results We find that Michigan charter schools significantly underperform traditional public schools in both subjects and in all three grade levels early in the study period. These gaps narrow considerably, and in some cases disappear, by the end of the period. Conclusion Michigan is noteworthy among states with charter schools for its deregulated and competitive charter environment. Our results suggest that Michigan charters nevertheless were doing about as well on the state's academic achievement tests as observationally comparable public schools by the end of the period. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 100, Issue 6, Page 2277-2301, October 2019. '

  September 18, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12703   open full text
• Resilience as the Predictor of Divorcees’ Life Satisfaction.
  Metehan Celik, Name İmren Caglayan.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 18, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objectives This study aims to investigate individual resilience as the predictor of divorcees’ life satisfaction and to reveal whether there is a significant difference in their life satisfaction caused by variables such as age, educational level, income level, having a child, and the number of children. Methods The sample for the research consists of 163 divorcees, aged between 23 and 67, who live in Adana, Turkey. Multiple regression analysis, t‐test for the independent groups, and Kruskal‐Wallis test were used in the data analysis. Results It was also found that ambition and personal competence, tolerance of negative conditions, and moral tendency subdimensions of the resilience scale together predicted the level of life satisfaction at a low significance level. Conclusions The conclusions indicated that resilience of divorcees predicted their level of life satisfaction at a low significance level. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 100, Issue 6, Page 2078-2093, October 2019. '

  September 18, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12700   open full text
• Testing Predictors of Mutual Efficacy.
  Michael C. Gearhart.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 18, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objectives Collective efficacy has developed concurrently in both sociology and psychology. In sociology, collective efficacy is the process by which social cohesion is activated as informal social control. In psychology, collective efficacy is a construct that focuses on a group's belief in its ability to achieve shared goals. Mutual efficacy reflects group members' beliefs that collective action can be successful at achieving group goals. Mutual efficacy was developed as a bridge between the sociological and psychological conceptualizations of collective efficacy. Prior research supports mutual efficacy as a mediator of the relationship between social cohesion and informal social control. However, little is known about the individual and neighborhood‐level characteristics that predict mutual efficacy. Methods This study tests predictors of mutual efficacy using regression while accounting for clustering at the neighborhood level through the use of Huber–White sandwich estimators. Results Findings show that multiple factors influence mutual efficacy including social cohesion, resident mobility, income, and education. Conclusion Findings highlight the importance of building mutual efficacy through facilitating interactions among neighbors, increasing access to education, and fostering economic stability. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 100, Issue 6, Page 2445-2457, October 2019. '

  September 18, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12688   open full text
• Do Voluntary Associations Matter for the Spread of Civic Activism in Russia? Matching Technique Applied to Survey Data.
  Carol Leonard, Zafar Nazarov, Lev Jakobson.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 17, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective This article develops an empirical model that tests whether in post‐communist Russia prior membership in a civil society organization (CSO) motivates civic activism. Revisiting Tocquevillian notions of a nurturing effect by formal civil society organizations of civic activism, we aim to help explain recent research findings showing that civic activism is sustainable and vital in Russia. Methods To test the main hypothesis of the study, we use the cross‐sectional survey of Russians aged 18 and older in the fall of 2014 (N = 1,500) representing 43 regions conducted by the Russian Civil Society Monitoring Survey of the Higher School of Economics' Centre for Studies of Civil Society and the Nonprofit Sector (2006–). We use the propensity score matching (PSM) technique to estimate the main effects. We also show that the effect of unobserved factors on our PSM estimates is limited using Rosenbaum bounds analysis. Results The PSM analysis suggests that for all four indicators of civic activism, that is, willingness to integrate with other members of society, participation in tenant meetings, engagement in charity activities, and engagement in home improvement, CSO participation positively impacts civic activism. The impact varies from a 7.2 to 15.8 percent higher propensity of civic activism for CSO participants. Conclusion We conclude that prior participation in a CSO can have a motivating influence on civic activism such as charity work, residential home improvement, willingness to integrate with other members of the society, and participation in tenant meetings. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  September 17, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12726   open full text
• The Intersectionality of Disasters’ Effects on Trust in Public Officials.
  Gina Yannitell Reinhardt.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 16, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective Groups defined by race and ideology are well‐known predictors of interpersonal and political trust, but gender‐based effects are undecided. I investigate whether disaster experience conditions a difference in political trust between women and men. Methods Examining the hurricane data set of U.S. public opinion, I analyze intersectionality's influence on disaster‐based political trust with a three‐way interaction between race, class, and gender. Results Among disaster survivors, black women trust less than all other race–gender groups, and white men trust the most. The difference between black and white women survivors’ political trust is attenuated by education. Education exacerbates race‐based political trust among observers. Among observers, there is not a gender‐based distinction. Conclusion Disasters create new identities based on shared experience, and offer a moment in time that illustrates how trust varies along gender–race–class–disaster dimensions. Knowing how trust differs according to intersectionality allows managers to manage critical events better. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  September 16, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12727   open full text
• From Statehouse to Courthouse: Legislative Professionalism and High Court Auditing Behavior.
  Miles T. Armaly.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 11, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objectives The objective of this article is to determine whether the institutional resources available to state legislatures impact the cases that a state's court of last resort chooses to hear. Specifically, does legislative professionalism influence the number of cases the court audits that reference an act of the legislature? Method I use time‐series cross‐sectional analysis to examine over 10,000 cases for 44 state courts from 1998 to 2009. Results I find that courts of last resort in states low in legislative professionalism tend to hear a greater number of cases that reference the legislature than states higher in professionalism, even after controlling for confounders such as ideological disagreement and judicial resources. Conclusion This suggests that state supreme courts offer themselves a disproportionate influence in public policy in states with low professionalism legislatures relative to those with lawmakers more capable of authoring litigation‐proof legislation. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  September 11, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12728   open full text
• Influence of Reputation on Cooperative Behavior in Crowd Innovation Network.
  Lei Wang, Jing Lin, Ting Yi, Wenqi Fan.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 10, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective The aim of this study is to describe the characteristics of a crowd innovation network and its cooperation obstacles. Methods This study constructs a reputation‐based public goods game model, uses the maximum utility of neighbors as the standard in order to update strategies, and analyzes the cooperative, evolutionary effect toward reputation of a crowd innovation network. Results The introduction of a reputation mechanism in the PGG can significantly promote the level of group cooperation, and the increase of reputation heterogeneity and co‐factors can promote the evolution proportion of cooperators in the group. Conclusion Reputation and its critical threshold have significant effect on cooperation under proper network scale. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  September 10, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12724   open full text
• Disparities in Modes and Content of Civic Engagement: An Analysis Using Data from the Current Population Survey.
  Kenneth Shores, Sigal Ben‐Porath, Michael Jefferson.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 02, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective We describe disparities in civic engagement along two axes: the modal, describing the extent to which civic engagement is structured, and its content, describing the extent to which civic engagement has partisan objectives. Accordingly, this structure creates four domains of civic engagement: associational–partisan (e.g., voting), social–partisan (e.g., boycotting), associational–civic (e.g., participating in parent–teacher organizations), and social–civic (e.g., talking with neighbors). Method Using data from the Current Population Survey and item response theory methods, we generate civic engagement scores in each of these domains for as many as 35,618 U.S. respondents. Results and Conclusions Similar to prior studies, income and educational attainment are associated with large disparities in civic engagement across all domains. However, in contrast to prior studies, young Americans are not outpacing older Americans in social–partisan engagement; rather, older Americans are more engaged in every sector of engagement we measure. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  September 02, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12725   open full text
• A New Face to the Race Card? Campaigns, Racial Cues, and Candidate Credibility.
  Tasha S. Philpot, Kenneth M. Miller.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 02, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective This research examines the effects of using positive racial imagery in the context of an electoral campaign. Method This study utilizes an experiment that was embedded in a survey conducted as part of the 2014 Cooperative Congressional Election Study. Results Unlike negative stereotypical images that activate racial prejudice, positive racial images can be used to improve perceptions of a candidate's perceived level of inclusivity and overall candidate evaluations. The ability to do so, however, is contingent on the racial attitudes of the subjects. Conclusion This study provides new insight into how racial appeals can be made in campaigns as well as the relative rigidity and fluidity of political stereotypes. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  September 02, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12723   open full text
• Failed Policy? The Effects of Kenya's Education Reform: Use of Natural Experiment and Regression Discontinuity Design.
  Hye‐Sung Kim.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 30, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective Kenya's 1985 education reform implemented curriculum changes to prepare children for the job market and changed the instructional language from English to local ethnic languages during the first three years of primary education. This article examines the reform's impact on (i) level of education completed, (ii) income level, and (iii) preference for national versus ethnic interests. Methods Using survey data collected from randomly selected Kenyan citizens in Nairobi, this article uses a regression discontinuity (RD) design comparing the first cohort exposed to the reform to those who were not. Results The education and income levels of those beginning their education under the reform were higher. The reform did not influence preference for national or ethnic interests. Conclusions The reform partially increased children's job market preparation but was unsuccessful in addressing unemployment. Teaching children in local languages exhibited no negative effects on ethnic as opposed to national interests. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  August 30, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12720   open full text
• Honor and Terrorism: Cultural Origins of the Severity of Terrorist Attacks.
  Joshua Tschantret.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 27, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective Why are some terrorist attacks so much more devastating than others? Despite the importance of this question, few studies examine the great variance in lethality across terrorist incidents. This article proposes that some cultures witness deadlier terrorism. In particular, it maintains that deadlier terrorism will occur in cultures of honor that socialize individuals to view violence as an acceptable means for upholding a reputation for toughness. Cultures of honor produce terrorists motivated by perceived slight and reputational challenges, which they are compelled to rectify through especially severe acts of violence. Reclaiming one's honor is possible by inflicting maximum damage on the offending person or group. Method This argument is empirically tested in a multilevel statistical analysis of domestic terrorism in the United States from 1970 to 2015. Results Clear evidence emerges that terrorism is deadlier in the U.S. South—the quintessential culture of honor—than in the other regions of the United States. Other variables highlighted in the existing literature, however, receive mixed support. Conclusion The evidence presented in this article indicates that cultural variables help explain variation in terrorist attack lethality. Future research on political violence, including terrorism, would benefit from taking culture into greater consideration. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  August 27, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12721   open full text
• Economic Downturns and Hardline Public Opinion.
  Tetsuro Kobayashi, Dani Madrid‐Morales, Yuki Asaba, Atsushi Tago.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 27, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective With an aim of extending the scope of group threat theory from within‐country tensions between racial groups to international economic competition, this study specifically examined the impacts of perceived relative economic status of an in‐group country on attitudes about contentious political issues with a rival out‐group country. Methods Two survey experiments were administered, both of which manipulated Japanese participants’ perceptions of the relative economic powers of Japan and South Korea. Results When Japanese perceive that their country's economic power is declining relative to South Korea's economy, they demonstrate more hardline attitudes about territorial and historical issues between the two countries. Conclusion This study demonstrates the applicability of group threat theory to bilateral international relations. It also suggests that public opinion about international conflicts is a function of the long‐term rebalancing of economic power, which cannot be easily influenced by short‐term policies. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  August 27, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12719   open full text
• Tweeting Blame in a Federalist System: Attributions for Disaster Response in Social Media Following Hurricane Sandy*.
  Kristine L. Canales, JoEllen V. Pope, Cherie D. Maestas.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 16, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective Attribution of responsibility for government performance in a federalist system is challenging but necessary for democratic accountability. We identify competing hypotheses for how attributions for government performance might arise in social media and test our expectations using data drawn from Twitter following Hurricane Sandy. Method We use a novel linguistic approach to measure blame attributions in text and compare patterns of blame attributions toward multiple levels of government over time. Results Social media blame attributions emerge at the outset of the storm and are more likely to center on federal actors, followed by local actors. State actors received the least blame. We find similar patterns in retweets. Conclusion Our results suggest that social media privileges attributions that target broadly salient national political actors; however, social media accounts of disaster may make it easier for the public to assess performance of local and state government. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  May 16, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12669   open full text
• Expanding Social Science Through Disaster Studies.
  Gina Yannitell Reinhardt, Ashley D. Ross.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 14, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objectives This article provides an overview of how the interdisciplinary field of disaster studies contributes to the social sciences. Methods The following themes are explored in relation to the articles contained in the special issue: disasters are social and political phenomena that generate policy change, disasters reflect and affect democratic governance, and disasters reveal shared experience and collective identity. Results Disaster studies bridge the social sciences theoretically and methodologically. Given the scope of disaster impacts—across social, political, economic, ecological, and infrastructure spheres—and the policy response they garner involving public, private, and civic actors, they offer a lens by which to see society and politics in a way that no other critical events can. Conclusion Disaster studies offer important applications of social science theories and concepts that expand the field, broaden our reach as social scientists, and deepen our understanding of fundamental social processes and behaviors in meaningful ways. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  May 14, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12668   open full text
• Isn't a Flood a “Rainy Day?” Does the Political Nature of Disasters Impact the Use of States’ Rainy Day Funds?*.
  JoEllen V. Pope, Suzanne M. Leland.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 13, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objectives To determine if state governments utilize rainy day funds (RDFs) for political purposes in the aftermath of disasters rather than their intended purpose of combating state cyclical economic downturns. Methods This research draws from multiple state‐level data sources to construct a panel data set from 1992 to 2010. Results Disaster damage, relief funds, and politics all influence the usage of states’ RDFs. We also find that the RDF balance is lower when disaster damages increase, when it is an election year, and the same party holds party control of the governor and legislature. Conclusion The findings of this empirical research are consistent with the literature about the importance state‐level politics plays in the use of state stabilization funds intended for cyclical economic downturns as opposed to providing more politically expedient disaster relief. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  May 13, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12663   open full text
• Public Attention to a Local Disaster Versus Competing Focusing Events: Google Trends Analysis Following the 2016 Louisiana Flood*.
  Jungwon Yeo, Claire Connolly Knox.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 10, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objectives This study explores trends of public attention to natural disasters, emphasizing the importance of public attention for disaster management and its relevance to policy adaptation. Methods Public attention was measured as Google Trends’ time‐series Search Volume Index (SVI). We compare the trend of SVI for the 2016 Louisiana Flood with SVI trends for other disasters of varying size, scale, and scope within the United States. Then, we compared the trend of relative SVI for the flood with other ongoing social/political events over the same observation period. Results Public attention to the 2016 Louisiana Flood formed and matured relatively faster than other national disasters in the comparison group. However, the flood disaster was not leading public attention at the national level. Conclusions Not late but less public attention might have affected disaster management operations for 2016 Louisiana Flood. Authors address some practical implications and strategies for rising public attention to natural disasters. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  May 10, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12666   open full text
• Resilience, Adaptation, and Inertia: Lessons from Disaster Recovery in a Time of Climate Change.
  Christopher Plein.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 01, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objectives To examine and assess sociocultural or socioeconomic inertia as an impediment to effective climate change policy response and practice. Methods Two core concepts to climate change policy response, “resilience” and “adaptation,” are seen as critical in disaster recovery strategies and practice. As ideal types, these concepts are coalescing in theory and gaining acceptance in the professional community, but not necessarily in practice. These concepts are explored through a study of disaster recovery efforts following the West Virginia floods of 2016. Results Disaster recovery strategies based on ideal forms of resilience and adaptation face significant barriers to adoption and practice. Disjunction between theory and practice constitutes one form of inertia. Other contributing factors include individual and collective behavior that resists change through social justification and insular forms of social capital. Institutional drag, in the form of waning political will and limited administrative capacity, also impedes adoption and use. Conclusion Sociocultural and socioeconomic inertia challenge the development of effective policies and practices to address climate change; social science can contribute to our understanding of these sources of constraint. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  May 01, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12658   open full text
• Who'll Stop the Rain? Repeated Disasters and Attitudes Toward Government*.
  Joshua P. Darr, Sarah D. Cate, Daniel S. Moak.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 17, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objectives We examine how prior experience with government agencies shapes citizens’ assessments of government performance. In Louisiana, two extreme weather events, 11 years apart, required intervention from the state and federal government: Hurricane Katrina in 2005 and the 2016 floods. Were Louisianans’ attitudes toward government response shaped by their prior experiences during a natural disaster? Methods We use an original survey of Louisianans to assess the role of Katrina experience in performance assessments of Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) and the Louisiana state government in 2016. Results We find a significant negative relationship: flood aid applicants in 2016 rated state government much lower, but only if they also applied for Katrina aid. Conclusions Those with personal experience with FEMA hold lower expectations of state government performance, which deteriorated under the Jindal Administration, and look to the federal government for support. Prior experience with government agencies establishes expectations of responsibility that endure years later. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  April 17, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12633   open full text
• “Is There Anybody Out There?”: Communication of Natural Hazard Warnings at Home and Away*.
  Wesley Wehde, Jason M. Pudlo, Scott E. Robinson.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 16, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective This article examines various determinants of communication behaviors related to natural hazards and how those determinants vary for those at home or those away from home. We use the context of a series of storms that provoked communication to determine differences across media platforms, location during the event, sending versus receiving communication, and certain demographic characteristics. Methods We use a survey of Oklahoma residents fielded in the Spring of 2016 following a series of storms to examine self‐reported communication behaviors. Results Our findings suggest that individuals are more likely to communicate when away from home, across all media for both sending and receiving behaviors. We find that warning reception methods differ importantly across location; those at home rely on authority‐to‐citizen communication, while others rely on citizen‐to‐citizen communication. Demographics and socioeconomic status also influence communication patterns. Conclusion Concerned individuals and emergency managers should use a diverse set of media to communicate, especially under increased risk or hazard, to reach relevant populations across demographics and place‐based locations. These strategies must be sensitive to time of day and the availability of media platforms to affected residents. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  April 16, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12641   open full text
• Polarization of Climate Change Beliefs: The Role of the Millennial Generation Identity*.
  Ashley D. Ross, Stella M. Rouse, William Mobley.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 15, 2019
  --- - |2+ Objective This article explores how the Millennial Generation identity—the shared values and experiences of young adults (born between 1980 and 1997)—affects political polarization of climate change belief, specifically how it mediates the relationship between party affiliation and educational attainment. Method To test this, an interaction between Millennial*Republican*education is estimated, using data from an original national survey administered in 2015. Results Millennials are more likely to believe in the evidence of climate change and its anthropogenic causes than older adults of their same party affiliation. Unlike older adults, the most educated Millennials are not the most likely to adhere to political party stance; rather, it is among the least educated Millennials that party sorting is most evident. Conclusion The Millennial Generation identity is meaningful for understanding political attitudes. Important distinctions exist between Millennials and older adults in the evaluation of climate change opinion and related policies. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  April 15, 2019   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12640   open full text
• Attitudes Toward Homosexuality and Perceptions of the United States Abroad*.
  Myunghee Kim, Nikola Mirilovic, Jonathan Knuckey.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 30, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective This article examines the determinants of perceptions of the United States and of President Obama among global citizens. Methods The 2013 Pew Research Center's Global Attitudes surveys covering countries from Asia, Europe, the Middle East, the Americas, and Africa with diverse socioeconomic and religious backgrounds are analyzed by using multilevel estimates. Results Findings reveal that attitudes toward homosexuality systematically shape opinions toward the United States and toward Obama's handling of foreign affairs. We also find the significant impact of religious and economic variables on perceptions of the United States and of Obama above and beyond other explanatory variables. Conclusion This research demonstrates the relevance of cleavages regarding social values. It also contributes to larger debates about sources of anti‐Americanism, and, more generally, about the role of ideology and social values in international relations. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  November 30, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12562   open full text
• Earning Iowa: Local Newspapers and the Invisible Primary*.
  Joshua P. Darr.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 28, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objectives Can presidential candidates influence their coverage in Iowa's smaller local newspapers? I extend the approach of previous research by examining the impact of campaign press releases on newspaper stories before the 2016 Iowa caucuses. Methods I coded the topic and tone of candidate press releases, and located “hits” in Iowa newspapers between September 2015 and January 2016 for the top two Democratic and Republican candidates. Results Press releases were used primarily for information dissemination in Iowa, while competitive messages decreased as a share of campaign communications. Small, weekly community newspapers hardly covered the campaign. Conclusions Newspapers in cities outside the state capital are ripe for campaign influence through the Associated Press and deserve more scrutiny, since their combined circulation rivals the largest state newspaper. Media–candidate relations are changing, but press releases remain a critical tool for campaigns to earn local coverage. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  November 28, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12565   open full text
• Political Leaning and Coverage Sentiment: Are Conservative Newspapers More Negative Toward Women?*.
  Eran Shor.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 28, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objectives This article examines whether newspapers’ political leaning affects coverage tone for individuals in the news and whether the gender of the person covered affects this relationship. Methods I analyze sentiment data on millions of person‐names from more than 200 major American newspapers between the years 2004 and 2009, juxtaposing them with various measurements for the political leaning of these newspapers. Results Results show mixed support for the idea that political leaning in the media affects coverage patterns for individuals in the news. While newspapers located in states that are more likely to vote for Republicans cover women in a more negative way, I find no relationship between political leaning scores and coverage sentiment for men. Conclusions The study shows mild support for the proposition that relatively liberal newspapers are more likely to cover women and women's issues in a positive way. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  November 28, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12563   open full text
• Evidence of Own‐Race Bias in Heisman Trophy Voting*.
  Nolan Kopkin.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 28, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective In this article, I test for evidence of own‐race bias in voting for the Heisman Trophy. Methods To study own‐race bias in Heisman Trophy voting, I use individual vote data from Heisman voters from 2002 to 2012 and an ordered probit model with controls for player and team performance that flexibly allows votes be affected by a player's race and racial match between player and voter. Results Estimates show nonblack voters are more likely to vote for nonblack players in absolute terms and compared with black voters assuming homogeneous voter preferences. Allowing preferences to vary by race, results show nonblack voters continue to be more likely to vote for nonblack players in absolute terms and are strongly suggestive of a larger relative bias in favor of nonblack players by nonblack voters as compared with black voters. Conclusion There is a racial component to Heisman Trophy voting and bias is large enough to affect official aggregate results. Racial bias may have affected the award's winner in multiple Heisman races between 2002 and 2012. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  November 28, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12567   open full text
• Decentralization and Football*.
  Ignacio Lago, Carlos Lago‐Peñas, Santiago Lago‐Peñas.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 28, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objectives We show that decentralization of economic and political power makes a substantial difference in football. Decentralization increases the competitive balance of domestic football leagues and creates an advantage for clubs from decentralized countries in international competitions. Methods We run pooled cross‐sectional time‐series analyses using data from 35 European countries over the period 1950–2010 and logistic regressions with data from the first 18 editions of the Union of European Football Associations (UEFA) Champions League. Results We find that regional autonomy boosts the competition among clubs from different regions and results in a greater competitive balance of domestic football leagues. Clubs from decentralized countries have a greater chance of winning, or at least playing in the final, than those from centralized countries. Conclusions The degree of countries’ political and economic decentralization positively increases the likelihood of winning football international trophies. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  November 28, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12564   open full text
• How Do State‐Level Environmental Policies Impact the Voting Behavior of National Legislators?*.
  Thomas L. Brunell, Brett Cease.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 27, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective We investigate whether state‐level policy adoption of environmental regulations leads to nationalization of similar policies and, if so, the mechanisms by which members of Congress are incentivized to vote strategically. Method We examine several key environmental policies (i.e., renewable portfolio standards and regional cap‐and‐trade agreements) and utilize historical state‐level inventories and congressional roll‐call votes in our analysis. Results We demonstrate that Democratic and Republican members of the U.S. House in both scenarios were much more likely—even after controlling for ideology and constituency preferences—to vote in favor of increasing environmental regulations if their home state already put such a policy in place. Conclusion In a new political era where federalism within environmental policy is being reimagined, the lessons learned from the Waxman‐Markey cap and trade bill and the Udall RPS Amendment teach us of the importance of state‐level initiatives serving as powerful drivers for increasing pressure for federal adoption. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  November 27, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12559   open full text
• If the Lord Is Willing and the Creek Don't Rise: Religious Attendance and Disaster Recovery in the Deep South*.
  Candace Forbes Bright, Roma Hanks, Edward Sayre, Amye Broyles, Braden Bagley.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 26, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective This article examines the association between religious attendance and disaster recovery in Mississippi and Alabama. Methods We use ordinary least squares regression to determine the effect of sociodemographic variables, social network size, and religious attendance on one's self‐described level of disaster recovery. Results We find a robust association between frequent religious attendance and a greater level of recovery. Somewhat surprisingly, we also find a strong relationship between religious nonattendance and a greater level of recovery. However, these results differ by race. For whites (but not for blacks), nonattendance is associated with a greater degree of recovery, while for blacks (but not for whites), frequent attendance is correlated with a greater degree of recovery. For both whites and blacks, the size of one's social network does not affect disaster recovery. Conclusion While according to previous research, religious attendance is associated with benefits based upon social networks and community engagement, we find that those who are strongly connected to their religious organizations recover more, but it is not directly connected to one's social network size. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  November 26, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12561   open full text
• Risky Business: Institutional Logics and Risk Taking at Large U.S. Commercial Banks*.
  Joe LaBriola.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 25, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective This article aims to answer whether increased securitization and/or increased shareholder value pressures at commercial banks have led to higher levels of risk. Methods Using data on large U.S. commercial banks from several sources, I estimate linear partial‐adjustment models to predict the effects of securitization, as well as CEO incentives to increase shareholder value, on leverage. Results These models provide evidence that increases in the relative size of trading securities at a commercial bank are significantly associated with increases in leverage. Meanwhile, the relative size of total securities and CEO incentives to increase shareholder value do not appear to affect leverage. Conclusion These findings suggest that limiting commercial bank speculation in securities markets may reduce the likelihood that commercial banks face large losses or become insolvent in financial downturns. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  November 25, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12560   open full text
• Measuring Away the Importance of Institutions: The Case of Seigneurial Tenure and Agricultural Output in Canada East, 1851*.
  Vincent Geloso.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 25, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract This article argues that the 1851 census of Canada East (the modern‐day province of Quebec) requires a set of important corrections. Using corrections based on ethnic origin composition, I demonstrate how significantly wheat and oat yields were underestimated in Canada East. More importantly, I argue that the measurement errors are not randomly distributed and that they are biased against attempts to test the role of institutions. I show how the new method of correcting the data change our interpretation of agricultural efficiency in Lower Canada in the mid‐19th century. While this correction may seem minor, it shows that in the past, the data took a form that was biased against numerous hypotheses concerning land tenure institutions. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  November 25, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12557   open full text
• How the Link Between Social Capital and Migratory Duration Helps Us Understand Immigrant–Native Inequality*.
  Natasha Altema McNeely, Elizabeth Maltby, Rene R. Rocha.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 25, 2018
  --- - |2 Objective In the aggregate, people are socioeconomic indicators who are better off in high social capital environments. But the gap between natives and immigrants is large in these same areas. In this article, we offer an alternative argument for the effect of social capital on inequality between immigrants and natives. Methods We use a duration modeling analysis of data on migratory stays supplied by the Mexican Migration Project to link social capital to immigration trends. Results We suggest that social capital may be reducing equality for benign reasons and show that social capital is a resource that mostly benefits unauthorized immigrants in punitive policy environments. Unauthorized immigrants are encouraged to settle in high social capital states to gain access to these resources. This group tends to be less assimilated and possesses few socioeconomic resources. Conclusion High social capital states are unequal not because social capital produces inequality but because it is valued by immigrants who are faring poorly. The most vulnerable immigrants benefit the most from living in places where social networks and feelings of generalized trust are strong. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  November 25, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12552   open full text
• What Americans Think About Gun Control: Evidence from the General Social Survey, 1972–2016*.
  Steven V. Miller.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 18, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective Gun control is a classic case of policy gridlock and we commonly assume public opinion is at the foundation of this gridlock. However, public opinion analyses of attitudes about gun control often say little about the topic itself and do not fully leverage our long‐running survey data to assess partisan, regional, and temporal trends in attitudes toward gun control. Methods I use over 26 waves of General Social Survey data from 1972 to 2016 to analyze the main public opinion cleavages (partisanship, urban/rural distinctions, and Census regions) of gun control. Results I find that partisanship and ruralness are not robust predictors of attitudes about gun control and that partisan polarization is only partial and recent. Further assumptions about regional variation in attitudes toward gun control need reevaluation. Conclusion Gun control policy gridlock says more about polarization at the elite level than at the mass level. Future research can also do well to assess issue‐linkage concerns on specific gun control policy measures. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  November 18, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12555   open full text
• Update on Racial Disparities in Access to Healthcare: An Application of Nonlinear Decomposition Techniques*.
  Tunay Oguz.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 12, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective Access to care disparities between non‐Hispanic whites and Hispanics continue to persist; updating the literature is essential to finding solutions. Methods Used the Medical Expenditure Panel Survey 2009–2011, Area Health Resource File, and 2010 Census to update the literature using nonlinear decomposition techniques. Results Findings confirm previous studies: health insurance is essential in reducing racial disparities in healthcare. The impact of language has grown to 25 percent. Findings also suggest that acquiring public health insurance and gaining citizenship offset the access to care disparities between non‐Hispanic whites and Hispanics, especially for women. Heterogeneity exists between Hispanic women and men, some of which comes from differences between their attitudes and beliefs regarding healthcare. However, these disparities cannot be explained with observed characteristics. Conclusion Disparities in access to care have changed and observed characteristics explain all disparities between non‐Hispanic whites and Hispanics. Hispanic men suffer disproportionately from access to care disparities compared to Hispanic women. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  November 12, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12551   open full text
• Racial Minorities’ Trust in Government and Government Decisionmakers*.
  Jeffrey W. Koch.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 12, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective Compare the impact of being a racial minority for influencing political trust as measured by the standard, NES‐developed measures with its impact on assessments of the capacity of decisionmakers to make racially unbiased spending and hiring decisions. Additionally, to examine the political trust of American Indians, an understudied racial minority. Methods Bivariate and multivariate analysis of 2004 and 2008 National Annenberg Election Study survey data. Results Self‐designation as a racial minority exercises small, inconsistent effects on the standard measures of political trust and external efficacy. When citizens are asked whether Caucasian government officials make decisions on spending and hiring to advantage whites to the disadvantage of blacks and Hispanics, racial minorities state that they expect racial bias. American Indians reveal levels of political trust similar to those held by other racial minorities. Conclusion An increasingly multiracial society will experience considerable tensions as minorities distrust government decisionmakers of a different race. These tensions will continue to be exploited by ambitious political elites. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  November 12, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12548   open full text
• Diverted from the “Correct Vote”? Foreign Policy Influence on Electoral Behavior*.
  Nicholas F. Martini, Samuel Schutt.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 11, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective We consider the influence foreign policy issues and events can have on the voting calculations of individuals; specifically, how foreign policy influences the probability of “correct voting.” Method We use data from the 2004 American National Election Study along with a measure of “correct voting” from Richard Lau and David P. Redlawsk (1997, American Political Science Review, 91(3): 585–98) and Lau, Andersen, and Redlawsk (2008, American Journal of Political Science, 52(2): 395–411). Results Our results indicate that salient foreign policy issues viewed to be favorably handled by the incumbent have the potential to alter voting calculations to favor the incumbent. In the 2004 presidential election, individuals who should have voted for Kerry were more likely to vote incorrectly if terrorism was a salient issue. This pattern was not observed on another foreign policy issue: Iraq. Conclusion This research further clarifies the strong link foreign policy can have with the electoral behavior of individuals. It speaks to the correct voting literature in expanding upon what elements can modify voter calculations. It also speaks to researchers in foreign policy and public opinion by expanding our understanding of the conditions for when foreign policy issues and voter behavior can be fused. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  November 11, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12553   open full text
• Looking for Meaning in All the Wrong Places: Country Music and the Politics of Identity*.
  Kenneth J. Meier.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 11, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective This study argues that country music can be viewed in terms of identity politics that seeks to define an American identity. Methods A textual analysis of country music songs is used to illustrate the various components of this American identity associated with the U.S. South and West. Results Six key dimensions of the country music American identity are identified‐–the goodness of the common man, family values, patriotism, race, religion, and nostalgia. Dissenting views on several themes are also illustrated. Conclusion U.S. country music can be viewed as the symbolic politics version of redistributive politics that defines values to be accepted and cherished as well as values to be denigrated and shunned. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  November 11, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12556   open full text
• Loss Aversion and Risk Aversion in Wagering on Jeopardy!’s “Daily Double”*.
  Curtis M. Simon.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 09, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objectives The objective of the study was to test predictions of loss aversion and risk aversion by analyzing contestant wagers in the game show Jeopardy! Methods The primary method employed in this article is ordinary least squares regression analysis but the mean wagers of contestants in various player subcategories and stages of the game are also analyzed. Results The results support the core proposition of loss aversion in that the mean wagers of contestants who are behind in the game are greater than are the mean wagers of contestants who are ahead in the game. The results also indicate some differences in the behavior of men and women in risk taking and that contestants make use of frames of reference in making their wagers such as how far ahead or behind they are in points and how much “time” is left in the game at the time of their wager. Conclusion Given the results of this article and a review of other relevant literature, the suggestion is made that future studies of loss aversion and risk aversion continue to explore complexity and variation in the context of decision making and that future research into possible differences by sex in risk aversion explore scenarios in which choices are grounded in other‐ or community‐oriented situations rather than scenarios centering only on individual gains. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  November 09, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12549   open full text
• Gender and the Politics of Marijuana*.
  Laurel Elder, Steven Greene.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 08, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objectives The objectives of this study were to understand why, even though women are more liberal than men on a broad range of issues, when it comes to the increasingly prominent issue of marijuana legalization, the direction of the gender gap is reversed, with women more conservative than men. Methods Relying on a 2013 Pew survey—unique for the extensiveness of its marijuana questions, including marijuana usage—we explore and attempt to explain the nature of this unusual gender gap. We test several hypotheses rooted in the different life experiences of women and men. Results We find that women's role as mothers cannot explain this gap, and that mothers are in fact no different from those without children in terms of their support for marijuana policy, as well as their reported use of marijuana. The greater religiosity of women does play a prominent role in the gender gap on marijuana policy, but does not account for the full difference of opinion between women and men. Our findings suggest that men's greater propensity relative to women to use marijuana is a major driver behind the gender gap. Conclusions Not only are attitudes on marijuana legalization likely to continue to liberalize, but as marijuana legalization and marijuana use become normalized, rather than viewed as immoral and dangerous behavior, the existing gender gap should shrink. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  November 08, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12558   open full text
• Race, Religion, and Obama in Appalachia*.
  Steven White.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 06, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective Appalachia—historically a culturally and politically unique region of the United States—has been effectively ignored by contemporary political scientists. Using a unique measure of Appalachian residence, this article analyzes racial attitudes, religion, and Appalachian opposition to the 2008 presidential candidacy of Barack Obama. Methods I use regression analysis to assess the extent to which Appalachian residents differ in their levels of perceived racial favoritism, identification as born‐again Christians, and frequency of church attendance, as well as whether these variables can mediate the seeming regional effect of Appalachia in a standard vote choice model. Results I first demonstrate higher levels of perceived racial favoritism and, especially, higher levels of a particular type of religiosity in the region. I then assess whether these measures can mediate Appalachian distinctiveness in presidential vote choice. When perceived racial favoritism, church attendance, and born‐again Christian status are controlled for in regression models, Appalachian regional opposition to the 2008 Obama candidacy disappears statistically. Conclusion While race and religion both “matter,” I find it is religion that seems to matter more in explaining Appalachian distinctiveness, particularly relative to traditional southern distinctiveness. This provides a new vantage point from which to assess southern politics debates about subregional variation and the relative roles of race and religion, as well as sets the foundation for further analyses of Appalachia and American politics. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  November 06, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12550   open full text
• Incarcerating Exceptional Pupils: Is There a School‐to‐Prison Pipeline in Eastern Oklahoma?*.
  Brett A. Fitzgerald, Valerie H. Hunt, Brinck Kerr.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 04, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective We examine the referral of students, including special needs students, from public schools in eastern Oklahoma to the Oklahoma Office of Juvenile Affairs (OJA), the state's juvenile justice authority. Methods Using data from 154 public schools in 10 eastern Oklahoma counties and using ordinary least squares and Tobit analyses, we explore the following general research question: Do some schools refer students to the OJA at greater rates than other schools, and if so, why? Results The results indicate that greater percentages of students referred by public schools to the OJA are consistently related to higher percentages of African‐American, Latino, and male students—and in some cases, to higher percentages of special needs students and students receiving free/reduced lunch. Conclusion These findings strongly suggest that policies and practices implemented by public schools may contribute to disparate outcomes. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  November 04, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12545   open full text
• “I Just Don't Think She Has a Presidential Look”: Sexism and Vote Choice in the 2016 Election*.
  Jonathan Knuckey.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 04, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objectives This article examines the effect of both modern and traditional sexism on vote choice in the 2016 presidential election, and posits that they played a major role in explaining Hillary Clinton's defeat to Donald Trump. Methods Data from the 2016 American National Election Study are analyzed using a logistic regression model. Results Both modern and traditional sexism exerted a statistically significant effect on presidential vote choice in 2016. Indeed, its effect rivaled that of racial resentment and was only exceeded by partisanship. Conclusion While a variety of factors may have cost Hillary Clinton the presidency in 2016, sexism needs to be addressed as one of those factors. More broadly, the findings of this article suggest that women candidates continue to face obstacles and are evaluated differently than men, especially when running for the most visible offices in American politics. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  November 04, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12547   open full text
• Dissecting Perceptions: Exploring the Determinants of Health‐Care Reform Preferences*.
  Joshua L. Mitchell, Pearl K. Ford Dowe.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 01, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective There is significant research regarding health‐care preferences in other nations and racial preference for health‐care providers. However, minimal research examines health‐care reform preferences in the United States. Therefore, this study aims to fill this void by demonstrating how a subterranean agenda, or attitudes toward race that manifest themselves into policy, at least partially drove public opinion regarding the Affordable Care Act (ACA). Methods Drawing from a nationally representative sample in the 2012 Blair Center–Clinton School Poll, this study examines how various “subterranean” elements in addition to economic, demographic, sociological, ideological, regional, and conditional factors shaped attitudes toward the ACA. Results Testing multiple hypotheses, we found that a subterranean agenda shaped preferences for ACA along with various other factors, such as presidential approval, individuals' perception regarding the role of the federal government, ideology, feeling toward blacks, feeling toward the Tea Party, and a conditional effect between a person's financial status and feeling toward blacks. Conclusion Preference for ACA is complex and driven by a multitude of factors. Future studies should explore the dynamics of public opinion over time and other state‐level and temporally driven factors that may increase or decrease the probability of individuals supporting health‐care reform. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  November 01, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12546   open full text
• A Contingent Effect of Trust? Interpersonal Trust and Social Movement Participation in Political Context*.
  Hyungjun Suh, Heidi Reynolds‐Stenson.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 01, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective Previous studies on the relationship between interpersonal trust and social movement participation have largely focused on the simple link, without attention to the interaction between trust and aspects of the political context. This study investigates this contingent effect of two types of interpersonal trust (ingroup and outgroup trust) on social movement participation. Method The data are drawn from the World Values Survey 6th wave and country‐level Macro Indices from 41 countries. We use multilevel modeling (random coefficient model) to test the contingent effect of trust. Results The results reveal a positive association between outgroup trust and protest participation, moderated by both functioning institutions and state repression. Meanwhile, ingroup trust is not significantly associated with protest participation. Conclusion This contingent theory of trust could reconcile previous inconsistent empirical findings and explain why trust may have an insignificant or weaker effect on social movement participation in some contexts. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 4, Page 1484-1495, December 2018. '

  November 01, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12515   open full text
• Religion and Partisan‐Ideological Sorting, 1984–2016*.
  Nicholas T. Davis.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 01, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective This article explores how religion affects the extent to which individuals connect their ideological to partisan identities—a process termed partisan‐ideological sorting. Method To explore this relationship, I analyze data from the American National Election Studies (ANES) Time‐Series surveys and the Youth‐Parent Socialization (YPS) panel study. Results I find that a matrix of belief, belonging, and behavior constrains the convergence between citizens’ political identities, with one important caveat: evangelical affiliation functions as the primary conduit through which religiosity shapes this sorting. Building on these results, I then estimate the direct impact of religion on sorting over time. Conclusion These findings show that religion has produced asymmetric sorting in the mass public among persons with right‐leaning identities. Further, they provide a social explanation for partisan‐ideological sorting that complements extant institutional ones. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 4, Page 1446-1466, December 2018. '

  November 01, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12508   open full text
• A Protocol for Identifying and Sampling From Proxy Populations.
  Tao Lu, Aimee L. Franklin.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 01, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objectives Increasingly it is more and more difficult for researchers to garner a robust response rate from their target population. In response, they often turn to more accessible proxy populations. However, guidance on how to identify and select a proxy population that reasonably mimics the target population is neither expansive nor systematic. Our objective is to fill this gap by offering a standardized protocol for selecting appropriate population. We introduce a proxy selection protocol that combines convenience with purposive nonprobability sampling. Methods The protocol introduces a method following a step‐by‐step process to evaluate the suitability of a different potential proxy populations as a reasonable representation of the target population. Results and Conclusion We come to an conclusion that this proxy selection protocol can overcome low response rates and avoid contamination of a limited target population when conducting exploratory or early‐stage explanatory research of potential causal relationships. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 4, Page 1535-1546, December 2018. '

  November 01, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12519   open full text
• Voting Turnout and Referendum Outcomes on Same‐Sex Marriage, 1998–2015*.
  Christopher A. Simon, Richard E. Matland, Dane G. Wendell, Raymond Tatalovich.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 01, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objectives This analysis of referenda voting on same‐sex marriage (SSM) from 1998 until Obergefell v. Hodges (2015) focuses on the impact of turnout, which has been neglected in previous research on gay marriage referenda. Methods We employ OLS regression analysis with clustered standard errors by state to analyze voting on SSM referenda with eight county‐level variables and seven state‐level variables. Our novel data set includes 2,610 counties across 34 different states. Results Higher referendum turnout consistently produced less support for banning SSM. Additionally, we find that the gap between the polling numbers and referendum results was caused by low turnout levels. A higher turnout would reduce that gap, so that polling would have more closely approximated public opinion. Conclusions These findings suggest that impact of voter turnout on public policy is understudied, and including turnout measures may help future researchers better understand the electoral behavior of morality policy referenda. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 4, Page 1522-1534, December 2018. '

  November 01, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12518   open full text
• How Does Immigration Affect Suicide? An Analysis of U.S. Metropolitan Areas*.
  Lauren J. Krivo, Julie A. Phillips.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 01, 2018
  --- - |2+ Abstract Objective Limited research investigates the relationship between levels of immigration, a source of societal integration and regulation, and U.S. suicide rates. We examine the aggregate immigration–suicide link during the 2008–2010 period, in light of the 30‐year high in suicide rates and concern about deleterious effects of immigration on the well‐being of American society. Methods We use data on 250 U.S. metropolitan areas and ordinary least squares regression to examine the association between immigration and suicide for 2008–2010. Results Net of controls, recent immigration, is linked to lower suicide levels for the native‐born population but has no association with foreign‐born suicide rates. High levels of immigration are most protective for native‐born suicide under favorable economic conditions. Conclusions Immigration is not a threat to societal health in terms of higher suicide rates. Future research should consider the mechanisms through which beneficial effects of immigration on suicide rates operate. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 4, Page 1510-1521, December 2018. '

  November 01, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12517   open full text
• U.S. Citizens’ Current Attitudes Toward Immigrants and Immigration: A Study From the General Social Survey*.
  Daniel K. Pryce.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 01, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective This study tests U.S. citizens’ attitudes toward immigrants and immigration. Immigrants and immigration educe strong, divergent sentiments in the U.S. population. While these sentiments, which are tied to public policy, have been examined in prior studies, it is important to test them regularly in empirical studies to observe any changes in attitudes toward immigrants and immigration. Methods I rely on the 2014 General Social Survey and employ hierarchical multivariate regression models to test the effects of patriotism, nationalism, xenophobia, and “world citizenship” on pro‐immigration attitudes. Results Females, respondents with higher education, and respondents who were more patriotic were more likely to hold pro‐immigration attitudes. Conversely, older respondents and respondents who held greater xenophobic attitudes were less likely to hold pro‐immigration attitudes. Finally, respondents who viewed themselves more as citizens of the world than citizens of a particular country were more likely to hold pro‐immigration attitudes. Conclusion The study's results are generally consistent with findings from prior research, and point to a general invariability in Americans’ views about immigrants and immigration. The policy implications of the findings are discussed. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 4, Page 1467-1483, December 2018. '

  November 01, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12514   open full text
• Mitigation of Relative Age Effects Through Targeted Policy Intervention: A Natural Experiment From Professional Tennis*.
  Elodie Wendling, Brian M. Mills.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 01, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective We address the impact of policy intervention in youth tennis targeted at mitigating the influence of labor market‐persistent relative age effects known to exist in age‐grouped cohorts of students and athletes. Methods We take advantage of a natural experiment in policy implementation in U.S. youth tennis using a difference‐in‐difference‐in‐difference framework to identify effects among players born early and late in the year at the professional level using data from 1990 through 2015. Results Estimations reveal that the policy was successful in improving relative performance for U.S. men's tennis players born late in the year; however, there was no apparent effect on rankings for women. Conclusion We propose that while policy can have effects at the professional level, policy prescriptions that depend on physical or mental maturity may differ depending on sex or gender and require specificity in structure for various groups. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 4, Page 1496-1509, December 2018. '

  November 01, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12516   open full text
• How Radical Is Too Radical? Public Perception of Taiwanese Environmental Nonprofit Organizations’ Activism*.
  Li‐Yin Liu.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 01, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective This study sought answers to two important unasked questions: (1) How does the Taiwanese public perceive different types of environmental activism initiated by environmental nonprofit organizations (ENPOs)? And (2) How does culture influence these perceptions? Methods This study utilized cultural theory (CT) to develop hypotheses to test data collected through an online survey in Taiwan. Results The evidence confirms what CT predicted: egalitarians tended to consider protest‐based environmental activities as effective and acceptable, while individualists tended to have negative thoughts about the effectiveness and acceptance of protest‐based activities. Conclusion This study found that CT can also be helpful in studying environmental activism, especially in countries, like Taiwan, where ideological lines and partisan differences on environmental issues are not clear. Moreover, compared to conventional partisan and ideological explanations, CT better explains the determinants of public perceptions regarding environmental activities. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 4, Page 1426-1445, December 2018. '

  November 01, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12507   open full text
• Challenging the Dominant Frame: The Moderating Impact of Exposure and Knowledge on Perceptions of Sex Trafficking Victimization*.
  Vanessa Bouché, Amy Farrell, Dana E. Wittmer‐Wolfe.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 01, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective Human trafficking problems have largely been framed by political elites and the media as a sexual crime involving innocent victims who are largely women and children. It is unclear how this framing impacts the public's attitudes about the issue. Here, we ask what types of sex trafficking victim frames produce the strongest response among the American public and how does increased exposure and accurate knowledge about the issue moderate the impact of the victim frames? Methods To answer these questions, we utilize data from a unique nationally representative survey experiment fielded to 2,000 Americans in which we designed a 2 × 2 × 2 experiment manipulating the gender, age, and nationality of sex trafficking victims. Results We find the age of the victim has the greatest impact on affective, cognitive, and behavioral responses to human trafficking, but that these victim frames are conditional on the amount of exposure a subject has had to the issue of human trafficking and the level of correct knowledge he or she possesses about human trafficking. Conclusion Victim framing in public discourse on sex trafficking does make a difference, and the reasons these frames elicit different responses are complex and moderated by respondents’ exposure to information and knowledge about the issue. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 4, Page 1283-1302, December 2018. '

  November 01, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12492   open full text
• On the Preferences for Strong Leadership*.
  Alberto Chong, Mark Gradstein.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 01, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objectives This article aims to answer the question of who favors strong political leadership, with a few checks on its power. Methods First, we specify a formal model to generate testable hypotheses on the relationship between income and attitudes toward strong political leadership support. Then, we test these claims using a rich survey of individual attitudes across countries from 1999 to 2004. Results We present evidence indicating that the support for such strong leadership is inversely related to individual income, even after controlling for additional characteristics, such as education. Individual attitudes toward strong leadership are also inversely related to country‐level indicators such as income inequality, level of GDP per capita, and institutional characteristics. Conclusion We rationalize these findings by suggesting that a strong leader, sometimes with little legislative oversight, nevertheless benefits from public support in expectation that his policies would provide protection from the expropriation by powerful elites. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 4, Page 1267-1282, December 2018. '

  November 01, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12489   open full text
• Courts and Issue Attention in Canada.
  Nicholas D. Conway, Soren Jordan, Joseph Daniel Ura.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 01, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective To inform international discourse about judicial countermajoritarianism, we assess whether decisions enhancing gay rights by Canadian courts increase the media's attention to homosexuality and related topics. Method We first collect a data set of monthly counts of relevant articles published in two prominent Canadian newspapers and then estimate Markov‐switching models to evaluate whether increases in media attention to homosexuality are coincident with judicial decisions enhancing gay rights in Canada. Results Each of five landmark gay rights decisions is coincident with a period of heightened media attention to homosexuality. The data show that Canadian newspapers publish nearly twice as many relevant stories during these “active” regimes compared to “inactive” periods. Conclusion Canadian courts can increase attention to issues in the national media. This result supports a dynamic view of the interaction between courts and democratic majorities in place of the static view of democracy endemic to normative discourse about judicial countermajoritarianism. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 4, Page 1324-1348, December 2018. '

  November 01, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12496   open full text
• Red Lights and Handcuffs: The Effect of Arrests on the Fear of Crime*.
  April Fernandes.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 01, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objectives Despite decreasing rates of violent victimization, the fear of neighborhood crime continues to rise and is often exaggerated. This project explores the role of arrests on the fear of crime and perceived neighborhood safety. The visual nature of arrests—flashing red lights, blaring sirens, and apprehension of a suspect—provides residents with an observable proxy for crime, elevating their fear. Alternately, arrests can serve as a signal of police effectiveness and the decreasing threat of victimization. Methods I use multilevel modeling to investigate the unique relationship between two forms of neighborhood concern and arrests. Results Results show that the number of arrests increases the fear of violent crime. Perceived neighborhood safety is influenced more by crime rates than arrests. Conclusions These results have implications for the role of police in managing the fear of crime among community residents, especially surrounding violent crime. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 4, Page 1390-1408, December 2018. '

  November 01, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12503   open full text
• The Interplay of Peer, Parent, and Adolescent Drinking*.
  Julie Skalamera Olson, Robert Crosnoe.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 01, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective To explore variability in the link between peer and adolescent drinking by parental drinking. Stress and differential susceptibility perspectives led to hypotheses that adolescents with drinking parents would be more reactive to peer drinking, but also to peer abstention. Methods Using data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health, regressions estimated whether the association between peer alcohol use and increased drinking among adolescents was moderated by parental drinking. A regions of significance test identified the level of peer drinking that predicted adolescent drinking in the context of parental drinking. Results Adolescents with binge‐drinking parents were more likely to increase drinking at every level of peer drinking, supporting the stress perspective; such adolescents did not accrue benefits from abstaining peers, going against the differential susceptibility perspective. Conclusions Far from monolithic, peer influences on adolescent risky behaviors may require family environments and genetic predispositions conducive to those behaviors. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 4, Page 1349-1362, December 2018. '

  November 01, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12497   open full text
• Different Alternatives of Subjective Well‐Being: A Gender Analysis*.
  Fernando Lera‐López, Andrea Ollo‐López, José Manuel Sánchez‐Santos.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 01, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objectives The objective of this article is to analyze the different roles played by key factors in individual subjective well‐being (SWB). Making a distinction between females and males, we consider the correlations of different characteristics of a healthy lifestyle, work environment, and social support with happiness in Spain. Methods Based on a sample of 10,821 Spanish people, we applied ordered probit models and consider the possibility of common method variance. Results The results show that some elements of healthy lifestyles, such as the intensity of physical activity (PA), level of self‐perceived health, and sleeping hours are positively associated with a higher level of happiness, with some differences between genders, particularly in terms of PA. We also detected significant differences between males and females in the potential associations between individual happiness and variables measuring the social support, job satisfaction, and time spent unemployed. Conclusions The conclusions emphasize the differences between genders in explaining individual happiness and the relevance of the healthy lifestyles, different circumstances of the labor market, and social support to account for happiness. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 4, Page 1303-1323, December 2018. '

  November 01, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12494   open full text
• A Multivariate Study of Internet Use and the Digital Divide*.
  C. Serrano‐Cinca, J. F. Muñoz‐Soro, I. Brusca.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 01, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective This article explores the use of Internet, including social networks, e‐government services, and e‐commerce, from the perspective of the digital divide. First, it aims to find out what factors explain the digital divide. Second, the article aims to identify the groups that are digitally excluded. Method The article is based on survey data (N = 2,304) collected in Spain, which are analyzed using multiple regression, principal component analysis, and cluster analysis. Results Two dimensions are identified: the first is the comprehensive use of Internet and the second is the nature of this use, differentiating between a professional use and a recreational and social use of Internet. The article verifies that factors explaining the digital divide are age, education level, and income. Conclusions The article identifies digitally excluded segments, and the efforts and actions for digital training to eradicate the digital divide should be directed at these groups. The most serious problem is encountered in homeworkers who are mainly woman. NEETs (not in education, employment, or training) are frequent users of Internet, but they only use it for entertainment and to certain extent they are digitally excluded. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 4, Page 1409-1425, December 2018. '

  November 01, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12504   open full text
• Cultural Worldviews and Political Process Preferences*.
  Chad M. Zanocco, Michael D. Jones.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 01, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objectives Cultural theory (CT) is often leveraged to explain policy preferences and risk perceptions. While scholars often make claims regarding CT's relationship with political process preferences, these remain largely untested. This study explores the relationship between CT and individual preferences toward the process in which political decisions are made. Methods Using national survey data (n = 900), we identify two political process preference dimensions in exploratory factor analysis: compromise and expediency. To operationalize CT, survey items from cultural cognition theory are formed into cultural measures. We use bivariate and multivariate analysis to explore key relationships. Results Those with more egalitarian/communitarian worldviews value compromise in political decision making, while those with individualist/hierarchical worldviews are less likely to value compromise. We find no relationship between expediency and cultural worldviews. Conclusion This research suggests that CT is useful for understanding some, but not all, dimensions of political process preferences. While those with egalitarians/communitarian worldviews may be more accepting of policy decisions produced under compromise, other common tropes regarding the relationship between CT and process preferences should be carefully applied. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 4, Page 1377-1389, December 2018. '

  November 01, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12500   open full text
• The Exceptionalism of the Open Space Issue in American Politics*.
  William R. Lowry.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 01, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective Our objective is to illustrate the need to differentiate specific issue types within broad policy categories by showing the exceptional support in American politics for open space issues. Methods We test this assertion with econometric analyses of outcomes from over 600 state ballot measures on environmental and energy issues. Results We find exceptional support for open space ballot measures in simple comparisons and in fuller models of ballot measure passage. As one example, over 80 percent of the open space measures pass, whereas 50 percent of all the other measures pass. Conclusion Exceptional support for open space is important for this policy area specifically but also as an illustration of the need to differentiate broad policy categories into specific issues. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 4, Page 1363-1376, December 2018. '

  November 01, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12499   open full text
• Assessing the Influence of Amicus Curiae Briefs on the Roberts Court*.
  Richard L. Pacelle, John M. Scheb, Hemant K. Sharma, David H. Scott.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 01, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objectives Our objective is to assess the influence of amicus curiae briefs on judicial behavior on the U.S. Supreme Court. Our primary hypothesis is that amicus briefs have an impact on the justices across the ideological spectrum. Our secondary hypothesis is that this influence will be greater for justices nearer the ideological center. Methods Our analysis is confined to the Roberts Court (2005 through 2014 terms, inclusive). The unit of analysis is the justice‐vote in each of the 793 full‐opinion decisions during this 10‐term period; thus, our data set contains 7,135 observations. We employ logistic regression to test the impact of amicus filings on the ideological direction of the vote cast by each justice in each case. We control for the direction of the lower court decision, the ideological orientations of the justices, the presence of the federal government (or agency or official) as party, and the presence of the solicitor general as amicus curiae. Results We find statistical support for both the primary and secondary hypotheses. Amicus briefs appear to influence the justices across the ideological spectrum. The influence is somewhat greater among the more moderate justices, although the relationship between amicus influence and judicial moderation is a weak one. Conclusions Supreme Court justices appear to respond positively to the persuasive attempts of amici. This impact is most noticeable for the justices in the middle of the Court—those who tend to be most influential in steering the Court's decision making. - 'Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 4, Page 1253-1266, December 2018. '

  November 01, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12480   open full text
• Good Looks as a Source of Moral Permissiveness*.
  Robert Urbatsch.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 31, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective Establishing what leads people to particular moral beliefs is complicated by potential predictors being themselves caused by moral attitudes. This problem is less acute when considering the effects of good looks, which, by expanding sexual opportunities, shift incentives for beliefs regarding the morality of sexual activities. Methods Regressions predict responses to morality‐related questions in the 2016 General Social Survey and the 1972 National Election Study, which included interviewer (i.e., not self‐generated) evaluations of respondents’ looks. These questions concern various actions’ moral acceptability regardless of legality, as well as policy positions on issues including gay marriage and marijuana legalization. Results Better‐looking respondents give more morally permissive responses to most questions relating to sex. For issues not directly related to sexual opportunities, however, attractiveness does not predict significantly more acceptant attitudes. Conclusion Good‐looking people generally are more acceptant of those indulgences that they have disproportionate opportunities for, highlighting the role of opportunism in the formation of moral and political attitudes. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  October 31, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12544   open full text
• What Are Good‐Looking Candidates, and Can They Sway Election Results?*.
  Rodrigo Praino, Daniel Stockemer.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 25, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective In this article, we address two major gaps in the understanding of the relationship between candidate attractiveness and electoral success. With the assistance of the Victoria Police Criminal Identification Unit in Melbourne, Australia, we show how good‐looking candidates look like by building the faces of six “ideal candidates” in terms of physical attractiveness. Utilizing our “ideal candidates,” we then investigate whether candidate attractiveness can actually sway electoral results. Methods We proceed in four distinct steps, using data from the 2008 U.S. House of Representatives elections. First, we collect data on candidate attractiveness. Second, we build our “ideal candidates” and obtain their attractiveness ranking. Third, we model the effect of candidate attractiveness on candidate vote margins. Fourth, we run four hypothetical scenarios that assess whether candidate attractiveness can sway the electoral results in marginal seats. Results About two‐thirds of marginal races would trigger a different winner if the actual loser looked like our ideal candidates. In addition, virtually every single marginal race would have had a different outcome if the unsuccessful candidate looked like our “ideal candidate” and the successful candidate was very unattractive. Conclusion Candidate attractiveness can sway electoral results, provided that elections are competitive. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  October 25, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12540   open full text
• Generalized and Contingent Trust of Others Among Sexual Minority Individuals*.
  Lisa F. Platt, Christopher P. Scheitle.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 24, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective This study examines how perceptions of the trustworthiness of others are influenced by an individual's sexual orientation. We hypothesize that gay, lesbian, and bisexual individuals will be more likely than heterosexual individuals to express generalized distrust and what we conceptualize as contingent trust. The latter is represented by responses of “it depends.” Methods Using data from the 2008–2016 General Social Surveys, we conduct multinomial logistic regression analyses to examine patterns of trust in others, with a particular focus on differences across sexual orientation groups. Results We find that gay or lesbian individuals are significantly more likely than heterosexual individuals to say that their trust of others “depends.” Bisexual individuals, however, do not significantly differ from heterosexual individuals. Conclusion This study contributes to the trust literature by considering the influence of sexual orientation as well as expanding upon the idea of contingent trust. Future research could build upon this by also considering the “depends” response as a conceptually unique attitude toward trust of others. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  October 24, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12542   open full text
• Just a Little Respect: Differences in Job Satisfaction Among Individuals With and Without Disabilities*.
  Jennifer D. Brooks.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 24, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective While scholars have documented high unemployment rates of individuals with disabilities, few studies address how workers with disabilities feel about their jobs. This study uses nationally representative data to explore the relationship between disability and job satisfaction; and examines how differences in job satisfaction between workers with and without disabilities may reflect educational attainment and perceived workplace respect. Methods Data come from the 2006 U.S. General Social Survey (N = 1,613). I estimated a series of ordinal logit regression models, controlling for gender, age, and race. Results Controlling for demographic and workplace characteristics, workers with disabilities had 49 percent lower odds of reporting high job satisfaction than their nondisabled counterparts. Differences in workplace respect accounted for 38 percent of this difference. Conclusion Given these results, one policy recommendation would be to implement disability awareness training for all employees, which may increase the amount of respect experienced by disabled workers. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  October 24, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12543   open full text
• Voter ID Laws: A View from the Public*.
  Paul Gronke, William D. Hicks, Seth C. McKee, Charles Stewart, James Dunham.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 23, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective The proliferation of voter identification (ID) laws in the American states has spawned a growing literature examining their causes and effects. We move in a different direction, focusing on public opinion toward these laws. Methods Drawing on a battery of questions in the 2014 Cooperative Congressional Election Study, we explore why some respondents believe these laws prevent fraud while others believe they disadvantage political participation. Results We find that partisanship shapes respondents’ attitudes about the effects of voter ID laws, but in different ways. Democrats, whose opinions vary according to ideology, education, attention to politics, and racial resentment, are divided. Republicans, however, are markedly more united in their support of voter ID laws. Conclusions These differences, we argue, are consistent with an elite‐to‐mass message transmission reflecting the current context of polarized party politics and the variation in the voter coalitions comprising the Democratic and Republican parties. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  October 23, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12541   open full text
• Deserving a Just Pension: A Factorial Survey Approach*.
  Juan Carlos Castillo, Francisco Olivos, Ariel Azar.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 18, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective This study analyzes which characteristics of pension recipients are taken into account when evaluating the fairness of pensions. Furthermore, it identifies some respondents’ characteristics and preferences that could be related to the justice evaluation of different pension amounts. Methods A factorial survey was designed to simultaneously analyze the association of respondents’ and recipients’ characteristics with the pensions’ justice evaluation. Results Findings indicate that although there is a consensual demand for larger pensions, it is still believed that pensions should be allocated primarily based on individual achievement. Conclusions Although in general, larger pensions are on average considered as more just, the justice criteria rely heavily on individual achievement over redistributive considerations, showing willingness to accept very low pensions for those considered not deserving them. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  October 18, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12539   open full text
• Perceptions of the Rule of Law: Evidence on the Impact of Judicial Insulation*.
  Jeff Yates, Andrew B. Whitford, David Brown.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 10, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objectives The purpose of this article is to determine whether judicial insulation influences how individuals assess the rule of law. Methods We employ panel data models using data collected by the World Bank and other sources to differentiate the influence of two kinds of judicial insulation—designed (de jure) and implemented (de facto)—on individuals’ perceptions of the viability of the rule of law in their country. Results We find that while insulation (as designed) has no bearing on how individuals score rule of law strength, insulation (as implemented) increases individual assessments. Notably, we find that disappointment from unmet expectations—where institutional implementation falls short of design—negatively influences rule of law strength scores. Conclusions We conclude that the degree to which expectations regarding the insulation and independence of the judiciary are met (or not met) can have important implications for how the viability of the rule of law is perceived. - 'Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView. '

  October 10, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12538   open full text
• Gender Wage Gap Trends Among Information Science Workers*.
  Gabriel Courey, John S. Heywood.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 28, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective We test whether increasing gender earning differences are associated with the surprising decline in the share of women working in information science (IS). Methods We use representative data to estimate the gender earnings differential from 1995 to 2015 for full‐time, private‐sector IS workers in the United States. We decompose the differential within and across years. Time trends isolate the pattern of the unexplained gender differential. Results None of our decompositions or projections reveal increased gender earnings differentials over the sample period. If anything, the unexplained differentials modestly decline. Conclusion Despite contentions that the financial treatment of women explains their departure from IS and engineering, we find no evidence of a trend toward larger earnings differentials. Thus, our data argue that the declining share of women in IS likely has its roots elsewhere. - Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView.
  

  September 28, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12536   open full text
• The Trump Transition: Beginning a Distinctive Presidency*.
  James D. King, James W. Riddlesperger.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 28, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective Donald Trump's 2016 presidential campaign was unorthodox by any standard. But does an unorthodox campaign result in an administration different from its predecessors? Methods We examine the Trump transition to identify similarities with and differences from previous administrations. Results Similarities include certain patterns in personnel selections, centralization of policy making, and the role of the vice president. Key differences include fewer high‐ranking officials with prior experience in government, the White House chief of staff lacking policy experience, a higher proportion of nominations being challenged in the Senate, and decrease in gender and ethnic diversity among key appointees. Conclusion An unorthodox presidential campaign produced an administration somewhat different but not wholly different from its predecessors. - Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView.
  

  September 28, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12537   open full text
• Minimum Income and Flat Tax Revisited: A Combined CGE‐Microsimulation Analysis for Germany.
  Stefanie Schubert.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 27, 2018
  --- - |2- Abstract Objective. This article quantifies the economic effects of a fundamental reform proposal for Germany's social security system that integrates most parts of the prevailing social security insurances into the general tax‐transfer system. Methods. Drawing on individual household data, we use a combined approach that employs both computable general equilibrium modeling and microsimulations. Results. By discussing two revenue‐neutral reform scenarios that both encompass a negative income tax for low incomes and a flat tax rate otherwise, but differ in the effective marginal tax rates and tax allowances, we find a negligible or even negative impact on employment and GDP. Conclusion. Our results cast doubt on whether such a fundamental reform would have positive welfare effects. - Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView.
  

  September 27, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12532   open full text
• Bad Samaritans: Religion and Anti‐Immigrant and Anti‐Muslim Sentiment in the United States.
  Darren E. Sherkat, Derek Lehman.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 26, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objectives Negative sentiment toward immigrants helps fuel preferences for restrictive immigration policy. Religious commitments have been linked to both positive and negative dispositions toward immigrants, Muslims, and immigration. This study tests how religious factors impact negative sentiments toward immigrants and Muslims, and preferences for more restrictive immigration policy. Methods We analyze data from the 1996 and 2004–2016 General Social Surveys (GSS), examining scales for negative sentiment toward immigrants, civil liberties for Muslims, and preferences to restrict immigration. Ordinary least squares and ordinal regression models are used to examine the effects of religious factors net of social background and political identifications. Results Sectarian Protestants, white Catholics, and biblical literalists were found to have more hostile views of immigrants and Muslims, while nonwhite Catholics, non‐Christians, the unaffiliated, and those with secular beliefs held more positive views of immigrants and immigration. Conclusions While elite sectarian Protestants and the Catholic Church hierarchy have urged tolerance for immigrants and immigration, our findings suggest that the sectarians, white Catholics, and biblical literalists hold negative views of immigrants, Muslims, and immigration. Subscription to Christian nationalism also appears to play a role in structuring negative views of immigrants and Muslims. - Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView.
  

  September 26, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12535   open full text
• The Hispanic Extracurricular Participation Gap*.
  Karin E. Kitchens, William Gormley.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 26, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objectives Scholars have noted a gap in extracurricular (EC) participation between Hispanic students and other students. But why exactly does this gap exist? We consider four possible explanations: parental awareness, financial resources, family obligations, and access to EC activities. Methods To test these possible explanations for the EC participation gap, we use data on middle school participation in EC activities from Tulsa, Oklahoma. We fit a series of ordinary least squares models to analyze membership in EC activities across seven activity types for 381 Hispanic and 447 white students in Tulsa, Oklahoma. We also investigate whether EC activity predicts academic outcomes in middle school. Results Parental awareness is the dominant predictor of EC activity. EC activity also has positive effects on math test scores, math and reading grades, and overall grade point average, even after controlling for early academic success. Conclusions The key to narrowing the Hispanic‐white EC participation gap would seem to be greater parental awareness of the value of EC activities as well as practical steps that might be taken to enlist children in such activities. - Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView.
  

  September 26, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12534   open full text
• Emerging Research Communities of Practice Versus the Popular Vision of Interdisciplinarity? Insights from Digital Research in the United Kingdom*.
  Yupei Zhao, Panayiota Tsatsou.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 21, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective This article shows how social science and humanities researchers in the United Kingdom who make use of digital tools, resources, and services understand and perceive interdisciplinarity and their related experiences and needs. Methods The study examined 10 cases of U.K.‐based research, two from each of the following social science and humanities disciplines: business/management, education, history, literature, and politics. Data collection employed a qualitative methodology that consisted of nonparticipant observation and semi‐structured interviews. Results The article finds that researchers problematize the meaning and top‐down character of interdisciplinarity and envisage the development of research communities of experience exchange and knowledge sharing that go beyond the imperative of interdisciplinarity. Conclusion The article challenges prevalent assumptions that digital research and interdisciplinarity go hand in hand and that one is a prerequisite for and in need of the other, while it invites institutional and funding bodies to consider working jointly with researchers toward developing the alternative of research communities of practice. - Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView.
  

  September 21, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12531   open full text
• It Takes Three: How Mass Media Coverage Conditions Public Responsiveness to Policy Outputs in the United States*.
  Christopher J. Williams, Martijn Schoonvelde.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 19, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective Democratic governance requires that policy outcomes and public demand for policy be linked. While studies have shown empirical support for such a relationship in various policy domains, empirical evidence also indicates that the public is relatively unaware of policy outputs. This raises a puzzle: Why do policy outputs influence public attitudes if the public knows little about them? Methods This study seeks to address this paradox by examining the conditioning role of media coverage. We rely on data derived from the Policy Agendas Project in the United States, allowing us to analyze the relationship between policy outcomes, public preferences, and newspaper content across a long span of time (1972–2007). Results Our results indicate that public policy preferences respond to policy outputs, and that this relationship is strengthened by greater media attention to a policy area. Importantly, our findings also indicate that without media attention to a policy area, there is no direct effect of policy outputs on public demand for policy. Conclusions Media coverage appears to be a key factor for public responsiveness to occur. In the absence of policy coverage by the media, public responsiveness to policy outputs is greatly reduced. - Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView.
  

  September 19, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12525   open full text
• How Increasing Party Diversity May Lead to Worsening Reported Racial Attitudes*.
  Christopher T. Stout, Keith Baker.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 19, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective To explore whether increases in diversity give partisans immunity from claims of racial prejudice. To assess when individuals are more likely to report racially progressive attitudes when their party is accused of racism and racial representation in the party varies. Method We implement a survey experiment where individuals are told their party harbors either racial or religious prejudice and then are asked to vote on a party primary election in which the race of the candidates varies. Results We find that white Republicans modify their racial attitudes in response to accusations of racism. However, this effect disappears when white Republicans are presented with evidence of racial/ethnic diversity in their party. Conclusion Our results demonstrate that racial/ethnic diversity in one's political party may delegitimize claims of racial bias and minimize these accusations' ability to alter racial attitudes. - Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView.
  

  September 19, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12533   open full text
• The Impact of Protest on Elections in the United States*.
  Daniel Q. Gillion, Sarah A. Soule.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 13, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objectives The objective of this study was to understand the effect of citizen mobilization on both electoral outcomes and on the likelihood that new candidates will enter races to challenge incumbent politicians. Methods This study uses quantitative, longitudinal data (at the congressional‐district level) on protest, electoral outcomes, and challengers entering races, which are analyzed using an autoregressive distributed lagged regression model. Results Results show that protests that express liberal issues lead to a greater percentage of the two‐party vote share for Democratic candidates, while protests that espouse conservative issues offer Republican candidates a greater share of the two‐party vote. Additionally, results indicated that protest shines a light on incumbent politicians’ failure to address constituent concerns, which leads quality candidates to enter subsequent races to challenge incumbent politicians. Conclusions Citizen activism, which has been shown to impact state and firm policy decisions, also impacts electoral outcomes. - Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView.
  

  September 13, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12527   open full text
• Can Economists Beat Sport Experts? Analysis of Medal Predictions for Sochi 2014.
  F. Javier Otamendi, Luis Miguel Doncel.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 13, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective The predictive power of expert knowledge and econometric modeling is analyzed using predictions of results at the 2014 Sochi Winter Olympic Games. Method Forecasts by five sport experts and three sport‐agnostic economists are compared at the country level by medal color and by sport. Success ratios and correlation coefficients are used to make these comparisons. Results Experts beat economists, although both indicators are always above 75 percent at the country level and 60 percent at the medal‐color and sport levels. Indicators are below 40 percent when predicting individual winners and 20 percent when predicting athlete and medal color. Conclusions Expert predictions can help bettors. Econometric models can help design long‐term sport policies. - Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView.
  

  September 13, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12530   open full text
• Does Fathers’ Involvement in Childcare and Housework Affect Couples’ Relationship Stability?
  Helen Norman, Mark Elliot, Colette Fagan.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 11, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective Building on previous analysis conducted by Schober (2012), we explore how paternal involvement in different childcare and housework tasks affects the probability of relationship breakdown between parents. Methods We use logistic regression on the U.K. Millennium Cohort Study to predict parental relationship breakdown from nine months to seven years post‐childbirth. Paternal involvement in four childcare and three housework tasks during the first year of parenthood, are used as explanatory variables. Results The amount of time the father spends alone, caring for the baby during the first year of parenthood, is associated with the stability of the parental relationship but the effect of involvement in other tasks is moderated by ethnicity and the mother's employment status. Conclusion These nonlinear relationships suggest further research is needed to explore the different associations between paternal involvement in childcare and housework and relationship breakdown, which are complex and variable according to different characteristics. - Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView.
  

  September 11, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12523   open full text
• What Race Is Lacey? Intersecting Perceptions of Racial Minority Status and Social Class*.
  M. Rose Barlow, Joanna N. Lahey.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 11, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective We examine how naïve raters’ perception of first name socioeconomic status (SES) is related to the name's perceived race. Methods Student volunteers rate the perceived race and SES of first names. We use a logit model to analyze the data. Results Participants are four times as likely to say a “White” name is Black when they perceive the mother as uneducated, compared to highly educated. While most raters accurately predict a name's race, a substantial minority of college students believe that names given by low‐SES White parents are Black names. Conclusion Examining the presence and mechanisms of bias is a vital step in fair and just decision making. This new study adds to the literature by taking an intersectional experimental approach combining ratings of racial and SES categories in a large sample of names. - Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView.
  

  September 11, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12529   open full text
• Topic Modeling: Latent Semantic Analysis for the Social Sciences*.
  Danny Valdez, Andrew C. Pickett, Patricia Goodson.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 07, 2018
  --- - |2 Objective Topic modeling (TM) refers to a group of methods for mathematically identifying latent topics in large corpora of data. Although TM shows promise as a tool for social science research, most researchers lack awareness of the tool's utility. Therefore, this article provides a brief overview of TM's logic and processes, offers a simple example, and suggests several possible uses in social sciences. Methods Using latent semantic analysis in our example, we analyzed transcripts of the 2016 U.S. presidential debates between Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump. Results Resulting topics paralleled the most frequent policy‐related Internet searches at the time. When divided by candidate, changes in emergent topics reflected individual policy stances, with nuanced differences between the two. Conclusion Findings underscored the utility of TM to identify thematic patterns embedded in large quantities of text. TM, therefore, represents a valuable addition to the social scientist's methodological tool set. - Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView.
  

  September 07, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12528   open full text
• Joining the Great Majority: An Analysis of Senate Deaths, 1919–2015.
  Hanna K. Brant, Theodore J. Masthay, L. Marvin Overby.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 07, 2018
  --- - |2 Objective In this article, we explore the deaths in office of U.S. senators between 1919 and 2015, examining both historical trends at the aggregate level and at the individual level searching for partisan and other patterns in mortality rates. Methods We employ Cox proportional hazard models to examine the effects of factors such as age, tenure in office, electoral factors, and legislative engagement, as well as partisanship and ideology. Results Notably, we find no significant partisan or ideological effects. When we examine the parties separately, we find that other institutional factors (tenure in office, vote share, bill sponsorship) matter for Democrats, while expectation of who would replace them in office matters for Republicans. Conclusion Our findings contribute to previous work on legislative turnover in Congress by taking the first step to analyze deaths among U.S. senators from almost the entire history of the elected Senate. - Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView.
  

  September 07, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12526   open full text
• Understanding Changes in Attitudes Toward Suicide Between 1980s and 2010s in the United States*.
  Yi Tong, Julie A. Phillips.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 06, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objectives This study examines individual characteristics associated with suicide acceptability in the United States and how (1) effects of these characteristics on attitudes have changed over time and (2) the degree to which shifts in attitudes are explained by changes in population characteristics. Methods We use General Social Survey (GSS) data from the 1980s (n = 4,840) and 2010s (n = 5,607) and conduct an Oaxaca decomposition. Results Although Americans remain largely unaccepting of suicide, except in the case of incurable disease, a greater percentage found suicide to be acceptable in 2010s than in 1980s. Individuals who are male, white, more educated, less religious, and more politically liberal find suicide more acceptable. Changes over time in population composition (e.g., rising education levels and declines in religion) account for about 50 percent of the rise in suicide acceptability between 1980s and 2010s. Conclusions Results hint at shifting societal patterns, but the causal direction between attitudes and behavior cannot be determined. - Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView.
  

  September 06, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12522   open full text
• Are the Sanctified Becoming the Pornified? Religious Conservatism, Commitment, and Pornography Use, 1984–2016*.
  Samuel L. Perry, Cyrus Schleifer.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 03, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objectives Americans are generally increasing in their pornography viewership. While devout, theologically conservative Christians have been among the most ardent opponents to pornography's dissemination and use historically, there is a growing—but thus far untested—assumption that they too are following this same trend. This study examines (1) whether committed or conservative Christians are increasing in rates of porn viewership similar to other Americans and (2) when potential religious divergences in porn viewership started. Methods We fit a series of binary logistic regression models using data from the 1984–2016 General Social Surveys. Results Holding other variables constant, American evangelicals are indeed increasing in their reported porn viewership at rates identical to other Americans. Frequent church attendees and biblical literalists, however, show a divergent trend, with both remaining constant in their reported porn viewership across time. Analyses also show clear cutoff points for the divergence starting in the mid‐1990s, roughly when Internet pornography became available. Conclusions Findings suggest that, all else being equal, Americans who merely identify with conservative Christianity are indeed increasing in their porn viewership, but among the most faithful and theologically conservative Americans, they are no more likely to report viewing pornography than they were over 30 years ago. - Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView.
  

  September 03, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12524   open full text
• On the Gender Gap in Financial Knowledge: Decomposing the Effects of Don't Know and Incorrect Responses*.
  Zibei Chen, James C. Garand.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 23, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objectives Past studies have consistently shown that women have lower levels of financial knowledge than men, and hence there is a noticeable gender gap in financial knowledge. We reconsider the conventional measures of financial knowledge by disentangling don't know (DK) responses and incorrect answers and comparing the effect of these two disparate responses’ on the gender gap in financial knowledge. Methods Using data from the 2012 National Financial Capability Studies data set, we estimate a series of ordinary least squares regression and multinomial logit models of the gender gap in DK and incorrect responses. Results We find a strong gender gap in financial knowledge, but with a twist: (1) men are more likely to offer correct answers; (2) women are slightly more likely to offer incorrect answers; but (3) women are considerably more likely to provide DK responses. Hence women may exhibit lower levels of financial knowledge because they lose the opportunity to hazard a guess and arrive at a correct answer based either on partial knowledge or on random chance. We consider the possibility that there are psychological processes at work involving risk acceptance and confidence in financial knowledge that prompt women to give DK responses at a rate higher than men. Conclusion We suggest that future research should consider the relative roles of DK and incorrect responses in measuring financial knowledge. - Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView.
  

  August 23, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12520   open full text
• Go Fix It: Comedy as an Agent of Political Activation*.
  Leticia Bode, Amy B. Becker.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 08, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective One of the recent late‐night political comedy successes is John Oliver's Last Week Tonight, which includes frequent calls to action at the end of a segment, encouraging viewers to do something about the problem they have just learned about. Methods Using an experimental design, this study investigates the effects of these calls to action on the likelihood of engaging with the issue of net neutrality. Results Findings suggest that exposure to political comedy activates viewers to engage in small but meaningful behaviors, but does not spill over to encourage more difficult political behaviors, nor does it boost political efficacy. Conclusion The call to action, encouraging viewer participation in remedying a problem addressed in a political comedy show, seems effective at encouraging viewers to participate. However, it may not make them feel more equipped to do so. - Social Science Quarterly, EarlyView.
  

  August 08, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12521   open full text
• Issue information.
  
  Social Science Quarterly. August 02, 2018
  --- - - Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 3, Page 847-850, September 2018.
  

  August 02, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12462   open full text
• Attitudes Toward Mass Arrivals: Variations by Racial, Spatial, and Temporal Distances to Incoming Disaster Evacuees*.
  Ethan J. Raker, James R. Elliott.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 09, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective Disasters can send large numbers of evacuees into new contexts of reception, where attitudes toward them can vary significantly by perceived social distance. To conventional assessment of such distance along racial lines, we add spatial and temporal distance from point of central arrival. Methods A novel research design combines the natural experiment triggered by Hurricane Katrina with five consecutive Kinder Houston Area Surveys (2006–2010), which gather data on attitudes toward arrived evacuees as well as tract‐level data on residential context. Results Regression analyses reveal that spatial and temporal distance act similarly to racial distance in predicting negative attitudes toward evacuees. Results also show these effects are moderated by the racial context of incumbents’ residential neighborhoods. Conclusions Social distance exerts a multifaceted influence on evacuee reception in ways that become especially pertinent in the arrival of communities from large‐scale, urban evacuations. - Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 3, Page 1200-1213, September 2018.
  

  March 09, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12498   open full text
• Is the Tea Party Libertarian, Authoritarian, or Something Else?*.
  Jonathan Havercroft, Justin Murphy.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 07, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective Research on the Tea Party finds that both libertarian and authoritarian attitudes drive support for this movement, but political scientists lack a satisfactory explanation of this contradiction. Methods Factor analysis of nine attitudes from the 2012 American National Election Study is used to explore whether statism and moral traditionalism are intercorrelated on a dimension distinct from attitudes toward government; regression analysis is used to test if these distinct dimensions help to explain support for the Tea Party. Results Controlling for several competing explanations, the multiplicative interaction of anti‐government and morally statist ideological factors is shown to be a predictor of Tea Party support, especially among conservatives. Conclusion Our results suggest the Tea Party movement is in part driven by what Nietzsche called “misarchism,” an ideological mixture of moralism, statism, and libertarianism he first observed in Herbert Spencer. - Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 3, Page 1021-1037, September 2018.
  

  March 07, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12495   open full text
• Skin Tone and Assimilation*.
  Sean Richey, Ryan E. Carlin.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 05, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective We test one untested influence on whether Hispanics will assimilate into American society in a “straight line” or remain “segmented.” The type of assimilation hinges on both how non‐Hispanics treat Hispanics and whether Hispanics desire assimilation. We argue that these behaviors depend on the social construction of Hispanics’ identity, which in turn may depend in part on their skin tone. Methods We compare these two theoretical competing models in two ways. First, to a nationally representative sample, we randomly assign four images of Hispanic males who are two standard deviations apart in skin tone and gauge respondents’ social acceptance of them. Second, using objective skin‐tone measures from the 2012 ANES oversample of Hispanics, we determine if skin tone correlates with beliefs over assimilation. Results For the experimental evidence, we discover that whites and blacks do not discriminate across this range of skin tone for Hispanics. For the ANES data, we find no evidence that skin tone affects Hispanics willingness to assimilate into America. Conclusion Thus, the typical skin tones of Hispanics do not affect the assimilation ideas of either non‐Hispanics or Hispanics. - Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 3, Page 1233-1247, September 2018.
  

  March 05, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12505   open full text
• U.S. Return Migration and the Decline in Southern Black Disadvantage, 1970–2000*.
  Katherine J. Curtis.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 05, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective This study investigates how the Return Migration altered racial inequality in poverty in the American South. Methods I disaggregate southern poverty into its separate constituents using household data from the Integrated Public Use Microdata Series (IPUMS) for 1970 through 2000. Results The prevalence of poverty declined most dramatically for black southern households and the racial gap in poverty narrowed to the extent that previous substantial regional differences disappeared. A central focus is the contrast between higher poverty and inequality among migrants who returned to their birth state relative to other southern‐born migrants who returned to the South. Conclusions The migration experience is diverse and has conflicting consequences for racial inequality; for some, migration maintained economic vulnerability. Given the complex force of migration, I conclude that a nuanced theoretical approach to migration that gives weight to economic and noneconomic motivations is critical to understand the racial dimensions of migration and the associated changes in racial inequality. - Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 3, Page 1214-1232, September 2018.
  

  March 05, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12502   open full text
• Maybe it Is More Than a Joke: Satire, Mobilization, and Political Participation*.
  Jody C Baumgartner, Brad Lockerbie.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 05, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective The objective of this study was to examine the relationship between viewing late night political humor and political participation. Methods We used various measures of viewership of late night talk shows and political participation in the 2012 American National Election Studies (ANES) data set. Results We show that viewership of “Late Night with David Letterman,” a simple form of political comedy, seems to be unrelated to political participation. However, viewership of Comedy Central's “The Daily Show with Jon Stewart” and “The Colbert Report,” considered by most to be genuine political satire, is associated with higher levels of political participation. Conclusion The results suggest that advocates of political satire may be correct when they suggest that satire mobilizes viewers to political action. - Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 3, Page 1060-1074, September 2018.
  

  March 05, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12501   open full text
• Risks and Rewards of College Football: Who Would Accept a Scholarship Knowing the Chances of Physical Harm?*.
  Molly Ott, Barry Bozeman, Gabel Taggart.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 26, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective Over the past decade, increased scrutiny has been given to health‐related consequences of participating in American football. This study considers whether the known risk has affected individuals’ willingness to play at the intercollegiate level. Methods Drawing from a survey of 726 adult males, this study uses quantitative experimental vignette methodology to investigate factors associated with the self‐conscious choice to risk brain damage in exchange for a football scholarship. Results Respondents whose mothers’ highest level of education was high school or lower were especially willing to assume the known long‐term risk associated with playing college football, as were African Americans. Conclusions The findings may foreshadow a moral quandary should radical changes to football player safety not occur soon. If the sport's physical risks are acceptable mainly to those from historically disadvantaged backgrounds, it could be difficult for presidents, faculty, and other stakeholders to allow young men to represent their universities in this capacity. - Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 3, Page 915-932, September 2018.
  

  February 26, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12491   open full text
• New Americans and the Quest for Political Office.
  Tyler Reny, Paru Shah.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 26, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective Record numbers of first‐ and second‐generation immigrants have won elected office over the last few electoral cycles, yet we find immigrants are still underrepresented at all levels of government. What are the perceived barriers to entry into political life among these New Americans? Method Using a unique survey data set that includes an oversample of first‐ and second‐generation immigrants who have enrolled in civic leadership trainings, we examine the similarities and differences between immigrant and nonimmigrant leaders. Results We find that immigrants are in many ways similar to their nonimmigrant counterparts in that access to structural resources help shape their political ambition. Yet immigrants, unlike their nonimmigrant counterparts, often have less of these resources and perceive their ability to capitalize on these resources as less feasible. Conclusions We find that the traditional barriers to office—lack of professional and political experiences, finances, and monied networks—all contribute to lower self‐perceived qualifications for office among both immigrants and nonimmigrants. Yet, the New American leaders who are highly politically involved, deeply rooted in their communities, and well‐positioned to run for office face the additional psychological barriers posed by their race and ethnicity, immigrant identity, citizenship status, language ability, and acculturation, barriers that are often offered in open‐ended essays as self‐evident and crippling. Leadership training programs play a crucial role in providing training and instilling confidence in would‐be immigrant candidates. - Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 3, Page 1038-1059, September 2018.
  

  February 26, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12487   open full text
• Gender, High School Romantic Involvement, and College Enrollment*.
  Stephanie W. Burge, Ann M. Beutel.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 26, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objectives We investigate how different types of high school romantic involvement are associated with women's and men's patterns of college enrollment (four‐year college, two‐year college, and no enrollment). Methods We analyze restricted‐access longitudinal data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health (Add Health) using multinomial logistic regression. Results Controlling for baseline educational, romantic, sociodemographic, and family context variables, results show gender‐specific associations between romantic involvement and college enrollment. For women, negative associations between romantic involvement and four‐year enrollment dissipate after accounting for changes in grade point average and educational and marital expectations. However, a negative association between women's casual dating with sex and two‐year enrollment persists, after controlling for these factors. In contrast, casual dating with and without sex is associated with higher likelihood of men's four‐year enrollment accounting for these covariates. Conclusions Our findings provide directions for future research on associations between gender, adolescent romance, and educational transitions. - Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 3, Page 1134-1157, September 2018.
  

  February 26, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12493   open full text
• The Effect of Political Parties on the Distribution of Income in the American States: 1917–2011.
  Amy Widestrom, Thomas J. Hayes, Christopher Dennis.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 26, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objectives This article examines the effects of partisan control of government on income distribution within the United States. Methods Using newly available data, we estimate the effects of unified Democratic and Republican Party control at the state and national levels on the share of income going to the top 1 percent of income earners, by state, between 1917 and 2011. Results We find that unified party control at the state level has minimal impact on income going to the top 1 percent of income earners within the states, but that unified party control at the federal level does have an effect. Moreover, we find that over the long term, unified Democratic control at the federal level leads to less income going to the top 1 percent, while unified Republican control increases income going to top earners. Conclusions Despite the increased focus on federalism and state policy in studies of income inequality, our findings suggest that federal‐level political factors are important for understanding the share of income going to the top income earners in the United States, particularly in the contemporary era. - Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 3, Page 895-914, September 2018.
  

  February 26, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12490   open full text
• Cognitive Deliberation, Electoral Decision Making, and Democratic Health*.
  David C. Barker.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 23, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective I examine the democratic consequences (on turnout, vote quality, and representation) of being encouraged to think more deliberately about political preferences. Methods A nationally representative survey experiment randomly exposes some respondents to a treatment designed to encourage greater cognitive deliberation; I observe the treatment effects on (1) a measure of the ideological consistency of candidate preferences, (2) preference certainty, and (3) intentions to turn out, dividing the sample according to age, gender, and political knowledge in order to observe hypothesized conditional effects. Results The treatment tended to reduce voting incentives among those who tend to be less engaged—women, the young, and low‐knowledge citizens. It did not, however, predict preference consistency significantly. Conclusion Encouraging greater cognitive deliberation may not only shrink the electorate, but may produce a more biased one as well, a normatively undesirable outcome that does not appear to be counterbalanced by any increase in “correct voting.” - Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 3, Page 962-976, September 2018.
  

  February 23, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12475   open full text
• Racial Resentment Attitudes Among White Millennial Youth: The Influence of Parents and Media*.
  Angie Maxwell, Stephanie R. Schulte.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 23, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective We examine levels of racial resentment among white Millennial youth. In addition, we explore the individual‐level determinants of racial resentment among this group, with specific attention given to the potential role of political socialization and social media. Methods Using a national survey of parents and children collected in October 2012 immediately prior to the U.S. presidential election, we examine the individual‐level predictors of racial resentment among white respondents (n = 613) who are 18 years old and younger. We test several competing explanations of racial resentment among Millennial youth, including demographic differences, traditional media use, social media use, general societal views, and levels of racial resentment among parents. Results Our findings suggest that white American Millennial youth may be slightly more racially progressive than their parents, and parental racial attitudes remain strong predictors of youth racial attitudes. In addition, some forms of social media may help to reduce levels of racial resentment. - Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 3, Page 1183-1199, September 2018.
  

  February 23, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12488   open full text
• How Trust Attitudes Promote Grassroots Lobbying in the American States*.
  John Cluverius, Kevin K. Banda.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 23, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objectives Despite declining trust in government institutions, political scientists have observed increasing political participation across activities, including grassroots lobbying. We argue that higher levels of trust in the state political system as a whole—diffuse political trust—and in state legislatures—specific political trust—should increase the likelihood that citizens contact their state legislators about policy matters because higher levels of trust tend to correlate with believing that the policy‐making process produces equitable political outcomes. Methods We use observational data from a nationally representative survey sample taken in 2015. Results We find mixed results: whereas diffuse political trust predicts participation in grassroots lobbying at the state level, specific political trust does not. Conclusion This finding implies that more general feelings of political trust exert greater influence on grassroots lobbying behavior than do more institution‐specific indicators of trust. - Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 3, Page 1006-1020, September 2018.
  

  February 23, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12486   open full text
• Does Racial Discrimination Exist Within the NBA? An Analysis Based on Salary‐per‐Contribution*.
  Riguang Wen.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 22, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective To explore whether racial discrimination exists in athlete pay within the National Basketball Association (NBA). Methods I use the ratio between annual salary and standardized contribution to establish a salary‐per‐contribution index as a basis for comparison of salary differences between black and white NBA players. According to theory of social equity (Adams, 1965. Advances in Experimental Social Psychology 2(4):267–99), when considering salary equality, it is necessary to consider differences in both inputs (here, contributions) and outputs (salaries) (Scully. 1974. American Economic Review 64(6):915–30). Results For the period 1999–2016, salary‐per‐contribution is significantly higher for black players overall than for white players overall, being higher before 2006 (but not after). It is also higher for American (but not international) and nonrookie (but not rookie) black players than for white American and nonrookie players (respectively). A higher games started rate increases between black and white players. Conclusion Given poor fit of measuring salary discrimination, existing literature exploring racism in the NBA from the perspective of salary may have inaccurate conclusions. - Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 3, Page 933-944, September 2018.
  

  February 22, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12485   open full text
• Race/Ethnic Differences in Nonresident Fathers’ Involvement After a Nonmarital Birth*.
  Calvina Z. Ellerbe, Jerrett B. Jones, Marcia J. Carlson.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 20, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objectives This article examines how the levels of nonresidential fathers' involvement (over child ages 1–9) differ by race/ethnicity (comparing white, black, and Hispanic fathers), and then considers how individual and couple characteristics may “account for” any observed differences. Method Data from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study (N = 2,447) and random effects models were used to examine how nonresidential fathers' involvement (with respect to time, engagement, shared responsibility, and co‐parenting with mothers) is differentiated by race and ethnicity. Results Overall, black nonresident fathers were significantly more likely to spend time and engage in activities with their children as compared to Hispanic fathers—but not white fathers. Black fathers also shared responsibilities more frequently and displayed more effective co‐parenting than Hispanic and white fathers. Conclusion Fathers’ involvement with children is shown to differ across major race/ethnic groups, with implications for children as well as for future research and public policy. - Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 3, Page 1158-1182, September 2018.
  

  February 20, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12482   open full text
• Legislators Off Their Leash: Cognitive Shirking and Impending Retirement in the U.S. House*.
  Michael K. Romano.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 19, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective This article investigates whether public officials exhibit “cognitive shirking” prior to announcing retirement by changing the way they communicate during their final term. Method I analyze monthly speeches made by members of the U.S. House between the 105th and 109th terms, and collect data on psychological indicators found to indicate changes in cognition. A mixed effect logistic regression examines whether these indicators increase the probability of retirement before the end of the term. Results The probability of retirement is amplified by increases in the level of cognitive inconsistency they display in public speeches. Conclusion Public officials, when deciding whether to retire from politics, display patterns of shifting priorities before and after making their retirement announcement. This suggests that representatives’ justifications for policy choices go through significant reorganization as the electoral connection is severed. - Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 3, Page 993-1005, September 2018.
  

  February 19, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12484   open full text
• More on Plagiarism in the Social Sciences*.
  Brandli Stitzel, Gary A. Hoover, William Clark.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 19, 2018
  --- - |2 Abstract This research presents the results of a follow‐up survey to journal editors more than a decade after Enders and Hoover (Journal of Economic Literature 42(3):487–93). The original survey asked editors about their definition of plagiarism and known cases. This work investigates what, if anything, has changed in regards to how journal editors react to suspected plagiarism and if the definition of plagiarism has changed. In addition to surveying editors of economics journals, we have surveyed many more editors, including political science, sociology, and others, to contrast differences that might exist. There is great variation within disciplines regarding the appropriate definition of plagiarism or punishments but fairly consistent agreement across disciplines. - Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 3, Page 1075-1088, September 2018.
  

  February 19, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12481   open full text
• Should I Stay or Should I Go? Open Enrollment Decisions and Student Achievement Trajectories.
  Deven Carlson, Lesley Lavery, Tyler Hughes.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 12, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective Analyze achievement trajectories of students who transfer out of their district of residence via Colorado's interdistrict open enrollment policy. Methods Drawing on a data set containing annual individual‐level records from the universe of students attending Colorado public schools between 2005–2006 and 2009–2010, we estimate the achievement trajectories of open enrollment participants via ordinary least squares (OLS) models containing student fixed effects. Results and Conclusion Our analyses indicate that the achievement of open enrollment participants gradually declines in the years leading up to their transfer. After open enrolling, students whose participation is stable through the duration they are observed in our data exhibit small achievement gains, but those who reenroll in their district of residence exhibit additional small declines. On average, those who use open enrollment as a long‐term education option tend to enroll in districts that are more advantaged on traditional measures of educational quality than their district of residence. - Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 3, Page 1089-1104, September 2018.
  

  February 12, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12478   open full text
• Do “Resource‐Cursed States” Have Lower Levels of Social and Institutional Trust? Evidence from Africa and Latin America.
  John Ishiyama, Melissa Martinez, Melda Ozsut.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 12, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective This study examines whether a state's abundance of natural resource wealth, such as oil or gas, leads to lower levels of social and institutional trust than in countries that are not as “cursed” with resources. Methods To test this we use survey data from both the Afrobarometer survey (2008–2009) and comparable data on Latin America from the Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP), using 44 countries, as well as subnational data from two large oil‐producing countries (Nigeria and Mexico). Results Using multilevel logit analysis we find that individuals in countries that are oil and gas producers are less likely to exhibit high levels of social or institutional trust than individuals in countries that are not oil or gas producers. However, when examining oil‐producing regions within Nigeria and Mexico, we find that individuals in such regions tend to express relatively higher levels of individual social and institutional trust than regions that are not oil producers. Conclusion These findings can be explained by the differential effects of oil and gas wealth—at the national level, oil and gas wealth promotes corruption and a general erosion of both institutional and interpersonal trust, especially for those who live in regions that do not directly benefit from oil and gas revenues. However, in regions within countries, people who reside in such regions are more likely to directly benefit from the economic spoils and patronage derived from resource revenues. - Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 3, Page 872-894, September 2018.
  

  February 12, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12474   open full text
• The Long Road to Equality: A Meta‐Regression Analysis of Changes in the Black Test Score Gap Over Time*.
  Nick Huntington‐Klein, Elizabeth Ackert.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 12, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective We analyze changes in test score gaps between black students and their peers from 1979 to 2010 and examine how observable factors contribute to the gap. Methods Using meta‐regression, we examine the relationship between African‐American racial status and achievement in U.S. K–12 education in 165 published studies. Results The absolute relationship between black status and achievement decreased during the 1980s and early 1990s, but was stagnant from the late 1990s through 2010. Socioeconomic status explained more than half of the gap, and the influence of socioeconomic status on the gap did not change significantly over time. Schooling characteristics explained relatively little of the gap, but school‐level factors increased in importance over time. Conclusion Black test score gap closure stagnated in an era when federal education policy sought to close racial achievement gaps. Observable factors explain more of the gap than has been previously recognized. - Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 3, Page 1119-1133, September 2018.
  

  February 12, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12483   open full text
• Child Development Accounts and Saving for College: Mediated by Parental Educational Expectations?*.
  Youngmi Kim, Jin Huang, Michael Sherraden, Margaret Clancy.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 09, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective Child Development Accounts (CDAs) are universal and progressive savings accounts that facilitate saving for long‐term developmental goals, including postsecondary education. We examine whether parents’ educational expectations for their children motivate them to increase saving for children's education and whether parents’ expectations mediate the positive effect of CDAs on parental saving. Methods We use logistic regressions to analyze data from SEED for Oklahoma Kids (SEED OK), a randomized policy experiment implemented in Oklahoma (N = 2,161). Results Our study shows that the likelihood of holding a 529 college savings account is greater among treatment mothers than among control‐group counterparts and greater for mothers with higher expectations. Yet, we find no evidence that parents’ expectations play a mediating role in the SEED OK intervention's relationship with 529 account holding. Conclusions Institutional supports from CDAs and enabling parents to maintain positive parental expectations would make substantial differences in parents’ financial investment for their child's education. - Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 3, Page 1105-1118, September 2018.
  

  February 09, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12479   open full text
• Headwinds, Tailwinds, and Preferences for Income Redistribution.
  David Chavanne.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 07, 2018
  --- - |2+ Objective This study examines how preferences for income redistribution respond to information that points to the degree to which bad luck causes poverty and good luck causes wealth. Methods Survey respondents saw a vignette that described why someone is poor or a vignette that described why someone is wealthy; poverty and wealth were products of effort, various mixtures of effort and luck, one dimension of luck, or two dimensions of luck. Results Overall trends in the data show that redistribution is viewed more favorably as luck becomes marginally more important in causing both poverty and wealth. Pairwise comparisons of specific treatments show that responses to how degrees of bad luck cause poverty are more uniform and predictable than responses to how degrees of good luck cause wealth. Conclusion Redistributive preferences may be more malleable with respect to information that points to how bad luck contributes to poverty. - Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 3, Page 851-871, September 2018.
  

  February 07, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12477   open full text
• Gun Talk Online: Canadian Tools, American Values*.
  Dylan S. McLean.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 07, 2018
  --- - |2 Objective The objective of this study is to address the following question: Why has the United States been so reluctant to embrace the type of comprehensive gun control that is in place in every other developed democracy? Method The method used to address this question is a computerized content analysis on nearly 18 million words that were extracted from online political discussions of Canadian and American gun enthusiasts. A comparison of these discussions was guided by three theories on the character and origins of Canadian–American political difference. Results The results demonstrate that the instrumental components of gun ownership are more relevant for Canadian gun enthusiasts, while American gun enthusiasts view their arms as physical manifestations of political values. These values are consistent with a widely perceived American ideology that centers on individual freedom and antipathy toward government. Conclusion This leads to the conclusion that U.S. gun rights groups are naturally advantaged in the gun control debate because their rhetoric finds fertile soil beyond the gun enthusiast segment, and helps explain the intensity of their opposition to gun control. - Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 3, Page 977-992, September 2018.
  

  February 07, 2018   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12476   open full text
• When the Going Gets Tough: Issue Environments and Gendered Negativity Strategies*.
  Kjersten Nelson.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 09, 2017
  --- - |2+ Objective In theory, gender expectations may influence candidate's negativity strategies. However, these gender expectations interact with other factors, such as party expectations and the election's issue environment. This study seeks to determine if candidate gender, opponent gender, and issue environment affect negativity strategies. Methods The study analyzes the ads purchased by U.S. congressional candidates in the 2004 and 2008 election cycles. Results The analyses show that gender and party expectations, moderated by the issue environment of the election, affect levels of negativity. Democratic women and Republican men appear to be particularly sensitive to these contextual changes. Conclusion The results bolster other findings that gender expectations are moderated by party expectations, as well as context dependent. In addition, given that women report more reluctance to run for office based on the potential of being involved in a negative campaign, the results provide insight as to why more women are not running for office. - Social Science Quarterly, Volume 99, Issue 3, Page 945-961, September 2018.
  

  October 09, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12465   open full text
• Corruption Is Bad News for a Free Press: Reassessing the Relationship Between Media Freedom and Corruption.
  Jonathan A. Solis, Leonardo Antenangeli.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 30, 2017
  Objective. In the following analysis, we investigate the determinants of government efforts to censor media. We develop and test a new theory that argues executive‐level corruption influences when governments are more likely to attempt media censorship. After modeling the media–government dynamic in game form, we utilize the new Varieties of Democracy (V‐Dem) dataset to empirically test this relationship on both traditional media (print and broadcast) and new media (Internet). Using panel, ordinary least squares (OLS) regression with a lagged dependent variable and country fixed effects, we examine the relationship from 1960 to 2015 for traditional media and from 1993 to 2015 for new media. The results suggest that as governments become more corrupt, governmental efforts to censor both forms of media are likely to increase. We further examine the relationship among different world regions and regime types; we find overall confirmation of our hypothesis.

  August 30, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12438   open full text
• What Is and What May Never Be: Economic Voting in Developing Democracies.
  Cameron Wimpy, Guy D. Whitten.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 30, 2017
  Objective We propose and test a theory that media freedom determines the extent of economic voting in developing democracies. Methods Building on extant work that suggests economic voting takes place in developing democracies much like it does in established democracies (Lewis‐Beck and Stegmaier, 2008), we test our theory using a new collection of aggregate data from elections in 22 developing democracies in Africa Results Media freedom rather than political freedom may be a bigger determinant of economic voting in developing democracies. Moreover, the threshold of political development needed for economic voting is lower than previously suggested by the literature. Conclusion Economic voting is alive and well in developing democracies—even those with relatively low levels of economic and political development.

  August 30, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12444   open full text
• Are Media at Work in Your Neighborhood? The Effects of Media Freedom, Internet Access, and Information Spillover on Workers’ Rights.
  Christopher McKallagat, Flávio D. S. Souza, Jenifer Whitten‐Woodring, Cameron Wimpy.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 30, 2017
  Objectives In this study, we focus on how access to information empowers workers and pressures government and firms to improve labor conditions. Methods We consider the effects of two critical mechanisms supporting both information access and flow across borders (i.e., media freedom and Internet usage) on workers’ rights across countries and over time using spatial models. Results The findings overall indicate that there is a spatial component associated with the degree of workers’ rights in a given country. Further analysis reveals that this is due—at least in part—to the level of media freedom and information flow across borders. Conclusion We find support for the theorized notion that the ability of workers to secure and exercise their rights to collective bargaining and freedom of association in the workplace depends on workers’ awareness of labor conditions and the potential for improvement.

  August 30, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12443   open full text
• The Rainbow Effect: Media Freedom, Internet Access, and Gay Rights.
  Celin Carlo‐Gonzalez, Christopher McKallagat, Jenifer Whitten‐Woodring.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 30, 2017
  Objectives What accounts for the variation in the status of gay rights across countries? We consider the effects of media freedom and Internet access and hypothesize that it is the combination of the two that matters for promoting gay rights. Methods Using cross‐national time‐series data drawn from a variety of sources, we test our hypotheses using a measure of lesbian, gay, and bisexual legal equality. Results Our results indicate that the effects of media freedom and Internet access on gay rights are each conditional on the other. It is the interaction of media freedom and Internet access that has a statistically significant and positive effect on gay rights; without media freedom, Internet access has no significant effect and vice versa. Conclusion All else being equal, we observe greater respect for gay rights in those countries featuring a combination of both free media and higher rates of Internet access.

  August 30, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12442   open full text
• Where Have All the Leaders Gone? Evaluating the Dynamics of Parties' Issue Attention in Coalition Governments.
  Iñaki Sagarzazu, Heike Klüver.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 30, 2017
  While selective issue emphasis is a widely recognized strategy of party competition, we have little knowledge about how coalition parties interact with each other when deciding which policy issues to emphasize. Therefore we ask: Who leads and who follows the issue agenda in coalition governments? Methods. We create an issue attention data set using quantitative text analysis from over 40,000 press releases. We use this data set and time series cross‐section regression analysis to study the dynamics of coalition parties' issue attention. Results. We find that junior coalition parties are more responsive to their senior partners than senior partners to their junior partners. Hence, while coalition partners generally follow each other, senior partners enjoy a stronger leadership role in the cabinet. Conclusion. Coalition parties indeed coordinate their issue priorities as they respond to each other's issue agenda. However, due the asymmetric power distribution in coalition cabinets, it is not a negotiation process on equal footing.

  August 30, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12437   open full text
• Intraparty Democracy and Responsiveness to Rival Parties’ Policies.
  Roni Lehrer, Lawrence Ezrow, Hugh Ward, Tobias Böhmelt.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 30, 2017
  Objective We address whether intraparty democracy conditions political parties’ responsiveness to rival parties’ policy shifts. Method We estimate parameters of a spatial econometric model of parties’ policy positions in 11 established democracies. Results Internally democratic parties respond to shifts in rival parties’ policies, and internally undemocratic parties do not respond to rival parties’ policy shifts. Conclusion We argue that this occurs because intraparty deliberation provides a channel through which rival parties influence their competitors’ policies. Because rank‐and‐file party members are influenced by deliberative processes more than party leaders—and the policy goals of internally democratic parties’ policies are heavily influenced by their party members—deliberative processes lead democratic parties to respond to shifts in rival parties’ policy positions. This work has important implications for our understanding of parties’ election strategies, intraparty politics, and how policies diffuse between parties competing in the same election.

  August 30, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12432   open full text
• A Cross‐National Analysis of the Causes and Consequences of Economic News.
  Christopher Wlezien, Stuart Soroka, Dominik Stecula.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 30, 2017
  Objective Work on economic news argues that U.S. coverage focuses primarily on changes rather than levels of future economic conditions; it also both affects and reflects public economic sentiment. Given that economic perceptions are related to policy preferences and government support, this is of consequence for politics. This article explores the generalizability of these findings. Methods Using nearly 100,000 stories over 30 years in the United States, the United Kingdom, and Canada, we compare media tone, public opinion, and economic conditions. Result Analyses demonstrate that media tone and public opinion follow future economic change in all three countries. Media and opinion are also related, but the effect mostly runs from the public to the media, not the other way around. Conclusion These results confirm the generalizability of prior findings, and the importance of considering more than a simple unidirectional link between media coverage and public economic sentiment.

  August 30, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12445   open full text
• The Many Layers of Local: Proximity and Market Influence on News Coverage of the Deepwater Horizon Oil Spill*.
  Jason Turcotte, Ashley Kirzinger, Johanna Dunaway, Kirby Goidel.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 30, 2017
  Objective On April 20, 2010, the Deepwater Horizon oil‐drilling rig exploded in the Gulf of Mexico, resulting in the death of 11 oil rig workers and a sea floor oil gusher releasing over 4.9 million barrels of oil into the Gulf. The objective in this article is to shed light on the local media environment surrounding the spill, comparing local television news coverage among the five states most directly affected by the disaster. Method In our method, we conduct a content analysis of news coverage in various Gulf media markets. Result In line with previous research, our results indicate that proximity matters in terms of story volume, prominence, and tone; our results also contribute to the literature by demonstrating significant variation across Gulf markets depending on local economic considerations. Conclusion We contend this finding is important given how frames in coverage of disasters influence public opinion, political behavior, and the degree to which citizens are able to hold governments accountable.

  August 30, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12440   open full text
• Talking to Whom? The Changing Audience of North Korean Nuclear Tests.
  Taehee Whang, Michael Lammbrau, Hyung‐min Joo.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 30, 2017
  Objectives In this study, we develop a model based on big data analysis to find patterns in North Korean nuclear provocations. Methods Using automated text analysis classification through supervised machine learning techniques, we analyze the North Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) from 1997 to 2013. Results We find an interesting difference between the Kim Jong‐il era and the Kim and Jong‐un period, implying a major shift in the nuclear policy of Pyongyang. While Kim Jong‐il, who had a firm grip on power, focused on the international audience before conducting nuclear tests, Kim Jong‐un during his succession targeted the domestic audience prior to nuclear tests, probably in an attempt to consolidate his precarious power. Conclusion The machine learning technique allows us to analyze the effect of political communication even in authoritarian governments.

  August 30, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12441   open full text
• A Psychological Firewall? Risk Perceptions and Public Support for Online Censorship in Russia*.
  Erik C. Nisbet, Olga Kamenchuk, Aysenur Dal.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 30, 2017
  Objective Authoritarian regimes commonly justify Internet censorship by framing the Internet as a threat to their citizens that must be tightly controlled for their own protection. This threat rhetoric underpins government censorship and creates a “psychological firewall” driving public support for a censored Internet. Methods Based on risk and decision‐making scholarship, we evaluate how mass media and partisan regime support promulgate these threat perceptions, and in turn how they influence citizen attitudes about censorship. Employing Russia as a case study, we tested our hypotheses with a national survey (N = 1,600) conducted in May 2014. Results We found that reliance on Russian national TV news predicted greater Internet threat perceptions, and in turn these threat perceptions significantly increased support for online political censorship. Conclusion Approval of the Putin government further amplified the impact of these threat perceptions on support for censorship. Implications for understanding psychological foundations for support for censorship in authoritarian contexts are discussed.

  August 30, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12435   open full text
• Resurrection of the Russian Orthodox Church: Narrative of Analysis of the Russian National Myth*.
  Emily Belle Damm, Skye Cooley.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 30, 2017
  Objective The following research is a qualitative and narrative analysis aimed at understanding Russia's recent emphasis on the importance of the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) to discover the narrative frameworks on national myth put forth by authoritarian regimes help maintain state legitimacy. Methods The researchers utilized the M3S open‐source intelligence platform at Texas A&M University to analyze the news coverage events on the state‐controlled broadcast media Rossiya24 from November 30, 2014 to November 30, 2015. Results The researchers found four narrative components utilized as part of the national myth discourse: the reconciliation of the ROC and the Russian state, ROC as the unifier of all Slavic people, ROC and Russian moral authority, and ROC and the Russian citizen. Conclusion This case study on national legitimacy demonstrates opportunities for communication scholarship to offer points of impact for policymakers.

  August 30, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12429   open full text
• Are ICTs Democratizing Dictatorships? New Media and Mass Mobilization*.
  Elizabeth A. Stein.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 30, 2017
  Objective This article evaluates the relationship between the degree of access to information and communication technologies (ICTs) and the extent of anti‐government protests and riots, accounting for the effects of past protest on subsequent ICT access, and examines direct and indirect effects of ICT diffusion on political change. Method Using a cross‐national time‐series data set from 1995 through 2014, the article employs simultaneous equations using the GSEM function in Stata to assess these relationships. Results The results indicate that ICT access at time t is conditioned on the number of anti‐regime mass actions four and five years earlier. They also show greater ICT access corresponds with more contemporaneous anti‐government mass actions. Conclusions The effect of ICT diffusion on political change occurs indirectly through its effect on mass actions, but may lead to either political retrogression or liberalization. ICT diffusions’ direct effect sustains the political status quo. The conclusion that ICTs serve as liberation technology remains ambiguous.

  August 30, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12439   open full text
• Information and Communication Technology and Ethnic Conflict in Myanmar: Organizing for Violence or Peace?
  Anne Bergren, Catie Snow Bailard.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 30, 2017
  Objective In a country as historically conflict ridden as Myanmar, will the reduced communication costs yielded by the recent expansion of mobile telephony create political affordances that make collective organization for peace or violence more likely to prevail? Method Applying a random effects model of time‐series cross‐sectional data, we test the relationship shared by ethnic groups’ increasing access to mobile telephony and their incidence of violent conflict against the state. By comparing differences in the effect across two distinct periods of time—before and after mobile phones became widely available—we can conduct robust tests of this relationship. Results The results of the analysis offer only marginal support for the prediction that increased access to mobile phones amplified groups’ incidence of violence against the state. More often, the direction of the effect traveled in the opposite direction, suggesting that the spread of mobile phones possibly served as a pacifying force for certain ethnic groups. Conclusions Within the context of Myanmar, the expansion of mobile telephony has not encouraged greater violence and may instead serve as a pacifying force.

  August 30, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12428   open full text
• United Nations, Uniting Nations: International Support Cues and American Attitudes on Environmental Sustainability*.
  Tyler Johnson, Victoria Rickard.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 30, 2017
  Objective We ask whether framing U.N. actions in terms of institutional origins or multilateral support has differential effects on attitudes toward environmental sustainability policy. Methods A survey experiment exposed individuals to different descriptions of U.N. Agenda 21, a 1992 sustainable development policy document. Results Individuals who learned about Agenda 21 in terms of the international consensus behind the document at its inception were significantly more likely to support it and find it important. Conservative individuals who learned Agenda 21 was a U.N. document were significantly less likely to believe it was important and to want the federal government to incentivize implementation. Conclusions Framing U.N. action in terms of international consensus may be a gateway toward building support among Americans in general. Framing U.N. action in terms of the institution behind the action has little effect on opinion, except in some instances when it turns conservatives against said action.

  August 30, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12431   open full text
• Making and Breaking Party Leaders? An Informational Theory of Temporary and Lasting Impacts of Prime Minister Debates in Spain.
  Iñaki Sagarzazu, Laron K. Williams.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 30, 2017
  Objective In this project, we develop an informational theory that identifies which prime minister debates are the most meaningful in terms of shifting Spanish public opinion . We argue that debates immediately following the installation of new leaders (because they shine light on leadership traits) and debates occurring in times of crisis (because voters can judge both the leader's ability to remedy the problems and their policy proposals) will have the largest short‐ and long‐term effects. Methods We use seemingly unrelated regression to explore the impacts of 15 Spanish State of the Nation debates from 1998 to 2016 on vote intention for Partido Popular (PP) and the Partido Socialista Obrero Espanol (PSOE). Result Debates following the installation of new party leaders often produce sizable improvements in vote intention, but the most meaningful debates occur during economic crises. Conclusion Parliamentary debates are valuable opportunities for party leaders to shift public opinion in their favor, a fact that is not lost to them considering the time and energy devoted to crafting strategies, and the media's fascination with providing extensive coverage of the debates. This study has important implications for the study of dynamic processes (such as vote intention), and the link between parties' strategic communications and voting behavior.

  August 30, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12446   open full text
• Watching the News and Support for Democracy: Why Media Systems Matter.
  Kirby Goidel, Keith Gaddie, Marco Ehrl.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 30, 2017
  Objective We explore whether the effect of watching television on support for democracy is contingent on the type of media system. In countries with well‐developed public broadcasting systems, watching television news should enhance support for democracy. In more market‐oriented systems with more superficial and episodic news content, watching television news should weaken democratic attachments. Methods We utilize Wave 6 of the World Values Survey to investigate the relationship between watching television news and support for democracy in the United States, Germany, Sweden, and the Netherlands. Results Watching television news in public broadcasting systems increases the importance one places on living in a democracy and evaluations of democratic governance. Watching television news in market‐oriented systems increases support for authoritarian political systems. Conclusion The effect of watching television news on democratic attitudes is contingent on media system. Public broadcasting systems enhance democratic attitudes while market‐oriented systems weaken these democratic attachments.

  August 30, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12430   open full text
• Assessing the Role of Television, the Family, and the School in the Development of Political Trust in Adolescence.
  Sofie Marien.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 30, 2017
  Objective A comprehensive study on the development of political trust is absent. Studies on the socialization effect of the media generally neglect the influence of the media system. This study aims to fill this gap. Methods Using a within‐country comparison of two media systems, I estimate the influence of different socialization agents on the development of political trust through hierarchical models of repeated measurements on a representative panel of Belgian adolescents (BPPS 2006–2011, n = 3,025). Results News consumption and a public service broadcasting preference foster political trust within diverse media systems. The socioeconomic status and level of political discussion in the family, an open classroom climate, and classroom instruction about politics also promote political trust. Conclusions Television, the family, and the school are all equally important agents in the development of political trust. It is critical to take the nature of the media system into account when studying how the media affect political trust.

  August 30, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12433   open full text
• Voters' Perceptions of Party Platforms: The Role of Changing Information Contexts*.
  Joshua D. Potter, Johanna L. Dunaway.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 30, 2017
  Under what circumstances are voters most likely to correctly situate political parties along a left‐right spatial continuum? Answering this question is profoundly important for our understanding of the spatial theory of party competition, which has typically generated empirically verifiable predictions about party‐level platform shifts, but fallen short when it comes to making predictions about voter‐level perceptions.Method. We use a multilevel cross‐national database of hundreds of thousands of voters in recent elections in Western and Eastern European democracies, and hierarchical linear modeling to test our hypotheses. Results. We demonstrate that the prevalence of Internet usage in a country systematically shapes individual voters' objective accuracy in their placements of parties' platforms on the left‐right spectrum. However, these effects accrue differently across certain populations of voters. Conclusion. The party placements of those individuals who self‐report as being ideologically extreme are affected more substantially by Internet prevalence than those of moderate voters.

  August 30, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12436   open full text
• Social Representations, News Exposure, and Knowledge Gaps.
  Lilach Nir.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 30, 2017
  Objective Studies show that public service broadcasters narrow knowledge gaps between politically interested and disinterested because such contexts encourage incidental learning. This reasoning, however, fails to explain why gendered knowledge differences persist in environments that equalize learning. Using stereotype threat theory, I argue that news content emits symbolic gender cues that encourage or discourage women to become politically informed. Methods Employing European Election Study 2009 voter data (N = 27,000), and multilingual news content analyses from 27 E.U. member states, I test whether more egalitarian representation of women as newsmakers correlates with narrower gaps between men and women. Results Aggregate and multilevel models show that greater representation of women as newsmakers correlates with smaller gaps in news exposure and political knowledge. Analyses also consider competing explanations such as women's electoral representation, education, labor force participation, and knowledge item guessing rates. Conclusion Findings support the theoretical expectations regarding symbolic cues and knowledge gaps.

  August 30, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12434   open full text
• Sports Participation and Social Capital Formation During Adolescence*.
  Ute Schüttoff, Tim Pawlowski, Paul Downward, Michael Lechner.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 28, 2017
  Objective National and international policies claim that young people's sports participation improves their social capital. This article is the first to examine if sports participation has a causal effect on social capital formation during adolescence and whether such effects depend on the organizational format or the type of sports practiced. Methods Propensity score matching is employed in the analysis with possible endogeneity removed by exploiting the information in, and the structure of, the German Socio‐Economic Panel. Results Regular sports participation positively impacts adolescents’ social capital through volunteering, helping friends, and civic involvement. Furthermore, these effects seem to develop predominantly in sports clubs (in contrast to other organizational formats). Conclusion The empirical evidence of this study is suggestive of the relevant societal role of nonprofit clubs as institutions for practicing sport.

  August 28, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12453   open full text
• From Categories to Context: Identity Meaning and Political Engagement*.
  Vanessa Bouché.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 28, 2017
  Objectives The objective of this article is to set forth and test the identity meaning theory. Borne out of extant theories in sociology and social psychology, this theory posits that all individuals have a salient identity that is hierarchically superior, that individuals attach a subjective meaning to their salient identity that varies in an interpersonal‐intergroup matrix, and that the subjective meaning of the salient identity ultimately guides behavior, in this context specifically political engagement. Methods I operationalize the identity meaning concepts in a public opinion survey and test the reliability and validity of these new measures on a matched representative sample of 400 Americans. I then test whether these concepts predict individual political engagement. Results I find strong support for the identity meaning theory as a predictive measure of political engagement. The meaning individuals attach to their salient identity has a significant impact on affective and behavioral political engagement. Conclusions While a shared categorical identity (e.g., race or gender) impacts political behavior, this research shows that a shared meaning of a salient identity—regardless of what the salient identity is—can also have an impact on political behavior, even if the categorical identities are different. Thus, there is room for a new understanding and conceptualization of identity in political science.

  August 28, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12457   open full text
• Heterogeneity, Income Inequality, and Social Capital: A New Perspective*.
  Laurie E. Paarlberg, Michele Hoyman, Jamie McCall.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 28, 2017
  Objective This article tests how income inequality mediates and moderates the relationship between racial diversity and social capital. We posit that racial diversity leads to higher levels of income equality, which reduces social capital. We also hypothesize that racial diversity has a stronger negative effect on social capital in places with high levels of income inequality (a compounding effect). Methods Drawing upon data from U.S. counties, we test these models using a series of regression models. Results Diversity and income inequality have negative effects on social capital. There is also evidence of both mediating and moderating effects. Income inequality partially mediates the negative relationship between diversity and social capital. As income inequality increases, the negative relationship between diversity and social capital decreases. Furthermore, we find that population growth moderates these relationships. Conclusion The relationship among social capital, income inequality, and diversity is complex. Although the direct effect is negative, there is some evidence for key mediating and moderating effects. More conceptual and empirical work is needed to assess the relationship between these concepts.

  August 28, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12454   open full text
• Media Narratives Versus Evidence in Economic Policy Making: The 2008–2009 Financial Crisis*.
  Mark K. McBeth, Robert J. Tokle, Susan Schaefer.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 22, 2017
  Objective Economic policy in late 2008 and through 2009 led to unprecedented media coverage and debate. This debate played out on the 24‐hour news cycle of cable news networks. Traditionally, media has been viewed as merely reporting the news, but today evidence suggests that the media is an active player for or against certain policies. This study asks: “How did the three major cable news networks cover the economic crisis of 2008–2009 and how did this coverage converge or diverge from the impacts that economists thought these policies actually had on the economy?” Methods We content analyzed 50 news transcripts each from Fox News, CNN, and MSNBC. Results We found that MSNBC primarily constructed Democratic Party officials and their allies as heroes (fixers of the problem), and that Fox News primarily constructed Democratic Party officials and their allies as villains (the cause of the problem). Fox News when discussing the economic policies constructed more costs (victims) than benefits (beneficiaries), whereas both MSNBC and CNN constructed more benefits (beneficiaries) than costs (victims). Overall, MSNBC was the most pro‐Democratic Party in its narratives, with Fox News the most pro‐Republican Party, and CNN leaning Democratic but also mixed in its narratives. Nonpartisan economic analyses showed that despite the pessimistic narratives about financial reform found in Fox News, the economic policies had a positive impact on the economy. Conclusions This study concludes with an analysis of the potential impact of media coverage on U.S. public policy making as a new U.S. president takes office.

  August 22, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12456   open full text
• New Social Program Participation During the Great Recession: The Case of SNAP*.
  Lloyd Grieger.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 22, 2017
  Objectives It is unknown if the explosion in Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) usage during the Great Recession was due to an inflow of new participants or instead because former participants cycled back into the program. It is also unknown if the profiles of new and return participants differed on a set of core demographic characteristics, including race/ethnicity, gender, education, age, household configuration, and location. Methods I examine the complete adult SNAP participation histories for a nationally representative cross‐section of 7,680 individuals at the end of the Great Recession. Data are from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics with observations spanning the period 1968–2010. Results A large number of adult SNAP participants used the program for the first time during the Great Recession. New participants were not solely young adults and often originated from groups not typically associated with social program participation, such as: whites, suburbanites, and the highly educated. Repeat participants had varying program histories prior to the recession. Some spent a substantial portion of adulthood receiving program benefits while most others were only sporadic participants. Conclusions The findings demonstrate that SNAP was very successful in reaching the many new types of people who were exposed to the risk of poverty as a result of the economic downturn.

  August 22, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12450   open full text
• Using Internet Search Data to Measure Changes in Social Perceptions: A Methodology and an Application*.
  Tomas Reyes, Nicolás Majluf, Ricardo Ibáñez.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 14, 2017
  Objectives Social perceptions in areas such as family life, economy, education, health, and energy can be uncertain and difficult to measure. This article proposes a well‐defined methodology to measure social perceptions by observing individuals’ Google searches for online content with the support of three free tools: Google Trends, Keyword Planner, and Related Searches. Methods The proposed methodology is a step‐by‐step process that identifies representative keywords for prevailing social perceptions, and then aggregates them into specialized descriptive indexes, which are designed to highlight changes in search trends over time. Results To exemplify the process, the methodology is applied to measure changes in economic and social perceptions in Chile during 2004–2014. Results show that, over these years, Chileans moved from a pro‐business view to a largely anti‐business perspective based on issues such as lucre, inequality, and abuses. Conclusions The methodology works well, as we are able to identify in two complementary ways the moment at which Chilean citizens moved from one perspective to another. The application of this methodology to Mexico, Peru, and Colombia also provided satisfactory results.

  August 14, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12449   open full text
• Explaining Attitudes Toward U.S. Energy Extraction: Offshore Drilling, the Keystone XL Pipeline, and Hydraulic Fracturing.
  Stephen Ceccoli.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 14, 2017
  Objective This research develops and tests several individual‐level explanations of citizen attitudes toward offshore drilling, the Keystone XL pipeline, and hydraulic fracturing. Methods Using survey data from the Pew Research Center, logistic regression models analyze the effects of partisan and ideological considerations, presidential approval, affect for various levels of government, and a number of demographic considerations. Results Findings indicate that partisan, ideological, and core value considerations are highly influential in shaping individual sentiment toward the energy policies. Further, evidence for the affect heuristic suggests important empirical divides are also found with respect to patterns of citizen orientation to President Obama, his energy policies, and to federal and local governments. Conclusion These results are important in the context of previous assertions that energy policy and its regulatory character have changed over time and remain highly partisan and politically polarized. Additionally, citizen patterns of orientation, including measures of affect as encapsulated by the affect heuristic, also provide citizens with important shortcuts when developing attitudes toward the three policies.

  August 14, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12447   open full text
• Moralizing to the Choir: The Moral Foundations of American Clergy*.
  Paul A. Djupe, Amanda Friesen.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 14, 2017
  Objective In order to understand the role of clergy in shaping Americans’ moral worldviews, we examine whether the structure of clergy values varies in systematic ways according to contextual factors, such as disagreement in the congregation. Method In early 2014 (February), clergy from a variety of Protestant denominations were contacted by email and invited to complete a survey online, which included a 20‐item moral foundations (MFs) battery as well as a variety of attitudinal, behavioral, and relational measures. Results Clergy MFs resemble average citizens’, they look to preserve their autonomy by emphasizing individualizing foundations when they are in disagreement with their congregation, and emphasize MFs that align with their religious beliefs, especially their views on religious authority. Conclusion We reject a special religious emphasis on binding foundations. While clergy take moral positions that reflect their theological commitments, we find evidence of contextualizing in how they weight moral positions.

  August 14, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12455   open full text
• Cooperative Federalism and Fair Housing Enforcement*.
  Charles S. Bullock, Charles M. Lamb, Eric M. Wilk.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 09, 2017
  Objective We investigate how three levels of government have enforced the Fair Housing Act as a cooperative federalism program. Methods Based on data obtained from the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD), we test a multivariate fixed effects logistic regression model. Results First, the Fair Housing Act's substantial equivalency requirement and HUD's Fair Housing Assistance Program have enabled state and local civil rights agencies to play an essential role in enforcing national fair housing policy. Second, there is little difference in the extent to which federal, state, and local agencies provide outcomes favorable to fair housing complainants. Third, local agencies have been most likely to provide favorable outcomes in recent years. Conclusion Encouraging state and particularly local agencies to participate more actively in fair housing enforcement would strengthen American federalism without significantly affecting complainants’ outcomes. Research involving effectiveness and efficiency in fair housing enforcement reinforces this argument.

  August 09, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12451   open full text
• Early Trouble, Long‐Term Consequences: Does Family Instability Keep People from Doctors?*.
  Ethan J. Evans, Bill McCarthy, Cecilia Benoit, Mikael Jansson.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 28, 2017
  Objectives This study assesses the impact of family instability during childhood on adult intentions to seek healthcare when depressed or in pain, adding to research on the long‐term consequences of family instability and on care seeking. Methods Logistic regression is used with survey data collected from nearly 600 service workers in Sacramento, CA and Victoria, British Columbia. Results Adults who experienced high levels of familial disruption, defined as five or more changes, during childhood are less likely to say that they would seek healthcare when experiencing mental and physical distress. This pattern is independent of a number of demographic attributes, mediating mechanisms, mental and physical health status, and health‐care access. Conclusions Family instability in childhood has long‐term consequences for health‐care seeking intentions. This instability within a primary social institution, the family, may shake the very foundation upon which trust in other institutions is formed.

  July 28, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12448   open full text
• State Medicaid Expansion and Citizens’ Quality of Life*.
  Patrick Flavin.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 28, 2017
  Objectives The U.S. Supreme Court's 2012 ruling on the Affordable Care Act was a federal exogenous shock that presented all states with the decision to continue their Medicaid program in its current form or expand it to include thousands of newly eligible recipients. This article takes advantage of this exogenous shock to evaluate the impact of Medicaid expansion on citizens’ quality of life. Methods I evaluate changes from 2010 to 2014 in low‐income citizens’ subjective well‐being (SWB) using Gallup‐Healthways survey data and a difference‐in‐differences estimation strategy. Results Average levels of SWB increased among low‐income citizens in states that expanded Medicaid eligibility compared to states that did not. In a series of placebo tests, I also demonstrate that the expansion had no effect on the SWB of middle‐ or high‐income citizens who are unlikely to directly benefit from more generous Medicaid eligibility requirements. Conclusions The empirical findings suggest that the expansion of Medicaid has important implications for the well‐being of low‐income Americans and, more broadly, contribute to the growing literature on how government policy choices can concretely impact the quality of life that citizens experience.

  July 28, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12452   open full text
• Relative Deprivation and Perceived Inefficacy of the Civil Rights Movement and of Black Elected Officials*.
  Tony N. Brown, Heather Hensman Kettrey, Ebony M. Duncan‐Shippy.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 24, 2017
  Objectives This study addresses whether relative deprivation theory explains why some blacks perceive that the civil rights movement and black elected officials failed to improve the lot of the black community, including their own life chances. Methods We use data from a nationally representative survey of black adults, collected approximately 15 years after the passing of landmark civil rights legislation. Results Net of control variables, we find that relative deprivation associates significantly and positively with perceived inefficacy of black elected officials. However, relative deprivation does not predict perceptions of the civil rights movement as ineffective. Conclusions We know too little about mechanisms that produce variation in blacks’ perceptions of race‐related social change. Today's economic and sociopolitical climate provides a unique opportunity to explore and explain such variation.

  July 24, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12387   open full text
• The Racial Structure of Inequality: Consequences for Welfare Policy in the United States*.
  Rodney E. Hero, Morris E. Levy.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 19, 2017
  Objective This article explores the effect of the racial structure of inequality on redistributive policy in the states. Methods Applying measures developed in Hero and Levy (2016), we use fixed effects regressions to assess the impact of between‐race inequality on multiple measures of state welfare effort and generosity. Results We find a strong negative association between racial inequality and all measures of welfare policy. The total level of inequality and the racial composition of the population, by contrast, are not associated with the welfare policy measures. The impact of racial inequality emerges after, but does not appear before, the 1996 national welfare reform that increased states’ discretion over welfare policy. Conclusion These findings illustrate that the influence of income inequality on public policy is strongly conditioned by racial “structure.”

  July 19, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12427   open full text
• Third‐Party State Domestic Politics and Conflict Management During Interventions into Civil Conflicts*.
  Christopher Linebarger, Andrew J. Enterline, Steven R. Liebel.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 05, 2017
  Objective When do third‐party states engaged in military support of civil war governments resort to conflict management, such as negotiation or mediation, with rebels? Current research underemphasizes the role of third‐party state domestic conditions as precipitating the resort to conflict management. To do so, we formulate two explanations linking third‐party state domestic politics to conflict management with rebels: (1) gambling for resurrection, in which a weak third‐party state leader eschews conflict management in the pursuit of a victory that will rehabilitate his or her political survival; and (2) cutting losses, in which a weak third‐party leader resorts to conflict management to reduce the domestic political costs associated with continued fighting. Method We identify a sample of 32 civil conflicts during the 1960–2004 period in which a third‐party state deploys troops to defend a central government against a rebellion. We code the timing of negotiation and mediation offers between the third‐party and the rebels. We then rely on third‐party state economic conditions as a barometer of the political survival that shapes the third‐party's resort to conflict management. Results A logit analysis supports the cutting losses expectation that third‐party states seek conflict management when political survival at home is at risk. Conclusion The analysis underscores the necessity of incorporating the domestic politics of third‐party states in studies of interventions into civil wars and conflict management attempts therein.

  July 05, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12426   open full text
• Does Marriage Protect Health? A Birth Cohort Comparison*.
  Dmitry Tumin.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 05, 2017
  Objective Marriage is considered to protect health via multiple mechanisms, but this effect may have weakened as marriage has become deinstitutionalized in the United States. This article tests for cross‐cohort decline in the protective effect of marriage. Methods Change in the association between marital status and subjective general health over three birth cohorts was estimated using the 1984–2011 Panel Study of Income Dynamics (N = 12,373). Analyses included least‐squares, random‐effects, and fixed‐effects regression models, representing increasingly conservative approaches to ruling out selection bias. Results Despite associations between marriage and better health among both men and women, estimated by least‐squares and random‐effects regression, the fixed‐effects models found health improvement relative to remaining unmarried only in very long (≥10 year) marriages, and only among women. This effect was completely attenuated among women in the youngest birth cohort. Conclusion The modest benefit of marriage for women's subjective health has eroded in recent cohorts.

  July 05, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12425   open full text
• Policy Spillover and Gun Migration: The Interstate Dynamics of State Gun Control Policies*.
  Michael Coates, Shanna Pearson‐Merkowitzz.
  Social Science Quarterly. June 15, 2017
  Objective In this article, we examine state policy spillover by examining how differences between state gun control policies affect the migration of guns between states with lax regulatory environments for gun purchasing and licensing to states with relatively strict regulatory environments. Method We test our hypothesis using data from 2007 to 2013 from the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms on the presence of criminal guns and from the Brady Campaign on state gun control laws. Results Our results suggest that a large proportion of criminal guns in states with strict gun control laws were originally purchased in states with fewer regulations. There is a direct correlation between where criminal guns were originally purchased, where criminal guns are uncovered, and the strength of state gun laws. Conclusion State gun control laws appear to make purchasing a gun through legal frameworks more difficult and shift the “market” for criminal guns to purchasing locations across state borders where purchasing is easier. Gun control laws appear, therefore, to be affected by policy spillover.

  June 15, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12422   open full text
• Planting in Fertile Soil: The National Rifle Association and State Firearms Legislation*.
  Gary Reich, Jay Barth.
  Social Science Quarterly. June 15, 2017
  Objective Are increases in citizen demand for guns a boon to advocates of firearms deregulation? We examine this question via state firearms legislation approved between 2009 and 2013, a period marked both by state activism regarding firearms and large surges in the demand for guns in response to Barack Obama's two presidential elections. Methods We conduct a multivariate analysis of an original data set of state firearms laws approved between 2009 and 2013. We measure directional shifts in the tenor of firearms legislation across 49 states, controlling for both demographic and political variables. Result During this period, deregulation of firearms was associated with more ideologically conservative state legislatures as well as the interaction between Obama‐induced surges in gun sales and increased National Rifle Association state campaign spending. Conclusion The findings suggest that increased citizen demand for firearms provides a legislative climate that is advantageous for groups advocating the deregulation of firearms.

  June 15, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12423   open full text
• The Role of Interest Groups and Group Interests on Gun Legislation in the U.S. House*.
  Robert Richards.
  Social Science Quarterly. June 15, 2017
  Objective I examine the differential effects on legislative behavior of organized and unorganized subgroups related to gun policy. Methods Using various data sources on campaign contributions, voter characteristics, and legislative behaviors, I estimate logit models of the decision to co‐sponsor or vote for gun bills in the U.S. House of Representatives. Results Both interest group contributions and the percentage of hunters in a district are independently predictive of legislative behavior, above and beyond district ideology and party affiliation. These findings are robust and substantively meaningful. Conclusions Those involved in the politics surrounding gun policy should take into account the difference between the influence of organized interests like the National Rifle Association (NRA) and the unorganized interests of voter subgroups.

  June 15, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12424   open full text
• The Socialization of Conflict and Its Limits: Gender and Gun Politics in America*.
  Kristin A. Goss.
  Social Science Quarterly. June 15, 2017
  Objective This study considers efforts by gun rights and gun regulation groups to socialize the conflict over firearms policy by engaging a coveted issue public—women. I assess whether gun rights groups have succeeded in weakening women's support for gun control laws and increasing women's firearms ownership. I also examine whether gun regulation groups have succeeded in mobilizing their female sympathizers for political action. Methods Drawing on two survey archives spanning several decades, I use descriptive statistics and logistic regression to analyze the relationship between women and guns over time. Results Gun rights groups have had little success in persuading women to become “pro‐gun” in attitudes or behaviors. Gun regulation groups have mobilized their female sympathizers but not enough to offset the political engagement of pro‐gun men. Conclusion The findings suggest that civic identities, organizational capacities, and countervailing pressures constrain efforts to socialize conflict through persuasion and mobilization.

  June 15, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12419   open full text
• Crime and Partisanship: How Party ID Muddles Reality, Perception, and Policy Attitudes on Crime and Guns*.
  Shanna Pearson‐Merkowitz, Joshua J. Dyck.
  Social Science Quarterly. June 15, 2017
  Objective In this article we theorize that partisanship is such a strong filter of information that it can affect how individuals make sense of their lived environment and how the geographic experience informs policy attitudes. As a result, although “independents” tend to be less politically knowledgeable and have less developed policy opinions, their policy attitudes on gun control are more informed by their lived experience than partisans. Methods We use data from an original survey of American adults about crime and gun control linked to crime statistics from the FBI. Results We find that stronger partisanship leads to resistance to information from the lived environment in the development of policy attitudes about gun control. Conclusion Democrats and Republicans have very different views about guns and, generally, these priorities are relatively unaffected by contextual experience; however, gun policy attitudes of independents are highly correlated with the level of gun crime in their geographic context.

  June 15, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12417   open full text
• Gun Ownership and Self‐Serving Attributions for Mass Shooting Tragedies*.
  Mark R. Joslyn, Donald P. Haider‐Markel.
  Social Science Quarterly. June 15, 2017
  Objective Individuals develop causal narratives that help explain events, behaviors, and conditions. Individuals ascribe events and behaviors to controllable components, such as individual choice, or uncontrollable components, such as broader forces in the environment. We join attribution theory with motivated reasoning and outline how gun ownership structures perceptions of mass shootings and subsequent blame. Methods Using individual‐level data from national surveys we examine the connection between causal attributions for mass shootings and gun ownership. Results Our findings suggest that firearm possession engenders self‐serving attributions about the causes of gun violence and resists calls for policy changes after mass shooting. Conclusion Given the significant proportion of citizens who own guns, the prospect for policy changes that address gun‐related causes of mass shootings is unlikely.

  June 15, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12420   open full text
• Testing Theories of Gun Policy Preferences Among Blacks, Latinos, and Whites in America*.
  Alexandra Filindra, Noah Kaplan.
  Social Science Quarterly. June 15, 2017
  Objective Research examining the factors shaping gun policy attitudes has focused on the general population or whites. Little is known about how self‐interest, political values, or racial prejudice shape the gun policy preferences of minorities. We seek to assess the effect of self‐interest, political values, and racial prejudice on the gun policy attitudes of whites, Latinos, and blacks. We also introduce a measure of prejudice difference in group violence—which has not been previously used in the literature on gun policy opinion. Methods We use data from a new survey (2015) and analyze whites, blacks, and Latinos separately. Results We find that many of the drivers of support for gun control found in the general population apply to minorities as well, but the substantive effects vary across groups. Similar to prior general population findings, we find that for all groups concern about crime is associated with more support for gun control, and that gun ownership, being the victim of a crime, and conservative political values are associated with less support. Conclusion In contrast, we find that racial prejudice is negatively correlated with support for gun control among whites and Latinos, while one type of racial prejudice—racial resentment—increases support for gun control among blacks.

  June 15, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12418   open full text
• From Play to Peril: A Historical Examination of Media Coverage of Accidental Shootings Involving Children*.
  Jennifer Carlson, Jessica Cobb.
  Social Science Quarterly. June 15, 2017
  Objectives To examine how firearms‐related incidents are defined as social problems versus personal tragedies. This is achieved by examining a case of gun violence where the actors immediately involved are apparently blameless: child‐involved accidental firearms deaths and injuries. Specifically, we examine changing narratives of these incidents from the mid‐19th century to the present. Methods A database of 314 New York Times articles on child‐involved accidental shootings from the mid‐1800s to the present day was compiled and analyzed using Atlas.ti. Results Our content analysis shows that despite declining prevalence and coverage over time, these incidents were increasingly framed as social problems through narratives of criminalization and responsibilization. These discursive frameworks differ in how they allocate blame and advance appropriate social responses to child‐involved shootings. First, “criminalization” involves a police response to both the child shooter and, especially after the 1911 promulgation of New York's Sullivan Act requiring a license for concealable firearms, to adult custodians. Second, “responsibilization” allocates responsibility for the proper management of guns to adults at home (since the 1970s) as well as to society at large (since the 1980s) within a discourse that frames child‐involved accidental shootings as indicative of broader social disorder. Conclusions Narratives of child‐involved shootings reflect a broader social transformation of accidents into public problems that occurred in the 20th century. As such, the results provide insight into both the contemporary gun debate and the moral valuation of children.

  June 15, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12416   open full text
• Emerging Political Identities? Gun Ownership and Voting in Presidential Elections*.
  Mark R. Joslyn, Donald P. Haider‐Markel, Michael Baggs, Andrew Bilbo.
  Social Science Quarterly. June 15, 2017
  Objectives The attitudes of gun owners and nongun owners appear more polarized in the last two decades. We posit that divisions between gun owners and nongun owners reflect emerging political identities, especially among gun owners. Methods Using data from the General Social Survey (1972–2012) we examine if and when this gun ownership divergence began to shape the political behavior of the two groups by analyzing voting patterns in presidential elections. Results We first observe that relative to conventional predictors of vote choice, gun ownership is important, reliable, and robust across election cycles. Since the 1970s, possessing a firearm increases the likelihood of voting for Republican candidates. Second, we find that the impact of gun ownership on the likelihood of voting for a Republican candidate increased across elections, reaching a level in 2012 nearly 50 percent higher than in 1972. The voting choices of gun owners and nonowners are therefore distinct and increasingly so over the past several decades. Conclusions Given the significant proportion of the electorate who owns guns, the prominence of guns in social and political culture, and the weight of gun lobbies in political affairs, the growing divide between gun owners and nonowners will likely continue and significantly impact electoral politics. Gun owners are developing a powerful political identity that rivals other groups' characteristics in its ability to predict voting behavior.

  June 15, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12421   open full text
• Achieving Efficiency Without Losing Accuracy: Strategies for Scale Reduction with an Application to Risk Attitudes and Racial Resentment*.
  Krista Loose, Yue Hou, Adam J. Berinsky.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 22, 2017
  Objectives Researchers often employ lengthy survey instruments to tap underlying phenomena of interest. However, concerns about the cost of fielding longer surveys and respondent fatigue can lead scholars to look for abbreviated, yet accurate, variations of longer, validated scales. In this article, we provide a template to aid in scale reduction. Methods The template we develop walks researchers through a procedure for using existing data to consider all possible subscales along several reliability and validity criteria. We apply our method to two commonly used scales: the seven‐item Risk Attitudes Scale and the six‐item Racial Resentment Scale. Results After applying the template, we find a four‐item Risk Attitudes Scale that maintains nearly identical reliability and validity as the full scale and a three‐item Racial Resentment Subscale that outperforms the two‐item Subscale currently used in a major congressional survey. Conclusions Our general template should be of use to a broad range of scholars seeking to achieve efficiency without losing accuracy when reducing lengthy scales. The code to implement our procedures is available as an R package, ScaleReduce.

  May 22, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12414   open full text
• Economic Openness and Institutional Embeddedness: Global Capital and Firm Performance in China's Stock Market*.
  Junmin Wang, Yanlong Zhang, Doug Guthrie.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 16, 2017
  Objectives This study advances the theoretical perspective in studying economic globalization that emphasizes the moderating role of local institutions on the potential benefits brought by foreign investments on host nations. Methods We use mixed‐effects regression models to analyze a longitudinal data set of China's publicly listed firms between 1996 and 2012, examining how foreign share affects firm performance independently and how domestic ownerships moderate foreign share's effects on firm profitability. Results Our results show partial evidence for the positive role of foreign ownership on firm performance. We find that private share positively moderates the effects of foreign share on firm profitability whereas state share plays a negative moderating role. As a progressive state ownership, state institutional share appears to cooperate with foreign share more effectively than state share. Conclusion We suggest that the global‐local partnership plays a critical role in assessing the consequences of foreign capital on local firm outcomes.

  May 16, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12413   open full text
• Burying the Hatchet? Elite Influence and White Opinion on the Washington Redskins Controversy*.
  Tatishe M. Nteta, Elizabeth A. Sharrow, Melinda R. Tarsi.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 11, 2017
  Objective Is the opinion of white Americans regarding the continued use of the Washington Redskins’ team name influenced by their exposure to elite rhetoric that supports a team name change and views the team's name as offensive? Methods In order to explore the potential for elite opinion leadership on white opinion, this article employs a survey experiment embedded in the 2014 Cooperative Congressional Election Study in which respondents were randomly exposed to a message attributed to either Senator Harry Reid (a Democrat), Senator John McCain (a Republican), or NBC Sports broadcaster Bob Costas that details their opposition to the team's name. Results Testing hypotheses derived from the scholarship on elite opinion theory, this article finds that exposure only to a message from Costas on this issue leads respondents to more strongly support a team name change and to more clearly view the term “Redskins” as offensive. Our results (1) further the scholarship on public opinion concerning Native American mascots, (2) suggest the conditions under which the barriers to change in sporting institutions may continue to evolve, and (3) speak to the limits of political elite influence.

  May 11, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12406   open full text
• How Republicans Won on Voter Identification Laws: The Roles of Strategic Reasoning and Moral Conviction*.
  Pamela Johnston Conover, Patrick R. Miller.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 11, 2017
  Objectives American political elites heatedly disagree over voter identification (ID) laws. Yet, the issue is not particularly polarizing at the mass level. Previous research mostly explores voter ID attitude correlates and how those policies shape turnout, but offers less insight into how average citizens understand the issue. We explore competing partisan frames on voter ID—voter fraud and voter suppression—that advance subtexts about partisan motivations and whom these laws benefit. Method We use an original nationally representative survey to examine how partisan motivated reasoning, strategic reasoning, and moral conviction influence voter ID frame perceptions and policy support among partisans. Results For average partisans, strategic reasoning and moral conviction significantly influence frame perceptions and voter ID attitudes, though not always along predicted party lines. Motivated reasoning proves inconsequential. Conclusions Republicans have won the “framing war” over voter ID, largely neutralizing the Democratic voter suppression frame, even among average Democrats.

  May 11, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12410   open full text
• Locating the External Source of Enforceability: Alliances, Bilateral Investment Treaties, and Foreign Direct Investment*.
  Zhiyuan Wang, Hyunjin Youn.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 10, 2017
  Objective We theorize that alliances play a role as an external source of enforceability of bilateral investment treaties (BITs), and they do this by limiting the policy opportunism in foreign direct investment (FDI) host countries. We attempt to demonstrate that being party to common BITs and common alliances substantially raises the accumulation of FDI. Methods Using econometric techniques including panel‐corrected standard error, fixed effect, and dynamic pooled models, we analyze panel data on dyadic FDI stock from 1978 to 2003. Results We find that BITs increase FDI stock and that alliances magnify this positive effect of BITs by a substantial margin. Conclusion Being embedded in alliances strengthens the impact of BITs on FDI. This study contributes to the extant literature on the efficacy of BITs in particular and that on international institutions in general.

  May 10, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12412   open full text
• The End of the Dichotomy: The Effect of Social Proximity to Prototype and Periphery Group Members on Political Attitudes*.
  James S. Krueger, Francisco I. Pedraza.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 04, 2017
  Objective We extend prototype theory to explain why nonmembers who are socially connected to group members hold political attitudes that differ from nonmembers lacking that connection. We anticipate that the intensity of nonmember attitudes varies by connection to a prototype or periphery group member. Methods Using data from the 2006 Cooperative Congressional Election Study (CCES), we model group‐salient political attitudes for veterans, union members, and their family members. Results We find social distance from group members is theoretically linked to within‐group variation that distinguishes prototype from periphery group members. Conclusion Analysis of political attitudes is enhanced beyond the traditional member/nonmember dichotomy by accounting for nonmembers’ social distance from group members.

  May 04, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12411   open full text
• Changing Patterns of Uncontested Seats in Southern State Legislative Elections, 1984–2012*.
  Adam S. Myers.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 02, 2017
  Objective Despite the rise of two‐party politics in the American South, most state legislative elections in the region continue to feature only one major‐party candidate. I offer a new account of changes in partisan contestation of state legislative races in the region that centers on the growing importance of constituency partisanship over time. Method Using an original data set of district‐level presidential vote share between 1984 and 2012, I examine the changing effect of district partisanship on uncontestedness. I then estimate multivariate models predicting uncontested seats in 1988, 2000, and 2012. Results Between 1984 and 2012, the effect of incumbency on uncontestedness declines while the effect of partisanship rises. Conclusion The processes accounting for uncontested seats in southern legislative races have changed. Although uncontestedness in earlier periods was primarily driven by the incumbency advantage, in the contemporary period it is largely a result of the racially driven partisan sort of the southern electorate.

  May 02, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12409   open full text
• A Double‐Edged Sword: The Countervailing Effects of Religion on Cross‐National Violent Crime*.
  Katie E. Corcoran, David Pettinicchio, Blaine Robbins.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 26, 2017
  Objective There has been a growing interest in the relationship between culture and crime in recent years, but there is little research investigating the role of religion. To clarify this empirical cleavage, we propose a Durkheimian model of the countervailing effects of religion on violent crime. Methods We test our propositions with robust linear models and a large country sample (N = 100). Results We show that religious intensity and belief in an active God are not significantly associated with intentional homicide. However, religious intensity is positively and significantly associated with assault. We also find that belief in an active God is negatively and significantly associated with assault and has a stronger effect than several structural variables. Conclusion The findings provide partial support for our Durkheimian model and suggest that cultural factors are important for predicting certain types of violent crime.

  April 26, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12408   open full text
• Cheap Talk or Proper Signaling? Styles of Campaigning and Engagement in Constituency Service*.
  Mihail Chiru.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 06, 2017
  Objectives Although a salient component of parliamentary delegation and accountability chains, the connection between individual campaigning and parliamentary behavior has not been measured systematically by empirical research. This study assesses the importance of campaign strategies and activities for constituency service. Methods We draw on an original data set combining the responses of 234 members of Parliament (MPs) participating at the 2010 Hungarian Candidate Study with their subsequent parliamentary questions. We content analyzed the questions and ran negative binomial regressions to evaluate if and how campaign activities influenced the MPs to introduce locally‐oriented questions. Results Our analyses show that a form of campaign socialization, the time devoted to meet local activists during campaigns, is a key predictor for the likelihood of introducing constituency questions, whereas campaign norms and messages matter less. Conclusions Ultimately, even though campaigns matter for constituency service, the MPs’ shadowing behavior, their socialization in local politics, and their partisan affiliation is likely to matter more.

  April 06, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12404   open full text
• Are “Stand Your Ground” Laws Racist and Sexist? A Statistical Analysis of Cases in Florida, 2005–2013*.
  Justin Murphy.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 30, 2017
  I test for racial and gender bias in the enforcement of “stand your ground” (SYG) laws, controlling for potential confounders often invoked to reject claims of racism and sexism. Methods. Regressions, simulations, and genetic matching are conducted using case‐level data from 237 incidents in the U.S. state of Florida between 2005 and 2013. Results. Controlling for potential confounders, the probability of conviction for a white defendant against a white victim is estimated to be 90 percent with much error; for a black defendant it is nearly 100 percent with little error. For a male defendant in a domestic case, the probability is 40 percent, whereas for a female defendant it is 80 percent. Conclusions. Enforcement of SYG laws appears biased against people of color in general and women specifically in the home. Policy implications are especially stark because these findings contradict recent research conducted for the U.S. Senate.

  March 30, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12402   open full text
• The Elective Affinities of Anti‐Semitic and Anti‐American Resentments in Germany*.
  Heiko Beyer, Ulf Liebe.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 30, 2017
  Objective Recent works on anti‐Americanism have indicated a link between anti‐American and anti‐Semitic resentments but neither an explication of the underlying mechanisms nor satisfying empirical data regarding such a relationship exist. This article offers historical insights and theoretical reflections as well as quantitative data for the case of Germany with which the theoretical assumptions are tested. Methods The sample of the study consists of 1,201 respondents randomly selected from the German population older than 18 years (computer‐assisted telephone interviews survey). The data are analyzed using seemingly unrelated regression models. Results Anti‐American and anti‐Semitic attitudes correlate substantially. Multivariate models show that this correlation can be explained via the common function of both to rationalize social change. Conclusion The historical ties of European anti‐Semitism and anti‐Americanism are still prevalent today. They combine into a comprehensive symptom that is constituted by the uncertainty caused by “globalization” and an accelerated “capitalism.”

  March 30, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12403   open full text
• International Organizations and Democracy Development: The Indirect Link*.
  Hayam Kim, Uk Heo.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 27, 2017
  Objective Few studies have systematically examined the international organization (IO)‐democracy nexus, except Pevehouse (2002, 2005), who found the democratizing impact of regional IOs. Our study extends previous research by investigating the indirect as well as the direct effects of IOs on democracy. Methods We employ a two‐equation model, using the data for 112 developing countries for 1972–2002. Results Regional IOs increase the level of economic openness, which in turn leads to improvements in democracy. Conclusions IOs indeed facilitate democratic development in their member states both directly and indirectly by enhancing these countries’ international trade.

  March 27, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12407   open full text
• Class, Race, Ethnicity, and Justice in Safe Drinking Water Compliance*.
  David Switzer, Manuel P. Teodoro.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 23, 2017
  Objective Past research yields inconsistent evidence of disparities in environmental quality by socioeconomic status (SES), race, and/or ethnicity. Since the political significance of race/ethnicity may be contingent upon SES, this study advances environmental justice research by examining interactively the effects of race, ethnicity, and SES on environmental quality. Methods We match 2010–2013 Safe Drinking Water Act (SDWA) compliance records with demographic and economic data for U.S. local government water utilities serving populations greater than 1,000. Statistical regression isolates direct and interactive relationships between communities’ racial/ethnic populations, SES, and SDWA compliance. Results We find that community racial/ethnic composition predicts drinking water quality, but also that SES conditions the effect; specifically, black and Hispanic populations most strongly predict SDWA violations in low‐SES communities. Conclusions Our findings highlight the importance of analyzing race, ethnicity, and SES interactively in environmental justice research. Results also carry troubling implications for drinking water quality in the United States.

  March 23, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12397   open full text
• From Legal Theory to Practical Application: A How‐To for Performing Vote Dilution Analyses*.
  M. V. Hood, Peter A. Morrison, Thomas M. Bryan.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 23, 2017
  Objectives The Supreme Court opinion in Thornburg v. Gingles three decades ago established a three‐prong test whereby a vote dilution claim can be substantiated. This article provides practitioners and social scientists with a working understanding of the operational steps involved in analyzing a vote dilution claim. Methods A brief primer is offered on how to translate the Gingles preconditions into a set of practical, real‐world tests. At each stage, we buttress these explanations with examples from actual court proceedings. Results This primer furnishes readers with the basic knowledge necessary to carry out a vote dilution analysis under the current legal standard. Conclusion While the generic process for conducting a test of vote dilution has been well‐defined by decades of case law, practitioners should be mindful that some aspects of these procedures will continue to be affected by future court proceedings.

  March 23, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12405   open full text
• Differential Influence of the Great Recession on Political Participation Among Race and Ethnic Groups*.
  Kimberly R. Huyser, Jillian Medeiros Pérez, Vickie D. Ybarra, Julia Marin Hellwege, Lisa Sanchez.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 17, 2017
  Objective Our study seeks to understand the role of perceived economic stress of the Great Recession on political participation among blacks, whites, and Latinos. Methods We use the 2012 Collaborative Multi‐Racial Political Study and negative binomial regression to examine the impact of financial hardship on black, Hispanic, and white political participation. Results We find that political participation among whites is unaffected by the Great Recession and is largely motivated by political interest. Blacks are mobilized by financial hardship even after controlling for political enthusiasm and linked fate. Hispanics have the lowest level of political participation. Conclusion Overall, we conclude that the Great Recession did affect political behavior but differently across race and ethnic groups; specifically, Hispanics were least likely to politically engage if they experienced negative consequences of the Great Recession.

  March 17, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12399   open full text
• From Pressure Group to Political Party: The Case of the American Anti‐Slavery Society and the Liberty Party*.
  Adam Chamberlain.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 15, 2017
  Objective This study evaluates how the leaders in the American Anti‐Slavery Society (AASS) either aided or hindered the formation of the Liberty Party, thus building on Bawn et al.’s (2012) theory of political party formation. Methods Regression models are used to study how the presence of AASS organizations affected Liberty Party voting in the early 1840s. Results The findings show that AASS organizations had little to no effect on Liberty voting in New England, where AASS leadership was opposed to the idea of a third party, but that a stronger AASS group presence helped the Liberty Party form outside New England, where leaders were more supportive of an anti‐slavery third party. Conclusion Interest groups do matter for the formation of political parties, but this is dependent on the support provided by, or the opposition put up by, group leaders.

  March 15, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12400   open full text
• Subjective Social Status in Transitioning China: Trends and Determinants*.
  Yunsong Chen, Mark Williams.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 15, 2017
  Objective This study provides the first representative portrait of temporal trends in subjective social status (SSS) in China. SSS has been shown to be important for health and well‐being outcomes, yet little is known how its determinants change over time. Methods Using data from 10 nationally representative survey waves, 2003 to 2012 (N = 80,141), we examine descriptive and multivariate trends. Oaxaca‐Blinder decomposition is used to decompose changes in determinants in mean SSS over time. Results and Conclusion Results demonstrate that (1) average SSS has risen over time, yet there is an enduring tendency for the Chinese to place themselves in lowest levels in the social hierarchy; (2) objective socioeconomic variables such as income explain much of the rise in average SSS; (3) yet the strength of the relationship between socioeconomic variables predicting SSS has been weakening over time. This article adds to our understanding of the determinants of SSS in contexts undergoing transition.

  March 15, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12401   open full text
• Forms of Wealth Associated with Attaining Peer Group Net Worth Following Bankruptcy*.
  Lance Palmer, Vibha Bhargava.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 09, 2017
  Objectives This study examines the contribution of general human capital, social capital, and financial management practices to the individual's relative financial well‐being following bankruptcy. Methods Multivariate logistic regression models were estimated using secondary data from the Survey of Consumer Finances 2004 and 2007. Results Individuals who possess higher general human capital and greater access to social capital are significantly more likely to achieve net worth parity with nonfilers following bankruptcy compared to similar individuals with lower levels of general human capital and social capital. Conclusion Human and social capital are relatively more important factors contributing to attaining net worth parity with peers following bankruptcy than financial management practices and attitudes when controlling for ownership of protected assets. Congressionally mandated financial management training and counseling would likely have substantially better outcomes on bankruptcy filers’ financial well‐being over the long term if additional human‐capital‐building—and consequently income‐building—programs are integrated into the mandated financial management training.

  March 09, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12383   open full text
• African Americans and American Values: Does South Matter?*.
  Jas M. Sullivan, Michael Henderson, T. Wayne Parent, Jonathan Winburn.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 08, 2017
  Objective This article examines the effects of southern culture on the attitudes and political predisposition of southern African Americans. Method Using unique survey data, with large oversamples of African Americans, this article explores whether southern blacks have a more positive opinion of the American system than African Americans who reside outside the south. Results We find a “southern effect” occurs among African Americans. Southern blacks express more support for traditionally defined American political and social values than nonsouthern blacks; however, this gap is less than a third the size of the regional gap among whites. Conclusion Together, these findings suggest a complex interplay of race and region on political values and raise profound normative concerns. A group that arguably stands at a greater disadvantage in the political system expresses higher levels of support for that system.

  March 08, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12394   open full text
• Women's Rights Organizations and Human Trafficking*.
  Sam R. Bell, Victoria Banks.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 08, 2017
  Objectives This article examines the impact of women's rights organizations (WROs) in preventing human trafficking and improving state policies on trafficking. WROs, through their knowledge and experience working with governments, and the services they provide to women, are in a strong position to influence trafficking outcomes and policies. Methods Implementing a cross‐national time series analysis of states between the years 2000 and 2007 with data on WRO presence within states, shaming by WROs, and data on trafficking flows and policy, we test our hypotheses. Results We show support for the hypothesis that WRO presence and shaming can lead to improvements in this important policy area. Conclusions In a growing literature on the effects of NGOs on state policy and human rights, this study illustrates an additional important area where NGOs lead to improvements in policy outcomes.

  March 08, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12396   open full text
• Disasters and Social Capital: Exploring the Impact of Hurricane Katrina on Gulf Coast Counties*.
  Lili Wang, Nazife Emel Ganapati.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 05, 2017
  Objective This article examines the impact of disasters on social capital in the context of Hurricane Katrina. Method One hundred eighty‐two counties affected by Hurricane Katrina are included in the study. Disaster‐related data, social capital, and community characteristics of these counties three years before and three years after the disaster are analyzed using a longitudinal fixed‐effect model. Results Hurricane Katrina slowed down the growth of social capital, but growth gradually recovered following the disaster. After controlling for community characteristics, areas that received more federal government assistance experienced stronger growth in social capital post‐Katrina. Additionally, metropolitan areas with a higher percentage of senior population, higher ethnic diversity, more per capita housing units, and lower population density appear to have had higher levels of social capital. Conclusion Disasters could hinder the growth of social capital and federal disaster assistance could potentially alleviate the negative impact.

  March 05, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12392   open full text
• Do Airports Boost Economic Development by Attracting Talent? An Empirical Investigation at the Subcounty Level*.
  Xinxiang Chen, Guanghua Chi, Guangqing Chi.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 05, 2017
  Objective The objectives of this study were to examine (1) the linkage from airports to regional talent distribution and (2) the effect of talent on regional economic development. Methods Using the data collected in Wisconsin at the municipal level, a subcounty level, in a region of the North Central United States from 1970 to 2010 and the American Community Survey 2006–2010 five‐year estimates, and random effects models and structural equation models, we employ descriptive and inferential statistics to examine the linkage from airports to talent to regional economic development. Results We find that the farther a location is away from the airport, the lower its talent share tends to be, while greater passenger flow at the nearest airport increases a location's talent share. Given the quantity of passenger flow, a longer distance from the airport also reduces a location's talent share. The results furthermore suggest that economic development is impacted positively by passenger flow and talent share and negatively by distance to an airport. Conclusion Our results underscore the intermediate role of talent between airports and regional economic development; building the linkage from airports to talent within the context of regional economic development provides important insights for local policy making aimed at attracting talented migrants.

  March 05, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12393   open full text
• Hispanics’ Behavioral Intentions Toward Energy Conservation: The Role of Sociodemographic, Informational, and Attitudinal Variables*.
  Bruno Takahashi, Ran Duan, Anthony Witsen.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 05, 2017
  Objectives This study is aimed at examining energy‐related behavioral intention among Hispanics in the United States. It examines the role of nationality and geographic location, as well as informational and attitudinal factors. Method The study used survey data from the University of Texas at Austin Energy Poll. Data were analyzed using ANOVA and regressions analysis. Results Results show that Hispanics overall in the West had higher levels of intention to save energy than those in any other region, while there is no clear pattern indicating that intentions to save energy were linked to Hispanics' ethnic groups. Besides information dissemination and various measures of environmental concern, belief and interest were strongly related to energy‐related behavioral intentions. Conclusions Findings contribute to the understanding of Hispanics’ energy behaviors, concluding that environmentalism and information dissemination are important predictors of behavioral intention within the Hispanic population.

  March 05, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12395   open full text
• Financing Public Education Facilities: The Role of Elderly Populations and Geographic Mobility*.
  James S. Schlaffer.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 28, 2017
  Objectives The objective of this study was to explore how the age distribution of voters and their mobility affects the probability of passing bonds for the purpose of improving education facilities and to demonstrate the differential motivations within elderly populations rather than viewing elderly voters as a single voting bloc. Method The study examines California education bond results using logistic regressions to determine the effect that the elderly population as a percent of the population has on the probability of passage. The study also includes the percentage of the elderly population that recently moved into the school district to account for differences in community connection among elderly populations. Result The result of the study determines that the effect of recent elderly movers on the probability of bond passage is found to be negative, whereas no evidence is found that older households resist educational funding. Conclusion The conclusion of this study is that part of the reason why the previous literature surrounding the “Gray Peril” has been inconclusive is that the elderly population is not uniform in its opposition to education spending and that other factors such as community connection help determine the strength of that opposition in the elderly community.

  February 28, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12388   open full text
• Social Media Campaigning: Mobilization and Fundraising on Facebook*.
  Zachary J. Auter, Jeffrey A. Fine.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 28, 2017
  Objective We investigate why certain candidates for the U.S. Senate are more likely to use social media for mobilization and fundraising. Methods Through content analysis of nearly 15,000 Facebook posts made by candidates for the U.S. Senate, we examine how candidate and campaign characteristics shape social media use. Results We find this type of campaigning is most common among challengers and Tea Party candidates who lack the name recognition and resources of more established candidates. Additionally, race characteristics, such as competitiveness and the relative positioning of candidates, influence social media posting strategies, with candidates in competitive races and candidates trailing their opponent more actively engaging in social media campaigning. Conclusions While nearly all candidates engage in some level of campaigning on social media, candidates in competitive races, challengers, and underdog candidates adopt these types of strategies most frequently on Facebook.

  February 28, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12391   open full text
• Beyond Thin Credit Files*.
  Marvin M. Smith, Christopher Henderson.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 28, 2017
  Objective In the world of credit, the moving force for a consumer is the credit score. A high credit score will help secure good credit with favorable terms and even a somewhat lower credit score might assist in getting credit, albeit at more costly terms. However, no credit score is likely to be a deterrent to gaining credit. A credit score might also be required to gain services other than financial credit, such as access to a rental property or obtaining certain types of jobs. This is especially problematic for individuals who have insufficient credit information to derive credit scores and who are classified as thin‐file individuals. Some maintain that there might be individuals with thin files who are creditworthy despite not having a credit score. This report explores this assertion quantitatively and investigates if there are any identifiable patterns in former thin‐file individuals qualifying for credit scores. The study also discusses the use of alternative data to assist in scoring thin‐file individuals. Methods We use the Equifax database to follow two samples of thin‐file individuals with no credit scores for at least four years in order to develop a timeline indicating when they obtained sufficient credit to qualify for a credit score. Results Our findings document that many individuals with thin files in fact proved to be creditworthy. Some of them even became homeowners. Their eventual credit scores ranged from below 520 to 740 and above. Moreover, most of them qualified for a credit score within three to four years. Furthermore, during this four‐year timeframe, the majority received credit scores in the first and second years. Conclusions Even though many individuals with thin files qualify for credit scores within a relatively short period of time, the wait time might be made even shorter if alternative credit data are used to help score them.

  February 28, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12389   open full text
• Housework Allocation in Germany: The Role of Income and Gender Identity*.
  Vivien Procher, Nolan Ritter, Colin Vance.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 28, 2017
  Objectives This article analyzes how couples allocate housework against the backdrop of three questions: (1) Does an individual's income—both in absolute and relative terms—influence his or her contribution to housework? (2) If so, does the magnitude of this influence differ by gender? and (3) How important are traditional gender roles on housework allocation? Methods We apply panel regression techniques to longitudinal German household data. Results We find that as both the share and absolute level of income increase, the amount of housework undertaken by wives and husbands decreases. Traditional gender roles also underpin housework allocation, which is evidenced by women increasing their housework if they earn more than their partner. Conclusion While we find a negative association between earnings and housework, policy measures to ease the double burden borne by working women may have only a modest effect owing to the persistence of traditional gender conceptions.

  February 28, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12390   open full text
• Tax Evasion in Europe: An Analysis Based on Spatial Dependence*.
  Gloria Alarcón García, José Daniel Buendía Azorín, María del Mar Sánchez Vega.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 28, 2017
  Objective This article attempts to analyze tax evasion as a fundamental element of tax morale in the European countries from the perspective of spatial dependence. This research focuses on the contextual differences using country‐level and cross‐sectional European Value Survey data for the year 2008 to estimate the factors that affect the rejection of tax evasion. Method The application of a generalized linear model using spatial filtering allowed us to observe robust results on the role of contextual variables in explaining different patterns of the rejection of tax evasion in the European countries. Results The results confirm the influence exerted by spatial dependence, economies of agglomeration, income inequality, economic imbalances, and perceived corruption on the variable “rejection of tax evasion.” A novel finding is the fact that income distribution is key in explaining the rejection of tax evasion. Conclusion This study indicate that there is interaction of the rejection of tax evasion between neighboring countries, so that low/high levels of rejection of tax evasion at home are associated with low/high levels of rejection in a neighboring country. Therefore, policymakers should establish coordinated tax awareness measures in the supranational policies (e.g., European Union), since the rejection of tax evasion depends on internal factors of the country in which one lives and those of neighboring countries. Fiscal behavior (social norm) of individuals from neighboring countries affects the behavior of individuals in the country.

  February 28, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12382   open full text
• Big Five Personality Traits, Political Participation, and Civic Engagement: Evidence from 24 Countries*.
  Aaron C. Weinschenk.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 25, 2017
  Objective Recently, researchers interested in the psychological antecedents of political behavior have started to integrate individual personality traits into models of political participation and civic engagement. Thus far, there have not been any large‐scale, cross‐national analyses of the relationship between personality and participation. In this article, I use data from representative surveys conducted in 24 countries to examine the influence of personality on political and civic participation. The analysis focuses on the influence of the Big Five traits, enabling tests of hypotheses (that have previously only been tested in a few countries) across diverse contexts. Methods I use logistic, Poisson, and ordered logit models to investigate the effects of the Big Five traits on a variety of measures of political and civic engagement, controlling for a number of demographic attributes previously connected to participation such as income and education. Results I find evidence that the effects of the Big Five vary considerably across countries. Conclusion The results presented here justify future research on personality‐environment interactions.

  February 25, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12380   open full text
• Lobbying and Nonprofits: Money and Membership Matter—But Not for All*.
  Daniel E. Chand.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 22, 2017
  Objective Lobbying by nonprofits is a relatively new topic that has drawn attention from political science scholars and nonprofit managers. Several studies have demonstrated there to be lobbying inequalities among nonprofits, but few have compared lobbying expenditures across groups and none have taken into account how well groups have mobilized. Methods Examining 227 groups that issue legislative “scorecards” over six terms of Congress (1999–2010), the author uses a mix of analysis of variance and regression analysis to determine whether groups with different missions lobby at different levels and whether mobilization factors, such as revenue and membership, can help explain these differences. Results The author finds that organizational revenue and membership predict how much most groups spend on lobbying. However, this finding does not apply to all groups. Public interest nonprofits lobby at higher levels as both their revenues and memberships increase. But business associations lobby at significantly high levels regardless of how well they mobilize. Conclusions These results suggest that business associations view lobbying as a more necessary activity for completion of their missions than other tax‐exempt organizations. Many of the most active groups in Washington are small business associations representing “niche” interests. If public interest groups formed around broader social interests are less represented in Washington, as these results suggest, then the voices of large sectors of society, and not just public interest group members, are lost in the policy discussion.

  February 22, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12386   open full text
• Drivers of Health‐Care Expenditure: What Role Does Baumol's Cost Disease Play?*.
  Carsten Colombier.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 22, 2017
  Objectives We devise an instrument to test for Baumol's cost disease in healthcare. Baumol's cost disease is a price effect that is assumed to be a major determinant of the secular rise in health‐care expenditure (HCE). Methods This price effect is notoriously difficult to estimate as the construction of medical price indices is flawed. However, our instrument—the adjusted Baumol variable—avoids this problem as we do not rely on medical price indices. We apply this instrument to a panel data set of 20 OECD countries ranging from 1970 to 2010. Results Baumol's cost disease partly affects healthcare. We estimate that the cost disease exerts from 15 to 40 percent of its potential full effect on HCE. Conclusions Policymakers have more leeway to curb ever‐increasing HCE than is suggested by the literature. Our instrument is also well suited to investigate other possibly affected sectors such as the government or education.

  February 22, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12384   open full text
• Using Changes in U.S. Immigration Laws to Estimate the Effect of Deportations on Crime in Latin America and the Caribbean*.
  Garfield O. Blake.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 22, 2017
  Objectives The objective of this article is to obtain estimates of the effect of criminal deportees from the United States on home country crime that are not affected by the presence of simultaneity. Simultaneity between criminal deportation from the United States and crime rates in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) makes it difficult to isolate the causal effect of changes in the number of criminal deportees from the United States on crime in LAC. Method To break that simultaneity, this article uses the timing of changes to U.S. immigration laws as an instrument for changes in the number of criminal deportees. Result Increases in criminal deportations are shown to be disproportionately concentrated in years when there are changes to U.S. immigration laws. The resulting elasticity is two times greater than the OLS estimate. One of every 14 prisoners deported as a result of changes in U.S. immigration legislation is associated with one homicide per year in the receiving country. Conclusion The process of accomplishing deportation can be greatly improved if the United States provides the receiving countries with more information on deportees, including more detailed criminal records and increased assistance with the resettlement and reintegration process, especially if they are not allowed to be incarcerated upon returning home.

  February 22, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12385   open full text
• Testing the Median Voter Model and Moving Beyond its Limits: Do Personal Characteristics Explain Legislative Shirking?*.
  Marco Portmann, David Stadelmann.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 15, 2017
  Objectives This study quantifies the quality of the median voter model (MVM) and analyzes whether personal characteristics explain legislative shirking. Methods We employ a natural measure for divergence between politicians and voter preferences by matching final roll‐call votes of politicians with referendum results. The relevance of personal characteristics for legislative shirking is analyzed by means of logit regressions. Results The MVM outperforms a random decision benchmark when predicting the behavior of politicians regarding the revealed preferences of their constituencies, but the model fails to account for a substantial part of its theoretical prediction. Personal characteristics of politicians do not explain overall legislative shirking. Conclusions Policy predictions based on the MVM should be carefully considered because of failing convergence. Majority elections tend to crowd out personal characteristics of politicians as potential explanations for legislative shirking.

  February 15, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12379   open full text
• Intersecting Disadvantages: Race, Gender, and Age Discrimination Among Attorneys*.
  Todd A. Collins, Tao L. Dumas, Laura P. Moyer.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 15, 2017
  Objective This article explores the impact of race, gender, age, and intersectionality on attorneys' perceptions of unfair treatment by other lawyers and on satisfaction with their legal careers. Method Using an original survey of over 2,000 attorneys, ordered logit is utilized to analyze attorneys’ perceptions of disparate treatment based on race, gender, and age and to test whether minority female attorneys face unique barriers within their professional relationships. Results We find that minority women are more likely than others to perceive unfair treatment based on race, gender, and age. This also contributes to lower career satisfaction for attorneys who are women of color than for other groups. Conclusion The findings have important implications for understanding attorney relationships and potential barriers for minority groups within a profession's culture. These obstacles not only impact attorneys, but could also influence attorney choice for citizens and the prospects for a representative judiciary.

  February 15, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12376   open full text
• The Politics of the U.S. Federal Judiciary's Requests for Institutional Reform*.
  David A. Hughes, Richard L. Vining, Teena Wilhelm.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 15, 2017
  Objectives We ask whether the requests the federal judiciary makes to Congress are conditioned either on political factors or on its actual institutional needs. Methods. We build a new measure of the yearly well‐being of the federal courts from 1978 through 2013 using factor analysis. We specify two formal models to generate testable hypotheses that help to untangle equilibria behavior resulting from competing claims on judicial preferences for court reforms. We test these claims using data from the chief justice's Year‐End Reports on the Federal Judiciary. Results. We find that requests are not conditioned upon the courts' actual institutional needs but instead upon their ideological proximity to the Senate. Conclusion. We conclude that the federal judiciary views its own administration in a similarly political fashion as its elected counterparts.

  February 15, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12378   open full text
• No Love for Doves? Foreign Policy and Candidate Appeal*.
  John V. Kane, Helmut Norpoth.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 15, 2017
  Objectives “Issue ownership” of foreign policy, it is widely believed, gives an electoral advantage to the Republican Party, which generally adopts a hawkish posture. We test the popular proposition that Democrats should adopt more hawkish stances in order to offset this advantage. Methods We conducted experiments in which (fictional) candidates take hawkish or dovish positions in response to a real‐world threat to the United States. We complemented these studies with analyses of national survey data for the 2008 and 2012 presidential elections. Results Our results consistently refute the popular proposition that Democrats stand to benefit from adopting more hawkish foreign policy stances. Conclusion While ownership of foreign policy may bestow a trust on the Republican Party to handle foreign policy, this is not necessarily a mandate for hawkish policies. We highlight the importance of the present political context, wherein the American public exhibits a marked weariness of U.S. military intervention overseas.

  February 15, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12377   open full text
• Working Knowledge: Organizational Location and the Construction of Expert Authority in Court*.
  Timothy L. O'Brien.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 15, 2017
  Objective This article investigates the role of organizations in the construction of expert authority by examining legal disputes about the credibility of expert witnesses who work for consulting firms, in academia, and in private practice offices and clinics. Methods I analyzed 472 deliberations of expert witness credibility summarized in judicial opinions from civil rights, patent infringement, and medical malpractice cases in U.S. district courts. Binary logistic regressions tested whether lawyers’ challenges to experts’ credibility or judges’ decisions to admit or exclude experts’ testimony differed according to experts’ organizational location. Results Challenges to experts’ credibility and decisions about their admissibility reflected the organizational context of experts’ labor. Overall, consultants were most likely and private practitioners were least likely to overcome credibility challenges and be admitted into court. Conclusions Legal negotiations of experts’ credibility depend on their organizational location. This suggests that organizations may also shape the attribution of expertise in other settings.

  February 15, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12381   open full text
• The Ties that Bind Beyond the Battlefield: An Examination of the Diffusion Patterns of Veterans Treatment Courts*.
  Bianca Easterly.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 14, 2017
  Objectives The growing number of veterans on court dockets with mental health and substance abuse issues has resulted in the proliferation of veterans treatment courts (VTCs). Given the ubiquity of substance abuse and mental illness across communities, it is unclear why some local courts innovate and, more importantly, why some do so earlier than others. Methods Using data from 2008 to 2014, the study applies event history modeling to investigate the extent to which, if any, presiding judges’ connection to the armed forces, either personally or through immediate family members (e.g., parents, children), accelerates the adoption of states’ initial VTCs. Results Findings show significant support for both the hastening effect of personal knowledge of the military and, to a lesser extent, the increased presence VA Community‐Based Outpatient Clinics have on VTC innovation. Conclusions Judges’ social group membership and the availability of government resources in a community influence court organization innovation.

  February 14, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12375   open full text
• The Contact‐Prejudice Relationship Among Ethnic Minorities: Examining the Facilitative Influence of Religiosity*.
  Jens Peter Frølund Thomsen, Arzoo Rafiqi.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 14, 2017
  Objectives The pioneers of intergroup contact research suggested that the positive impact of face‐to‐face interaction might fail among “intolerant” participants. To challenge this view, the present study extends previous research by examining religiosity as a boundary condition of intergroup contact among ethnic minority members. Methods The results were generated in a regression analysis of a Danish national probability sample from 2006 (N = 3,958). Results Analyses show that: (a) the ability of intergroup contact to reduce prejudice is strongest among the most religious and (b) that contact reduces prejudice at all levels of religiosity. Conclusions These findings support the general claim that intergroup contact is sufficiently powerful to produce positive outcomes, even among the most “intolerant.” Additionally, the findings suggest that intergroup contact is not necessarily seriously infected by selection biases, as the most intolerant do not systematically avoid contact. The concluding section discusses the theoretical implications of the findings.

  February 14, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12368   open full text
• Started from the Bottom Now We're Where? African‐American and Latino Niching in Gulf Coast Metros*.
  Sara Gleave.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 14, 2017
  Objectives Labor market concentration, or niching, is a process by which individuals are concentrated in particular sectors often by racial or ethnic group, gender, or economic standing. Niching limits economic upward mobility for certain groups, particularly African Americans and Latinos, and processes encouraging niching may change over time. Methods This study examines African‐American and Latino occupational niching in New Orleans and Houston in 2000 and 2008–2012 using confidential microdata and in relation to both individual and neighborhood characteristics. Results Individual and local human capital levels are found to play important roles in niching likelihood, in addition to other individual characteristics, such as foreign‐born status and neighborhood conditions, specifically local co‐racial and co‐ethnic population percentages. Conclusions Results overall highlight the importance of place‐ and group‐specific approaches to both policy and research related to improving economic outcomes for racial and ethnic groups. These customized efforts are particularly important in metropolitan areas undergoing rapid economic, social, and demographic growth and restructuring such as New Orleans and Houston.

  February 14, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12369   open full text
• Warding Off Competition: The Impact of School District Outreach on Charter Expansion in Arizona*.
  Scott Milliman, Robert Maranto, William C. Wood.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 14, 2017
  Objective To assess whether charter‐competition‐induced changes in traditional school district policies—in this case outreach programs—can slow subsequent charter growth. Methods Using Arizona data in a regression analysis, the impact of district outreach intensity on charter growth from 1997 to 2000—when these marketing activities were probably modified in response to prior (1994–1997) charter entry—is determined. This impact is then compared to the effect of outreach intensity on initial charter growth for 1994–1997, when competition‐induced changes in outreach activities were less likely to have been implemented. Results High district outreach intensity did not influence charter expansion during 1994–1997, but did slow this growth during 1997–2000. Conclusion Traditional school districts are capable of slowing charter growth via competition‐induced changes in outreach activities, but the effect occurs with a lag. The analysis suggests that charter entry also generates responses from private schools that slow charter growth.

  February 14, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12370   open full text
• Disability, Voter Turnout, and Polling Place Accessibility*.
  Lisa Schur, Mason Ameri, Meera Adya.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 14, 2017
  Objective Polling place inaccessibility may contribute to the disability gap in voter turnout, both directly by making voting more difficult for people with disabilities, and indirectly by sending the message that people with disabilities are not expected to participate in the political sphere. We explore the role of polling place inaccessibility by examining voter turnout and reports of voting difficulties among people with and without disabilities in the 2012 elections. Method We use the Census Bureau's Voting and Registration Supplement (VRS) and a newly constructed national household survey following the 2012 elections. Results Consistent with past findings, the disability turnout gap is reduced but not eliminated when controlling for standard predictors of voter turnout. Nearly, one‐third (30 percent) of voters with disabilities reported difficulty in voting at a polling place in 2012, compared to only 8 percent of voters without disabilities. We find that difficulties in voting predict lower perceptions of the influence people with disabilities have in the political process. This in turn is a significant predictor of voter turnout among people with disabilities, supporting the idea that voting difficulties depress turnout. Majorities of people both with and without disabilities said they would prefer voting in person in a polling place in the next election. Conclusion The results point to the potential role of polling place accessibility in voter turnout, and the gains from wider adoption of best practices to reduce barriers and make the voting process more fully accessible.

  February 14, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12373   open full text
• Trust in the System? Factors that Impact Citizens’ View of Courts in the United Kingdom*.
  Michael A. Hansen.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 14, 2017
  Objective The objective of this study was to test the individual and parliamentary constituency factors that impact the level of trust that British citizens have in the courts. Methods By using a Bayesian hierarchical model, this article is able to calculate the effect of variables that exist at both levels. Results At the individual level, the main explanatory variable is the amount of trust a citizen holds for other institutions, and at the constituency level, crime rate has an effect on a citizen's level of trust in the courts. Conclusion Previous findings related to citizen attitudes and support for courts in the United States transfer well to the United Kingdom.

  February 14, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12372   open full text
• A Growing Rift in Values? Income and Educational Inequality and Their Impact on Mass Attitude Polarization*.
  Constantin Manuel Bosancianu.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 14, 2017
  Objectives Competing theoretical models from economics and social psychology would suggest either a negative or positive association between income inequality and attitude polarization. In order to address the conflicting nature of the predictions made by these theoretical accounts, this analysis tests whether inequality indeed impacts polarization in Left‐Right ideological self‐placement for a diverse sample of democracies. Methods I use World Values Surveys—European Values Surveys 1981–2008 combined data for obtaining a large time‐series cross‐sectional data set of indicators of attitude polarization. I rely on mixed‐effects models to test whether there is any connection between income inequality and polarization, after controlling for additional relevant factors, such as educational inequality. Results Findings point to no effect of income inequality on any measure of attitude polarization once educational inequality is controlled for. The latter type of inequality, on the other hand, has a consistent effect on two indicators of inequality, spread and bimodality, in the expected direction. Conclusions In spite of a highly plausible posited connection between income inequality and Left‐Right attitude polarization, this analysis has failed to find any connection between the two. Instead, educational inequality appears to exert a consistent effect on attitude polarization. The findings point to the need for a more nuanced view of connections between economic inequality and political attitudes and behaviors, and to the possibility that shifts in inequality of the magnitude observed in OECD countries might not lead to social tensions.

  February 14, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12371   open full text
• The Economic Crisis (2009–2013) and Electoral Support for the Radical Right in Western Europe—Some New and Unexpected Findings*.
  Daniel Stockemer.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 14, 2017
  Objectives This article evaluates the influence of the economic crisis (2009–2013) on the vote share of the radical right in Western European regions. I ask two questions: (1) Has the radical right electorally benefited from the recession that has hit Western Europe in the aftermath of the U.S. and European stock market crisis in 2008/2009? (2) Has it performed particularly well in areas that have been very hard hit by the crisis? Methods I evaluate both questions in a longitudinal and multivariate framework through pooled time series analysis. The analysis, which controls for immigration, the education level of the region, and population density, covers more than 150 regions in 17 European countries from 1990 to 2013. Results First, I find that the 2009 to 2013 economic crisis has merely triggered a very moderate increase of 1 percentage point in the aggregate average regional vote share of the radical right. Second, and with the exception of regions in Greece and France, my results also indicate that the radical right has had the strongest electoral gains in regions and countries that have been relatively spared from the gust of the crisis. Conclusion This quantitative study highlights that an economic crisis is no panacea for the success of the radical right.

  February 14, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12374   open full text
• Filial Norms, Co‐Residence, and Intergenerational Exchange in Japan*.
  Hiromi Taniguchi, Gayle Kaufman.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 10, 2017
  Objective We examine the effects of filial norms and co‐residence as well as patterns of social exchange on support that adult children give to their parents and in‐laws in Japan. Methods We estimate ordered logit models with data from the Japanese General Social Survey. Results Children who receive money from their parents are more likely than those who receive no such support to give their parents nonmonetary support, while children who receive nonmonetary support from their parents are more likely to assist their parents financially. Receiving money from in‐laws is reciprocated with nonmonetary and monetary support. Filial norms increase the level of monetary support to parents and in‐laws, especially for men. Co‐residence increases monetary and nonmonetary support from children to parents and in‐laws, while the positive effect of co‐residence on nonmonetary support from children to in‐laws is limited to women. Conclusion Notions of social exchange as well as filial norms and co‐residence encourage intergenerational support in Japan.

  February 10, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12365   open full text
• Is There a Tradeoff Between Democratization and Stability? A Typological Analysis of the Third‐Wavers, 1974–2014*.
  Yu Liu.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 10, 2017
  Objective Is there a tradeoff between democratization and stability? This article investigates this question through a typological analysis of the “third‐wave” countries. Specifically, it addresses two issues. First, are there more countries losing stability than gaining it after democratization? Second, between the “stability losers” and “stability gainers,” which camp has experienced a larger scale of change? Methods This article adopts both data set matching and case knowledge. By matching data sets on democratization (Polity IV) and violence episodes (Major Episodes of Political Violence), as well as by bringing in case knowledge, this study categorizes the third‐wavers into three groups (the stability losers, the gainers, and the no‐changers) and compares their proportion as well as scale of change. Results This study discovers that, among the 108 “third‐wavers,” the ratio of “stability gainers,” “no‐changers,” and “stability losers” is 36:45:27. The scale of change is also bigger among the stability gainers than among the losers. Particularly, the chance of very bloody conflicts is much bigger under authoritarianism than after democratic transition. Conclusion While a level of caution for democratization is healthy, this topological analysis suggests a more balanced view. Democratization can be dangerous. The resistance to it can also be, if not more so.

  February 10, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12364   open full text
• Game Day Meets Election Day: Sports Records, Election Results, and the American South*.
  Keith E. Lee, Sydny L. Bryan, James T. LaPlant.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 10, 2017
  Objectives Given the emerging literature on the connection between sports outcomes and election results, we replicate and extend previous scholarship while investigating if the relationship is most evident in the American South where sports is followed with a religious fervor. Methods The first stage of our study replicates and extends the analysis by Miller (2013) of the relationship between professional sports records and incumbent vote share in mayoral elections. The second stage of this project updates the analysis by Healy et al. (2010) on the relationship between college football victories and incumbent party vote share through an exploration of the 2012 presidential election as well as senatorial and gubernatorial elections from 2010 to 2013. Results In the first stage, we disaggregate the influence of professional football records and find no impact of those records on incumbent vote share in mayoral elections. For the second stage, we discover that college football victories in the two weeks before the election had no impact on presidential and senatorial elections but a powerful influence on incumbent party vote share for gubernatorial elections from 2010 to 2013. A college football team victory in the two weeks before the gubernatorial election contributes 3.2–4.5 percentage points to the incumbent party vote share after controlling for prior vote share as well as key demographic variables. In both stages of this study, we find the relationship is not amplified in the South. Conclusions The findings of this study on college football wins and gubernatorial election results provide further support for the contention that voter well‐being and happiness can influence retrospective voting, and the phenomenon is neither limited to the South nor confined to the power conferences. As elections move closer to the people, the impact of college football outcomes becomes more evident.

  February 10, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12356   open full text
• Postponing the Day of Reckoning? Examining Contextual Effects on Public Support for Voter Identification Policies*.
  Adriano Udani.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 10, 2017
  Objective This study examines the reasons why a majority of Democrats support restrictive voter identification (ID) laws, in spite of such laws clashing with stereotypical Democratic Party interests. Methods Racial, ethnic, and class demographic data from the 2006 to 2008 American Community Survey of the U.S. Census are merged with the 2008 Cooperative Congressional Election Study. Multilevel models with mixed effects are used to predict support for photo ID laws. Results Photo ID support is polarized across political sophistication among Democrats in congressional districts with a higher proportion of foreign‐born residents as well as with higher foreign‐born population growth. In contrast, the increasing presence of foreign‐born residents further solidifies support among Republicans, regardless of sophistication. Further analysis reveals that contextual effects of the foreign‐born population specifically affect white partisans and also polarize attitudes across social class. Conclusions The results suggest that support for restrictive voter ID laws is highest among Republicans and disengaged Democrats, particularly in racially and ethnically diverse areas.

  February 10, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12363   open full text
• Polarization, Number of Parties, and Voter Turnout: Explaining Turnout in 26 OECD Countries*.
  Allan M. Wilford.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 10, 2017
  Objectives The objective of this study is to explore how party systems can affect turnout by exploring the conditional effect of number of parties and party polarization on democracies. Methods Using Comparative Manifesto Project data from 26 democracies, this study develops a measure of party systems that interacts party polarization and number of parties to explain turnout. Results Findings show that the composition of the party system as a whole is a key determinate of a voter's propensity to vote. Highly polarized systems with few parties spur individuals to vote, while low levels of polarization and many parties reduce incentives to vote. Conclusions Results have important implications for theories of turnout, resolving the confusion surrounding how party systems affect political participation.

  February 10, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12366   open full text
• Kings of the Hill? An Examination of Centrist Behavior in the U.S. Senate*.
  Neilan S. Chaturvedi.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 10, 2017
  Objectives Spatial voting literature on Congress indicates that the most powerful members are the ones who sit in the ideological center. This study examines how pivotal voters use that power in their participation in Congress. Methods This study examines two modes of congressional participation on two highly salient health‐care bills—the filing of amendments and the delivery of floor speeches. Results This study finds that pivotal voters shy away from the legislative limelight. Pivotal voters choose to avoid the public eye by rarely proposing amendments or delivering floor speeches on these bills. Conclusions While theoretically pivotal, centrists who play the role of pivotal voters are more concerned about their electoral prospects than their legislative prowess and, as a result, defer congressional participation to party and committee leaders so as to avoid the ire of constituents.

  February 10, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12362   open full text
• Dying for Globalization? The Impact of Economic Globalization on Industrial Accidents*.
  Robert G. Blanton, Dursun Peksen.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 10, 2017
  Objectives Industry‐related accidents are tragically ubiquitous events, yet their underlying causes remain poorly understood. We focus on an important factor associated with the likelihood of industrial hazards: economic globalization. Specifically, we advance multiple hypotheses that suggest that global economic ties as well as the policies that are intended to facilitate these ties increase the likelihood of major industrial accidents as they induce poor governance and the violation of worker safety and regulations. Methods We combine data on economic globalization with data on major industrial accidents, and examine the relationship between these variables across 137 countries for the period 1971–2012. Results We find a significant positive relationship between economic globalization and the probability of industrial accidents. Results further suggest that the impact of state policies encouraging globalization, such as the removal of barriers to trade and capital flows, is stronger than that of trade and investment flows themselves. Conclusions Our results show that a contradiction may exist between the pursuit of integration into the global economy and a key labor right—the right to a safe workplace—and suggest that pro‐globalization policies may exacerbate the governance challenges associated with accident prevention.

  February 10, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12367   open full text
• Has the Suburbanization of Ethnic Economies Created New Opportunities for Income Attainment?*.
  Mahesh Somashekhar.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 09, 2017
  Objective International migration to the U.S. suburbs has upended many theories of urban inequality and immigrant incorporation, including ethnic economy theory. This article is the most comprehensive study conducted to date on the reasons behind ethnic economy suburbanization and its effect on earnings. Methods The article uses regression techniques to analyze Census microdata from 1990 to 2010. A series of analyses that aggregate and disaggregate trends across nine ethnic groups identify the extent and influence of ethnic economies in suburban areas. Results Ethnic economy suburbanization is strongly associated with ethnic residential suburbanization, and earnings are no different in the suburban and urban portions of the ethnic economy. Conclusion Although existing research highlights the uniqueness of suburban ethnic economies, suburban ethnic economies are delivering outcomes similar to those found in urban areas. This supports the body of literature arguing that differences between immigrant incorporation patterns in cities and suburbs are diminishing.

  February 09, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12353   open full text
• Political Places: Neighborhood Social Organization and the Ecology of Political Behaviors*.
  Jeremy R. Levine, Theodore S. Leenman, Carl Gershenson, David M. Hureau.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 09, 2017
  Objective While scholars treat neighborhoods as important contexts of inequality, few studies explore the social processes that create disparities in neighborhoods’ political capacities. How does neighborhood social organization affect rates of political participation? Methods We combine surveys from the U.S. Census and Boston Neighborhood Survey (BNS), and administrative data from the City of Boston. Accounting for spatial dependence, we fit a series of regression models investigating the relationship between neighborhood social structure and four forms of political engagement: community meeting attendance, contacting local government for services, and voter turnout in a local and a national midterm election. Results We find higher rates of political participation in more stable neighborhoods, and lower rates of participation in neighborhoods with higher concentrations of immigrants. The relationship between collective efficacy and rates of political participation is not statistically significant in our models. We find a positive association between concentrated disadvantage and city election turnout, but this association is nonlinear: beyond a certain threshold, increases in disadvantage are associated with decreasing rates of participation. Conclusion We argue that neighborhoods are indeed political places, and residential stability, immigrant concentration, and—to a lesser extent—concentrated disadvantage are important factors affecting the civic capacity of urban communities.

  February 09, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12352   open full text
• Sources of Bias in Teenagers' College Expectations*.
  Benjamin W. Cowan.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 09, 2017
  Objective Though many studies have found that teenagers overestimate their chances of college completion, the sources of this bias are still not well understood. Methods This article compares individuals' college expectations as teenagers with their subsequent college outcomes using data from the 1997 National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY97). I analyze how a rich set of youth characteristics correlate with the discrepancy between expectations and realizations. Results Teenagers' expectations are highly predictive of future college completion, but they are also systematically positively biased (overly optimistic). I find that scholastic aptitude—as proxied by youths' AFQT scores—is highly negatively correlated with expectation bias. Once test scores are accounted for, family income, parental education, race/ethnicity, and sex have little or no effect on bias in teenagers' college expectations. Conclusions The relationship between scholastic aptitude and college success may not be well understood by some youths, contributing to inflated expectations among those with lower test scores.

  February 09, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12354   open full text
• Voting “Ford” or Against: Understanding Strategic Voting in the 2014 Toronto Municipal Election*.
  Nicholas J. Caruana, R. Michael McGregor, Aaron A. Moore, Laura B. Stephenson.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 09, 2017
  Objective We investigate the phenomenon of municipal‐level strategic voting in a high‐profile mayoral election with a nonpartisan ballot. The rate of strategic voting is calculated, and we investigate whether different types of anti‐candidate attitudes (based on policy or personality) affect strategic behavior. Methods We use survey data from the 2014 Toronto Election Study. Results The estimated rate of strategic voting was 1.3 percent. Among those who did cast a strategic ballot, we find that anti‐candidate attitudes did not affect the likelihood of voting strategically—until the source of the dislike is considered, at which point electors who dislike a candidate on the basis of personality are shown to be more likely to cast their ballots strategically. Conclusions Strategic voting was minimal, and did not affect the election outcome. The type of dislike toward a candidate (either on the basis of policy or personality) affects strategic behavior.

  February 09, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12359   open full text
• Relations Between Socioeconomic Status, Subjective Social Status, and Health in Shanghai, China*.
  Jason R. D. Rarick, Carly Tubbs Dolan, Wen‐Jui Han, Jun Wen.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 09, 2017
  Objectives Although research has established a strong link between socioeconomic status (SES) and health in Western settings, comparable work in China lags behind. Similarly, studies showing a unique relationship for subjective social status (SSS) and health above and beyond SES have yet to be tested in China. The present study addresses these gaps. Methods Regression analyses investigated the relationship between SES, SSS, and mental and physical health net of several covariates for 2,282 caregivers in Shanghai, China. Indirect relationships for SES through SSS were also tested. Results Results indicate that SES is linked to mental and physical health outcomes, but in complicated ways. SSS, on the other hand, is consistently and robustly linked to health outcomes above and beyond income, education, occupational prestige, and Hukou status. Further significant indirect effects were found through SSS for income, education, and Hukou status. Conclusion In China's context of rapid economic growth, relationships to SES and health appear complicated. However, subjective perceptions of status are consistently linked to health outcomes.

  February 09, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12360   open full text
• School Architecture: An Analysis of the Role of the State in the (Re)Configuration of the Profession*.
  Luísa Veloso, Joana S. Marques.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 09, 2017
  Objectives This article aims at discussing the relationship between a specific public policy and the professional field of architecture through the analysis of the Portuguese Secondary School Modernization Program (SSMP). Methods The study was conducted in a set of 13 schools renovated within the SSMP, based on qualitative and quantitative methods, and in this article particular emphasis is given to the content analysis of the interviews conducted with architects. Results The analysis shows how the SSMP has had an impact on the architects’ profession in Portugal, discussing: (i) the extent to which the program calls into question the architects’ autonomy in the exercise of their profession; and (ii) how it contributes to the transformation of architectural knowledge and to the (re)configuration of the profession in the domain of school architecture. Conclusions The research allowed us to conclude that an education policy program such as the SSMP had an impact on the architects’ profession in Portugal, providing a series of insights into how public works contribute toward shaping the profession and the labor market. One of the particularities of school architecture central to the discussion is the ability of listening and mapping the needs of such complex users as a school community in order to translate an educational project into an architectural design.

  February 09, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12358   open full text
• Child Abuse Scandal Publicity and Catholic School Enrollment: Does the Boston Globe Coverage Matter?*.
  Ali Moghtaderi.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 09, 2017
  Objective This study examines the effect of negative publicity that arose from public notices of child abuse allegations in the Catholic Church on the enrollment share and number of Catholic schools in the United States. Method Fitting least square regressions using diocese‐level panel data of Catholic school enrollment share and number of Catholic schools. Results I show that the reports of abuse prior to 2002 had no effect on enrollment. Yet, reports since 2002 have had a negative and long‐lasting effect and explain about two‐thirds of the decline in Catholic schooling. These are substantially larger declines than suggested in previous studies. Conclusion I argue that the differing responses to the public notices of child abuse between these two periods are derived from the availability heuristic. This is driven from a fundamental difference in media coverage of the scandal prior to 2002 and afterward. Allegations of child abuse in the Catholic Church received emphatic coverage only after 2002.

  February 09, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12361   open full text
• Public Support for Campaign Finance Reform: The Role of Policy Narratives, Cultural Predispositions, and Political Knowledge in Collective Policy Preference Formation*.
  Paul D. Jorgensen, Geoboo Song, Michael D. Jones.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 09, 2017
  Objective We use the variation in public support for campaign finance reform (CFR) to determine factors important to collective policy preference formation. Methods Using a national survey, we factor analyze the latent dimensions of various reforms, and rely on an experimental design to explain the role policy narratives, cultural theory (CT), and political knowledge play in preference formation. Results The reform debate groups along three dimensions: (1) strengthening limitations and regulations, (2) deregulating campaign finance, or (3) ending the dependence on private money altogether. We show policy narratives are most influential, and CT has more explanatory value, among those with higher levels of political knowledge. Certain policy narratives tend to increase support for CFR across all cultural types, including those who most oppose reforms that seek to end the dependence on private money. Conclusion As awareness of campaign finance increases, and as particular narratives become salient, we would expect increasing support for public financing, free media time, and/or public matching funds among those with higher levels of general political knowledge.

  February 09, 2017   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12357   open full text
• Who's on the Bench? The Impact of Latino Descriptive Representation on U.S. Supreme Court Approval Among Latinos and Anglos*.
  Diana Evans, Ana Franco, J. L. Polinard, James P. Wenzel, Robert D. Wrinkle.
  Social Science Quarterly. December 08, 2016
  Objectives Few studies have examined the impact of the descriptive representation of Latinos on evaluations of the judiciary. This study helps to fill that gap by examining the effect of the appointment of Sonia Sotomayor on Latinos’ and Anglos’ evaluations of the U.S. Supreme Court. Methods Using repeated measures from surveys conducted in Texas in 2006 and 2011, we use ordered logit analysis to estimate the impact of the Sotomayor appointment on approval of the U.S. Supreme Court among Latinos and Anglos. Results At all levels of political knowledge, Latinos were more aware of the Sotomayor appointment than Anglos. Moreover, Latinos’ approval of the Court increased dramatically after the appointment, while Anglos’ approval was unchanged. Conclusions We find a political empowerment effect among Latinos, but find no evidence that Anglos considered the appointment a threat. Additionally, given that the Latinos in our sample are overwhelmingly of Mexican origin and Justice Sotomayor is Puerto Rican, we find evidence of pan‐ethnic effects.

  December 08, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12351   open full text
• Archivists and Adventurers: Research Strategies for Authoritarian Regimes of the Past and Present*.
  David Art.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 28, 2016
  Objective To analyze the theoretical and political stakes involved in researching authoritarian regimes. Method A meta‐analysis of recent books and articles on authoritarianism, including the articles in this special volume. Results The prevailing research methods set unrealistic standards for analyses of authoritarianism, with serious consequences for theory building and American foreign policy. Conclusion The old rules of fieldwork still apply, and scholars are well advised to develop tactics and “work‐arounds” to meet the inherent challenge of discovering useful knowledge about authoritarian regimes. Historical cases of authoritarianism also provide an underused resource for theory development and testing.

  November 28, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12348   open full text
• On the Outside Looking In: Secrecy and the Study of Authoritarian Regimes*.
  Robert Barros.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 28, 2016
  Objective This study seeks to show how authoritarian secrecy complicates the reliable identification of the inner power configuration in dictatorships. This topic is relevant to recent research on autocratic regime subtypes and institutions. Methods The study pursues a theoretical and conceptual analysis of the implications of heteronomous structures of authoritarian power for: the opportunity and motive of autocrats to employ secrecy; the reliability of indirect types of evidence, such as the observable presence of institutions, legislation, or the regime's self‐presentation through media, speeches, and interviews; and the production and preservation of direct sources. Results I find that autocratic secrecy presents considerable obstacles for studying the highest levels of authoritarian power; that indirect forms of evidence are equivocal sources; and that, ultimately, we need to know how dictatorships actually operate to reliably classify regimes. Conclusions Secrecy creates methodological problems for the study of autocracies that are largely absent in the study of democracies.

  November 28, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12350   open full text
• Regimes and Randomization: Authoritarianism and Field Research in Contemporary Kenya*.
  Ryan Sheely.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 28, 2016
  Objectives Little is known about how the legacy of authoritarian politics shapes research in countries that have recently transitioned to democracy. How do previous periods of authoritarian rule shape field research that takes place after a regime transition? To what extent are authoritarian tendencies present in the practice of quantitative field research in a democracy? Methods I engage in a reflexive and historical analysis of a number of episodes of field research in Kenya. I describe and categorize the two authoritarian political regimes that have governed Kenya: the colonial regime that governed the country from the early 20th century to independence in 1963 and the bureaucratic executive authoritarian regime that governed the country from 1963 until the 2002 election. I then analyze how the historical legacy of each of these regimes shapes the practice of research in contemporary Kenya, using both my own experiences and historical examples. Results My results indicate that although the liberalization of the Kenyan regime over the past 20 years has permitted the expansion of social science research in the country, authoritarian institutions and practices continue to shape field research in the country in two ways. First, the institutional legacies of Kenya's previous authoritarian regimes continue to shape field research by informally shaping the behavior of both public officials and ordinary citizens. Second, the practice of randomized field research can lead to the reinforcement of authoritarian cultural practices and social norms by emphasizing centralization, control, and compliance rather than democratic norms of deliberation, participation, and collective ownership. Conclusions Both types of authoritarian influences on field research pose both methodological and ethical problems for field researchers in Kenya and other countries that have recently experienced regime change. I summarize the methodological and normative implications of these findings and provide a set of recommendations for field researchers.

  November 28, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12347   open full text
• Overcoming Research Obstacles in Hybrid Regimes: Lessons from Rwanda*.
  Cyanne E. Loyle.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 28, 2016
  Objective This article discusses the challenges of conducting research in hybrid regimes. Under these conditions, governments proscribe the types of questions researchers can ask and self‐preservation on the part of the researcher induces further self‐censorship. This ultimately impacts the type of research we conduct and the outputs of that research. Methods Experiences conducting research in Rwanda are used to explore these challenges. Results Research restrictions and monitoring in hybrid regimes is found to limit the types of research questions that scholars can ask as well as the questions that they do ask. Conclusions In this article, I suggest that being knowledgeable of the context, exercising creativity when needed, and demonstrating respect for research participants are essential skills for navigating the obstacles of conducting research in a hybrid regime.

  November 28, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12346   open full text
• Authoritarianism as a Research Constraint: Political Scientists in China*.
  Marie‐Eve Reny.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 28, 2016
  Objective This article examines the ways the authoritarian nature of the regime in the People's Republic of China constrains the conduct of political science research. It further seeks to identify ways in which researchers have circumvented authoritarian controls. Methods The article examines existing scholarly literature and curricula pertaining to Chinese politics to identify methodological and technical tendencies in the research field. It then conducts a deeper, theoretical investigation to show how researchers exploit loopholes and blindspots in the authoritarian system to generate novel research. Results The study finds a marked propensity in the study of Chinese politics toward qualitative research. Research on local politics is considered less sensitive and thus is more prevalent than studies of the central government. Government restrictions have forced scholars to imperfect data for empirical support. Conclusion Although it is easier to generate new findings in politically open settings, the authoritarian nature of the Chinese regime does not necessarily hinder advancement in social science. Quantitative research that relies on government‐issued data is useful, but remains liable to government restriction. Qualitative and ethnographic research gives the researcher opportunities to bypass restrictions imposed by the regime. These opportunities depend upon the researcher's ability to immerse herself in the relevant communities, find reliable and context‐aware collaborators, and develop creative ways of collecting information about state behavior.

  November 28, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12345   open full text
• Scientific Closure and Research Strategies in Uzbekistan*.
  Lawrence P. Markowitz.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 28, 2016
  Objectives Using the example of Uzbekistan, this article examines the challenges and opportunities for conducting field research in a context of tightened scientific closure in those countries with highly autocratic regimes. Methods Drawing on the author's own field experience conducting elite interviews in Uzbekistan in 2002 and 2003 (as well as many subsequent visits), it examines three strategies of field research that emerged in this context of tightening scientific closure. Results The article outlines several essential features of authoritarianism in Uzbekistan and tracks the regime's shift toward scientific closure over three distinct phases, tracing out the implications of this shift for those carrying out systematic field research. Conclusions Uzbekistan illustrates the challenges and opportunities facing researchers under conditions of scientific closure in the 20–30 other countries ruled by hard authoritarian regimes.

  November 28, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12344   open full text
• Eyes Wide Shut: Democratic Reversals, Scientific Closure, and the Study of Politics in Eurasia*.
  J. Paul Goode.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 28, 2016
  Objectives The article examines the relationship between democratic reversals and scientific closure. It focuses on the effects that authoritarian and hybrid regimes are likely to have on the ways scholars study them and conduct their fieldwork. Method Thematic content analysis of articles on Eurasian politics published over a 10‐year period, with particular attention paid to reported methods and fieldwork. Results Scientific closure had as much to do with research cycles in the discipline as with democratic reversals. Notions of the region as democratizing persisted into the 2000s as scholars recycled data and conceptual frames from the 1990s. Fieldwork‐driven research was more likely to detect autocratization. Conclusion While disciplinary consensus reframed the region as autocratizing, the field remains vulnerable to scientific closure. Aside from the challenges posed by autocracies for fieldwork, the new disciplinary consensus may deter qualitative fieldwork and innovation in studying authoritarianism in Eurasia.

  November 28, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12343   open full text
• Paranoia and Perspective, or How I Learned to Stop Worrying and Start Loving Research in the Islamic Republic of Iran*.
  Shervin Malekzadeh.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 28, 2016
  Objectives To demonstrate that qualitative research is both possible and desirable in closed, nondemocratic settings such as Iran, research sites seemingly hostile to the outside investigator. Methods Using an ethnographical approach consisting of document analysis, semi‐structured interviews, and participant observation, the project documents the development of postrevolutionary schooling in Iran by mapping ruptures within the pedagogical state's project following the 1979 Revolution as well as gaps between the state's formal goals and the private use and appropriation of the public school system by ordinary families from below. Results A willingness to embrace contingency and flexibility in the field yielded an original and empirically rich data set that in turn inspired four general rules for research in authoritarian and nonauthoritarian countries: do not panic; make it boring; self‐reflect; and panic, if just a little. Conclusions By engaging in research in authoritarian and nonauthoritarian settings, researchers demonstrate a commitment to drawing out local complexity and agency, producing findings that are likely to unsettle and disrupt existing literatures drenched with the weight of tropes and unexamined assumptions, incrementally leading to analysis that is restorative of “the local” even as it informs nonlocal audiences outside of the case.

  November 28, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12342   open full text
• The Rise and Fall of Iraq in the Social Sciences*.
  Ariel I. Ahram.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 28, 2016
  Objective This article analyzes how the extremely authoritarian nature of the Iraqi regime affected scholarship of Iraq and shows how regime opacity and brutality constrain social science research. Methods The article examines scholarly output on Iraq using qualitative and quantitative metrics from the Saddam Hussein era and the post‐2003 period after his removal from power. Results The article finds a dramatic increase in the quantity of publications on Iraq after 2003 and a shift toward more nomothetic, theory‐building research involving Iraq. New forms of research on Iraq, including field research, embedded observation, interviews, surveys, and archival research, also became prevalent after 2003. Conclusion The progress of social science research depends both on regime transparency and regime stability. Researchers can adjust techniques to address the absence of transparency or stability, but without the combination of both, the overall venture suffers.

  November 28, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12341   open full text
• Researching Authoritarianism in the Discipline of Democracy*.
  Ariel I. Ahram, J. Paul Goode.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 28, 2016
  Object This article examines the ways social science research approaches the study of authoritarian regimes and identifies ways to engage with regimes that are both deliberately opaque and oppressive. Method The article examines existing methodological prescriptions and practices as they pertain to the study of authoritarian regimes. These cover issues of data collection, research safety, subjective safety, and the positioning of knowledge about authoritarianism within the wider scope of social sciences. Results The article identifies three distinct but interrelated challenges in the study of authoritarian regimes: (1) access and timing, (2) data validity and integrity, and (3) ethical issues. Conclusion Methods commonly deployed in the study of democratic and open regimes cannot be readily deployed to the study of authoritarian ones. Greater reflexivity is needed to understand the methodological challenges inherent to the study of authoritarianism.

  November 28, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12340   open full text
• What Do We Value Most in Schools? A Study of Preference Rankings of School Attributes*.
  Mamdouh Hassan, Benny Geys.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 01, 2016
  Objectives A key question in education policy as well as individuals’ school choice involves the characteristics of schools we value most. It is thereby important to understand any heterogeneity in parents’, teachers’, and school principals’ preference rankings driven by their education level, gender, and age. Method In this article, we propose a survey‐based approach to examine preference rankings of diverse school attributes, which accounts for tradeoffs required in real‐world choice situations. Results Our results indicate that stakeholders on average rank the “ethical” aspects of schools (such as pupil and staff happiness and equality of opportunities) above their “efficiency” aspects (such as academic achievement or school size). Yet, respondents’ role in the school as well as their education level, gender, and age influence observed preference rankings. Conclusions To avoid biased inferences, survey designs on school preferences should account for the fact that real‐world choices in favor of one particular characteristic often imply giving up at least some others. Doing so, we show that parents, teachers, and school principals appear to disagree with the predominant consideration awarded to academic achievement in current education policies.

  November 01, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12337   open full text
• “I Don't Agree with Giving Cash”: A Survey Experiment Examining Support for Public Assistance*.
  Colin Campbell, S. Michael Gaddis.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 01, 2016
  Objective Existing research on support for anti‐poverty programs largely focuses on broad categories of welfare. In this article, we examine variations in support across different public assistance programs. Methods We use an experimental survey design to examine whether support for public assistance is dependent on the type of aid offered. Results We find that programs that offer benefits in‐kind are more popular than cash transfers. Moreover, food stamps and child‐care subsidies enjoy more support than housing assistance. Open‐ended survey responses show that when evaluating anti‐poverty programs, respondents adopt one of two perspectives: (1) cash assistance is problematic but other forms of assistance are acceptable or (2) any assistance is problematic. Conclusion By too narrowly focusing on welfare, social scientists run the risk of developing theories and explanations that may not apply to the much larger part of the safety net that is delivered in‐kind.

  November 01, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12338   open full text
• A Convenient Truth: University Employees as Heterogeneous and Inexpensive Experimental Samples*.
  Dimitri Kelly, Logan Vidal, Barry C. Burden.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 26, 2016
  Objectives Building on work by Kam, Wilking, and Zechmeister, we argue that academic researchers ought to make greater use of campus employees for survey experiments. For applications where a representative sample is unattainable and student samples provide too little variation on key characteristics, staff members provide an inexpensive alternative that offers greater statistical leverage and the ability to detect conditional treatment effects Methods Using an e‐mail survey experiment conducted on employees at a large public university, we explore how two modest incentives for participation affect the quantity and quality of responses. Results While overall differences among conditions are modest, a cash lottery generates somewhat higher response rates with little effect on sociodemographic skew or level of satisficing. The condition offering a charitable contribution fared worse on both counts. Conclusion University employees provide a convenient, heterogeneous, and inexpensive population for experimental studies.

  October 26, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12336   open full text
• Adjusting to Immigrants in Two Midwestern Communities: Same Outcome, Different Process*.
  J. Celeste Lay.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 26, 2016
  Objective This article examines the distinct processes of accommodation to immigrants in two similar small towns in Iowa. Ethnic conflict and contact theories predict that the processes would be similar in these towns, but their experiences demonstrate otherwise. Methods The study traces the histories of these towns and uses surveys, focus groups, and interviews to detail the process of accommodation in these communities. Results In both towns, white/Anglo residents came to accommodate their new neighbors and accept immigrants as full members of their communities, but the processes were unique in each place. In one community, earlier exposure to a small group of Laotian refugees gave residents and officials valuable experience with diversity. Further, this town was pushed toward acceptance when an outside group spread falsehoods. Conclusions This study demonstrates that adjusting to ethnic diversity is a long‐term process that is unique to a community's experience with diversity.

  October 26, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12349   open full text
• The Characteristics of Interpersonal Networks in Disaster Response*.
  Christopher Kenny, Christopher Weber, Kathleen Bratton.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 26, 2016
  It is well established that discussion networks have meaningful consequences for a variety of sociopolitical attitudes and behavior. In this project, we explore how social structure shapes reactions to disaster; in particular, the 2010 BP oil spill. We address the questions of how networks are relied upon following community‐wide disaster, and to what extent these networks mirror social structures in other domains. To examine these questions, we analyze data that experimentally vary the commonly employed discussion “name‐generator” questions to see if oil spill discussants are fundamentally different from important matters discussants. Relative to “important matters” discussants, we find strong support for a specialist model in response to disaster; oil spill discussants tend to be less intimate, more knowledgeable, more active, and more talkative about the oil spill. Ultimately, this suggests a contextual basis for the formation of and reliance on discussion networks.

  September 26, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12328   open full text
• Racial Discrimination and Statistical Discrimination: MLB Rookie Card Values and Performance Uncertainty*.
  Gregory S. Burge, Arthur Zillante.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 26, 2016
  Objective While previous studies document racial discrimination in Major League Baseball, few have considered statistical discrimination, and how racial bias may spill over into related markets. Investigating rookie card (RC) values at their initial release, we exploit the role of information uncertainty to separately identify the influence of racial discrimination and statistical discrimination. Methods Using ordinary least squares (OLS) and Tobit models, we examine 6,026 cards released from 1986 to 1993. After documenting race‐based differentials in MLB achievement, we explore the determinants of prices in certain and uncertain environments. Results RCs of black players carry a 14–20 percent premium at their initial release. Race does not influence card values once careers are finished. Finally, given comparable career performance, prices for black players decline significantly more over time. Collectively, this suggests statistical discrimination influences consumers in this market. Conclusion Racial discrimination in an upstream market can lead to spillover effects on related downstream markets.

  September 26, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12330   open full text
• LGBT Novel Drug Use as Contextualized Through Control, Strain, and Learning Theories*.
  Joseph Rukus, John Stogner, Bryan Miller.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 26, 2016
  Objective We examine novel drug use in the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) community in the context of social learning, self‐control, and strain theories. Methods Based on a sample of 2,349 college students, we examine novel drug use rates of LGBT participants. We then perform a series of logistic regression models to examine factors correlated with LGBT novel drug use. Results We find LGBT individuals have higher rates of use for novel drugs. We find that social learning constructs partially mediate the relationship between sexual orientation and novel drug use. The data did not support the hypotheses that strain or self‐control mediated or acted as a moderator in this relationship. Conclusion We hypothesize higher LGBT novel drug use may be related to unique cultural definitions surrounding LGBT drug use and LGBT individuals being less likely to stigmatize substance use. This finding may have implications for LGBT substance use messaging and education programs.

  September 26, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12329   open full text
• The Racial Structure of Economic Inequality in the United States: Understanding Change and Continuity in an Era of “Great Divergence”*.
  Rodney E. Hero, Morris E. Levy.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 11, 2016
  The “great divergence” of America's rich from its middle class and poor has led some observers to see a country increasingly stratified by income and wealth, more so than by race. In this article, the first in a two‐part series, we argue that this conclusion overlooks the persistent importance of the racial “structure” of inequality. A decomposition of income inequality between 1980 and 2010 using the Theil Index shows that inequality between racial groups accounts for a rising share of total income inequality over this period nationally and in most states. We also demonstrate that within‐state trends in the between‐race component of inequality are not fully accounted for by trends in income inequality and racial diversity per se. These findings lay the groundwork for a forthcoming companion piece in Social Science Quarterly that shows that between‐race inequality is strongly linked to welfare policy outcomes in the United States.

  August 11, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12327   open full text
• Americanizing Latinos, Latinoizing America: The Political Consequences of Latino Incorporation*.
  Alan Yang, Rodolfo O. la Garza.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 21, 2016
  Objective Because of the increased attention Democrats and Republicans are paying to the Latino vote, both parties may find it necessary to change their platforms and rhetoric to appeal to Latino policy preferences. This research examines the impact of Americanization on Latino policy preferences. Methods Using data from the 2006 Latino National Survey, we create a continuous scale that measures the extent to which Latinos have Americanized, that is, become incorporated into the U.S. mainstream. We use multivariate analyses to examine the effect of Americanization on a wide range of salient policy preferences. Results Our research shows that across a wide array of issues, Latinos vary considerably among themselves in terms of their level of Americanization, even after accounting for a rich set of control variables commonly found to predict policy preferences. Our results also indicate that, regardless of levels of Americanization, Latinos approach unanimity in their support of an expanded socioeconomic safety net supported by the government. Conclusions Our results indicate that Latino policy preferences are well to the left of the national mainstream and indeed include policies that are anathema to the Republican Party. The political implications of these preferences are that despite increased outreach, Republicans will find it difficult to woo Latino voters, and it will be challenging for Democrats to maintain or increase their Latino support.

  July 21, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12325   open full text
• Racial Threat and the Influence of Latino Turnout on State Immigration Policy*.
  James M. Avery, Jeffrey A. Fine, Timothy Márquez.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 19, 2016
  Objective We examine how Latino constituencies—their percentage of the population and their percentage of voters—influence the propensity of states to pass restrictive immigration policy, testing two competing theories. Method Using state‐level data from 2009 through 2012, we examine the influence of Latino constituency size and Latino electoral strength on the number of restrictive immigration laws enacted by U.S. state legislatures. Results We find that states with larger Latino populations pass more restrictive laws, but greater Latino electoral strength leads states to pass fewer restrictive policies. This relationship is interactive such that increases in Latino turnout act to mitigate the positive effect of Latino population size on restrictive policies. Finally, we show that the positive effect of Latino mobilization is indirect, meditated by their electoral influence on the partisan and ethnic composition of state legislatures. Conclusions Our findings emphasize the importance of voting for minority substantive representation.

  July 19, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12326   open full text
• Pollution Prophylaxis? Social Capital and Environmental Inequality*.
  Kerry Ard, Malcolm Fairbrother.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 19, 2016
  Objective One major theory of environmental inequality is that firms follow a political path of least resistance when locating polluting facilities in low‐income and minority communities. Such communities, this theory suggests, lack the social capital that allows others to keep such facilities at bay. We will test this argument. Methods We investigate whether communities across the United States are located further from stationary sources of airborne toxins depending on their levels of social capital. Results At some scales, we found that communities with more of some types of social capital do indeed tend to be located further from such facilities, though the differences are slight. We also found that, by some measures, minority communities possess no less social capital than others, and that controlling for differences in social capital barely attenuates the associations between demographics and proximity. Conclusion The theory that differences in social capital explain environmental inequality is not supported.

  July 19, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12324   open full text
• The Myth of the “Two Souths?” Racial Resentment and White Party Identification in the Deep South and Rim South*.
  Jonathan Knuckey.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 19, 2016
  Objectives This article addresses a debate among scholars of southern politics concerning the relevance of the distinction between the Deep South and Rim South states. Specifically, it examines the effect of racial resentment on white party identification in both southern subregions. Methods Data from the 2010 and 2012 Cooperative Congressional Election Studies (CCES) are analyzed using a multivariate logistic regression model to examine subregional differences in the effect of racial resentment on southern white party identification. Results Although whites in the Deep South were more likely to identify as Republicans than whites in the Rim South, the effect of racial resentment on party identification in the Deep South was not statistically different from that of whites in the Rim South. Conclusions While it may be premature to completely discard the notion of the “Two Souths” it may behoove scholars of southern politics to also focus on individual state‐by‐state commonalities and differences, rather than be bound exclusively to the Deep/Rim South dichotomy.

  July 19, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12322   open full text
• Framing the Gun Control Debate: Press Releases and Framing Strategies of the National Rifle Association and the Brady Campaign*.
  Trent Steidley, Cynthia G. Colen.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 18, 2016
  Objective How can social movements increase their presence in the news? We argue that press releases can do so via social movement framing. Press releases from, and news coverage of, social movement organizations (SMOs) in the gun control debate serve as our case. Methods A qualitative framing analysis is conducted to identify frames in press releases from the National Rifle Association and the Brady Campaign. Logistic regressions assess the effect of frames in press releases on New York Times coverage of the gun control debate. Results We find that both organizations use systematic framing strategies in their press releases. Only the Brady Campaign has a significant association between specific frames in its press releases and coverage in the New York Times. Conclusions Press releases are viable tactics for SMOs, but biases in news media have implications for how effective press releases might be for an SMO.

  July 18, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12323   open full text
• Understanding Attitudes Toward Nuclear Energy After the Fukushima Accident: Differences Between Asserted and Ambivalent Positions*.
  F. Crettaz von Roten, A. Clémence, A. Thevenet.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 15, 2016
  Objective The goal of this article is to understand the attitudes toward nuclear energy after the Fukushima accident. Such an analysis necessitates the avoidance of a dichotomous perspective (pro/against)—consider “supporter,” “neither‐nor,” and “opponent”—and to determine the effect of various factors on attitudes. Methods This study analyzes a 2013 Swiss survey that measures public attitudes toward nuclear energy. Results Public acceptance of nuclear power remains lower two years after. Attitudinal structure of neither‐nor indicates ambivalence. Different factors explain the three positions. Conclusions Public attitudes toward nuclear energy are in line with Swiss energy strategy for 2050 to ban nuclear energy. These results draw practical implications for implementing political decisions and for policy communication.

  July 15, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12320   open full text
• Subpartisan Cues and Ideological Distinctions: The Effect of the Tea Party Label on Voter Perceptions of Congressional Candidates*.
  Bryan T. Gervais, Jeffrey A. Taylor.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 15, 2016
  Objective We aim to fill a gap in the voter heuristic literature by estimating the impact of subparty cues—labels that connect candidates to an intraparty faction—on perceptions of candidates’ ideological positions. We argue that the Tea Party label acts as a subpartisan cue, and should affect perceptions of both Republicans and their Democratic opponents. Methods  We measure ideological perceptions using data from the Cooperative Congressional Election Study (CCES), and measure Tea Party “saliency” based on how often candidates were linked with the Tea Party in news media. Using probit regression, we estimate the impact of Tea Party saliency on ideological perceptions of candidates. Results  We find that Republican candidates often associated with the Tea Party are more likely to be perceived as conservative or very conservative, even when we control for candidate and voter ideology, while their Democratic opponents are perceived to be more moderate. Conclusion  The results suggest that extremizing cues like the Tea Party label can have a moderating effect on opponents. These findings shed new light on the role and interaction of party‐related voting cues, and have important implications for elections, campaigns, and voter opinion and behavior.

  July 15, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12318   open full text
• Testing the Importance of Individuals’ Motives for Explaining Environmentally Significant Behavior*.
  Sverker C. Jagers, Stefan Linde, Johan Martinsson, Simon Matti.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 15, 2016
  Objective This article explores how different motives affect behavior, and attempts to explain how the causal chain of values and beliefs forms our understanding of and motives for private‐sphere environmentally significant behaviors (ESBs). As a point of departure, we postulate that traditional models focusing primarily on individual‐level motivation as a driver for ESB should benefit significantly from making a distinction in the dependent variable between: (1) behaviors that are explicitly pro‐environmental, judging both by their outcomes and the individual's stated motives for undertaking them; (2) behaviors that have a positive environmental impact but that are connected to motives other than environmental ones; as well as (3) behaviors where both environmental and other motives coincide as drivers for ESB. Methods In order to answer our research questions, we use survey data collected from a random sample from the Swedish population register. The main dependent variable is the self‐reported frequency of 12 different kinds of nonactivist, private‐sphere behaviors. We employ ordinary least square regressions to analyze the explanatory strength of individual‐level motivational factors for ESB when taking stated motives for behavior into account. Results and Conclusion The results support our main assumption that to explain drivers for ESB, stated motives should be taken into account. For all of the 12 ESBs in the survey, a considerable share of the respondents do not perceive or motivate behavior as pro‐environmentalism at all, and others provide multiple motives for their behavior, combining, for example, economic or health with environmentalism. Furthermore, when analyzing the relationship between a scientifically well‐established model aspiring to explain pro‐environmental behavior, and individuals’ behavioral perceptions and their stated behavior, we find that the explanatory power of this model is clearly sensitive to people's stated motives.

  July 15, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12321   open full text
• Framing Child Nutrition Programs: The Impact of Party and District Characteristics on Elite Framing*.
  Clare Brock.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 15, 2016
  Objective The objective of this article is to determine whether district characteristics impact the framing choices made by members of Congress. Certain frameworks may be more effective for creating policy change, and given that framing shapes the way humans conceptualize a problem space, framing should be a deliberate tool used in order to constrain the debate around certain problems. However, the actual details of debate shifts and issue framing often become a “black box” in theories of policy change. Methods The study uses content analysis of floor statements made over a 16‐year period regarding the National School Lunch Program, the results of which are analyzed using a multinomial logistic regression. Results The results indicate that policy framing is highly dependent on district characteristics, but that language use itself does not appear to have changed significantly in the time period studied. Conclusions The evidence presented here indicates that legislators are, at least through floor statements, engaging in delegate representation of their district interests.

  July 15, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12319   open full text
• Science, Scientists, and Local Weather: Understanding Mass Perceptions of Global Warming*.
  Wanyun Shao, James C. Garand, Barry D. Keim, Lawrence C. Hamilton.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 15, 2016
  Objective To explore the effects of long‐term climate trends and short‐term weather fluctuations, evaluations of scientists and science, political predispositions, religious affiliation, the information environment, and demographic attributes on individuals’ views about whether global warming exists and, if so, whether it is a result of natural cycles or human activity. Methods We use data from the 2009 Pew General Public Science Survey, along with data on long‐ and short‐term patterns of temperature and precipitation in individuals’ home communities. Results We find that long‐term trends in summer temperatures influence perceptions of global warming. Individuals who reside in communities with long‐term warming of summer temperatures that are coupled with long‐term cooling of spring temperatures are significantly more likely to perceive that global warming exists and is due to human activity. We also find that Americans' attitudes toward scientists and science, political dispositions, evangelical religious affiliation, education, and some demographic attributes all have discernible effects on their perceptions of anthropogenic (man‐made) global warming. Conclusion Individuals’ attitudes toward global warming are influenced by long‐term temperature trends in their home communities, as well as a variety of attitudinal and demographic attributes.

  July 15, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12317   open full text
• The Association of Self‐Esteem with Individual and Contextual Levels of Social Capital: Evidence from a Multilevel Analysis*.
  Sehee Han.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 15, 2016
  Objectives To examine how much variance of self‐esteem is attributable to the administrative‐area level and whether the individual or administrative‐area level of social capital variables is associated with self‐esteem after controlling for control variables at multiple levels using multilevel analysis. Methods The data are from the 2010 (Wave 2) Seoul Welfare Panel Study conducted by the Seoul Welfare Foundation. The final sample for the current study yielded a total of 5,934 individuals nested in 2,847 households within 25 administrative areas. Results The results indicate that 7.1 percent of variation in self‐esteem is attributed to administrative areas. Perceived helpfulness, organizational participation, and volunteer work were positively associated with self‐esteem at the individual level. Among the administrative‐area‐level social capital variables, only perceived helpfulness was positively associated with self‐esteem. Conclusion The results of this study partially support one underlying, though yet unproven, hypothesis that social capital is linked to various psychological well‐being outcomes through self‐esteem. The results also indicated that social interventions including social capital to enhance one's self‐esteem may not be efficient if directed solely at the administrative‐area level, as a relatively small variation in self‐esteem was attributed to this level.

  July 15, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12316   open full text
• Evangelical Protestantism and Bias Against Female Political Leaders*.
  Mark Setzler, Alixandra B. Yanus.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 15, 2016
  Objective Gender and politics scholars have paid little attention to religion as a source of individual‐level biases against female politicians. We begin to address this gap by modeling the relationship among evangelical Protestantism, partisanship, and the beliefs that males are better issue advocates and political leaders than women. Methods We employ logistic regression models with data from a 2008 survey administered by the Pew Social and Demographic Trends Project. Results We find that evangelical Protestantism, but not religious attendance more generally, is a strong predictor of whether Americans will hold biases against female political leaders. The effect of evangelical Protestantism is especially pronounced within the Republican Party. Conclusions These findings suggest a potential cause of the underrepresentation of women in the political world. They further underscore the need to control for religious denomination in future studies of gender stereotyping.

  July 15, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12315   open full text
• Fear‐Driven Donations: Campaign Contributions as Mechanisms for Entrenching White Supremacy*.
  Matthew Reid Krell.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 11, 2016
  Objective This article seeks to test group threat theory by interacting it with two other literatures: the campaign contribution literature and the racial order literature. Method It tests this interaction by measuring the effect of neighborhood racial composition on campaign contributions, controlling for mean adjusted gross income. Results It finds that white population is negatively correlated with campaign contributions, drowning out any income effect, and using a measure of “diversity” that includes black population reverses the direction of the relationship. Thus, increasing white homogeneity appears to increase majority complacence, while increasing racial diversity leads to campaign contributions as a threat response. Contributions. (1) This study offers indirect support to group threat theory and (2) it demonstrates that campaign contributions can be a threat response.

  July 11, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12311   open full text
• Rumor Communities: The Social Dimensions of Internet Political Misperceptions*.
  Jill A. Edy, Erin E. Risley‐Baird.
  Social Science Quarterly. June 22, 2016
  Objective This study illuminates the communicative and social qualities of naturally occurring public resistance to authoritative debunking of political misperceptions, rumors, and conspiracy theories. Developing the concept of a “rumor community,” it highlights aspects of rumoring processes overlooked by psychological approaches common in misperception research. Methods Over 2,000 user‐generated comments from the “vaccines cause autism” rumor community, produced as the medical study that had sparked the rumor was retracted and ultimately denounced as fraudulent, are examined for their contribution to the public conversation about vaccine safety. Results Rumor community members publicly counterargue debunking messages, which creates a communication environment offering argumentative resources to community members and reaffirming the community's solidarity. Members assert their credibility to gain authority to speak, countering science with personal experience. Highlighting their interconnection with more conventional social groups and venerable social truisms, members generate discourse that legitimates their beliefs. Conclusions The process of rumor debunking does not solely involve psychological persuasion but must also account for the social geography of rumor communities and their contributions to the communication environment.

  June 22, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12309   open full text
• Labor Unions and Minority Group Members’ Voter Turnout.
  Dukhong Kim.
  Social Science Quarterly. June 03, 2016
  Object This study examines the effects of labor union membership and labor unions’ mobilization efforts on minority group members’ participation in voting. Methods It uses a hierarchical linear model with data from the Current Population Survey (2000, 2004, and 2008) and state‐level information. Results The analysis shows that the effect of union membership on voter turnout varies somewhat by racial and ethnic group. Also, it finds that labor unions’ mobilization efforts, measured by union density in states, significantly increase minority group members’ participation in voting more than it does that of whites. Finally, the effect of union density in states among Latinos changes significantly by political conditions. Conclusion Labor unions play an important role in assisting minority group members, who traditionally have been considered to lack resources as compared to whites, to participate in voting by engaging in voter mobilization at the state level as well as by increasing membership among minority members.

  June 03, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12314   open full text
• Policy and Precinct: Citizen Evaluations and Electoral Confidence*.
  Bridgett A. King.
  Social Science Quarterly. June 01, 2016
  Objective The objective of this research is to evaluate the role of state policy and election precinct evaluations on citizen confidence in individual and nationwide electoral outcomes. Methods Utilizing the 2012 Survey and Performance of American Elections (SPAE) and data from the National Conference of State Legislatures, a series of ordered logistic regression models and probability estimates are presented. Results Evaluations of voting precincts, specifically poll workers, polling locations, and voting machines have an effect on electoral confidence. Confidence, however, is not consistent. Racial identification and partisan affiliation continue to shape citizen confidence in American elections. Voter identification requirements, outside of racial considerations, do not affect confidence in individual or nationwide ballot outcomes. Conclusions The administration of American elections effects citizen confidence in electoral outcomes. Reforms in this area have the capacity to improve citizen confidence, trust, and potentially political participation.

  June 01, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12303   open full text
• Attitude Changes and Self‐Perceived Skill Gains from Collegiate Greek Organization Membership*.
  P. Wesley Routon, Jay K. Walker.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 31, 2016
  Objectives We examine if membership in social collegiate Greek letter organizations (college fraternities and sororities) affects students' social, political, and economic views, as well as their perceptions on what skills they gained during college tenure. Methods We use a sample of over 103,000 American undergraduate college students from 463 institutions of higher education, who were interviewed both very near matriculation and graduation, and a propensity score matching framework. Results Among our results, membership appears to alter opinions in favor of marijuana legalization, traditional gender roles in the household, casual sex, and the belief that racial discrimination is no longer a problem in the United States. Regarding self‐perceived skill change, members report relatively large premiums in leadership abilities and interpersonal skills. Conclusions Though we do uncover evidence of several effects, overall, impact magnitudes are quite small, and there are many opinions and skills for which Greeks are indistinguishable from other college graduates.

  May 31, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12310   open full text
• The Environmental Psychology of the Ecological Citizen: Comparing Competing Models of Pro‐Environmental Behavior*.
  Sverker C. Jagers, Johan Martinsson, Simon Matti.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 31, 2016
  Objectives The overall objective of this article is to contribute to the identification of underlying factors causing individuals’ pro‐environmental behavior (PEB). Methods This is done by the amalgamation of an empirically‐derived theory originating in the behavioral science research—the value‐belief‐norm (VBN) theory (e.g., Stern et al., 1999)—and a rather recently developed theory in political science—the ecological citizenship (EC) model (e.g., Dobson, 2003). Using survey data, this article empirically tests the explanatory power of these two theories, both separately and as a joint model.

  May 31, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12313   open full text
• Evolving Opinions: Evidence on Marriage Equality Attitudes from Panel Data*.
  Amy Armenia, Bailey Troia.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 31, 2016
  Objective In the wake of a massive shift in public opinion on same‐sex marriage, scholars have examined the factors that predict support of marriage equality. This research, largely from cross‐sectional or trend data, leaves questionable evidence for causality. In this research note, we use newly available panel data to predict attitudes toward marriage equality. Methods We use three three‐wave panels of survey data from the General Social Survey (2006–2014) to estimate the effects of both time‐variant and nonvariant characteristics on attitudes toward marriage equality. Results Using time‐variant factors, we support prior research, finding evidence for the causal effect of political views and time period on attitudes. Unlike earlier research, we find no significant effect of church attendance or marital or parental status. Among invariant characteristics, we largely support prior research on the effect of demographic characteristics on attitudes. Conclusion This analysis underscores the importance of using longitudinal data to support causal inferences and augment cross‐sectional research on political attitudes.

  May 31, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12312   open full text
• Presidential Appointments and Policy Priorities*.
  Gary E. Hollibaugh.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 31, 2016
  Objective Previous studies of presidential appointments have consistently found that presidents place their most competent appointees into agencies responsible for policy issues high on their agendas. We examine here whether public opinion responds accordingly. Method Using a survey with an embedded experimental manipulation, we examine whether members of the public, when given the backgrounds of fictional presidential appointees, are able to infer the president's policy priorities based on the perceived competence of the appointees. Results Results suggest that perceived policy importance is positively associated with perceptions of competence, and negatively associated with perceptions of favoritism or patronage—characterized here as the nomination of campaign fundraisers. Moreover, these same factors are associated with increased levels of support for the president's policy positions in the policy areas for which the nominees are responsible. Conclusions Our findings suggest presidential appointments can influence perceptions of—and support for—policy priorities.

  May 31, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12308   open full text
• Juvenile Delinquency and Self‐Sentiments: Exploring a Labeling Theory Proposition*.
  Amy Kroska, James Daniel Lee, Nicole T. Carr.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 31, 2016
  Objective According to labeling theory, an official deviance label promotes the development of deviant self‐meanings. Despite the centrality of this hypothesis to the theory, most tests of the hypothesis on juveniles are decades old, fail to control for deviant behavior, and focus only on self‐evaluation, neglecting two of the three dimensions of self‐meaning: self‐potency and self‐activity. Therefore, our objective is to explore this hypothesis in a way that addresses these weaknesses. Method We test the hypothesis by examining the relationship between a delinquency adjudication and all three dimensions of self‐meaning while controlling for recent deviant behavior. Our data come from two samples of college students and one sample of youths in an after‐care program for youths who have been adjudicated delinquent. Results In line with expectations, a delinquency adjudication is linked with lower self‐evaluation and higher self‐potency. But, contrary to expectations, it is associated with higher feelings of activity. Conclusion The findings are consistent with the labeling theory proposition that an official deviance label promotes the development of deviant self‐meanings. We discuss the theoretical and policy implications of these findings and outline avenues for future research.

  May 31, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12307   open full text
• Religiousness and Support for Same‐Sex Marriage: An Endogenous Treatment Approach*.
  Steven T. Yen, Ernest M. Zampelli.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 31, 2016
  Objectives The effects of religiosity and sociodemographic characteristics on support for same‐sex marriage (SSM) are estimated. Methods An ordered probability model with ordinal endogenous treatment is estimated. Treatment effects of religiosity and marginal effects of other covariates are calculated. Results Religiosity reduces the likelihood of SSM support. This impact can be attenuated by educational achievement, Democratic Party affiliation, higher incomes, and greater contact with gays and lesbians. The importance of religion has no differential impact on the marginal effects of other covariates. Conclusions We expect the litigation of cases in which gay married couples allege victimization from some form of discrimination, which, in turn, will be defended on the grounds of religious freedom. Religious freedom supporters will come from the intrinsically religious, evangelicals, strong Republicans, and African Americans; same‐sex couples will draw support from those who are more educated, strongly Democratic, and at the higher end of the income distribution.

  May 31, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12306   open full text
• Cohousing as Civic Society: Cohousing Involvement and Political Participation in the United States*.
  Heidi M. Berggren.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 31, 2016
  Objective The civic‐society literature argues that members of voluntary civic associations engage in community building and other activities that hone political skills and cultivate a sense of efficacy, which can lead to higher levels of participation in politics. This study situates cohousing in the civic‐society literature and asks whether cohousing as a form of civic association encourages participation in electoral politics. Methods Data from the U.S. National Cohousing Survey, Phase III were used in bivariate correlation, Jonckheere‐Terpstra, and chi‐square procedures to test the hypothesis that cohousing involvement facilitates political participation. Results There were ordered increases in levels of the dependent variable, political activities index, for increasing levels of cohousing‐involvement variables. Chi‐square tests were significant for relationships between cohousing‐involvement variables and three dummy variables comprised of the activities included in political activities index—writing to Congress increased (since moving to cohousing), campaign contributions increased, and campaigning door‐to‐door increased. Conclusions The chi‐square results bolstered the evidence, on an aggregate level, in support of the hypothesis. Cohousing holds out promise as a means of revitalizing democratic citizenship.

  May 31, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12305   open full text
• Race and Right‐Wing Authoritarianism: How Scoring High in Authoritarianism Does Not Necessarily Lead to Support for Right‐Wing Candidates*.
  Aaron Dusso.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 31, 2016
  Objectives Authoritarianism has a long history suggesting that it is primarily a phenomenon of the right. However, I argue that this has led to scholars overlooking the potential that, in some contexts, authoritarianism can lead to support for left‐wing candidates. African‐American voters in the United States provide such a context. A key component of right‐wing authoritarianism is that individuals will support whom they believe to be their rightful leader. In the United States, who one believes to be their group's rightful leader is contingent on the race of the voter and the party of the candidate. I hypothesize that as African‐American voters' level of authoritarianism increases, they will be more likely to support the left‐wing Democratic candidate. Methods I test this hypothesis with a national sample of voters after the 2012 U.S. presidential election. I estimate multiple logit models predicting the probability of voting for Obama, the key independent variables being respondents' right‐wing authoritarian score, their race, and the interaction of these two variables. Results The results present strong support for my hypothesis that an increase in right‐wing authoritarianism increases the probability of African‐American voters choosing Obama. Conclusion The results show that the effect of authoritarianism on vote choice is contingent on race/ethnicity. Too often, scholars have overlooked the potential that whom individuals deem to be their established authority is contingent on the political context. These results challenge scholars to provide a more nuanced approach to how authoritarianism influences behavior.

  May 31, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12302   open full text
• Motivated Reasoning, Accuracy, and Updating in Perceptions of Bush's Legacy*.
  Patrick C. Meirick.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 31, 2016
  Objective This study sets out to examine the roles of party identification, political knowledge, education, and media use in citizens’ perceptions of changes in the economy, federal deficit, poverty, and crime rates between 2001 and 2008. It also tests the predictions of motivated reasoning versus Bayesian updating in seeing how (or if) perceptions of the economy changed as conditions worsened during 2008. Method This research used American National Election Studies (ANES) panel data in creating regression analyses for perceptions in January and November 2008, with the former as a control for the latter. A repeated‐measures analysis of variance tracked changes in partisans’ perceptions of the economy during the year. Results Partisanship was a robust predictor of perceptions. Political knowledge and education tended to promote perceptions that were in the same direction as actual trends, but political knowledge interacted with party identification to promote partisan polarization in perceptions. Television news exposure was the most important media variable, although it promoted pessimism on all trends. As economic conditions worsened throughout 2008, partisans’ perceptions of the economy converged, suggesting that citizens, especially Republicans, updated their perceptions. Conclusion The findings for partisanship and its interaction with political knowledge are consistent with the motivated reasoning literature, but the emergence of a bipartisan consensus about the worsening of the economy by the end of 2008 supports Bayesian updating, although it may take pretty undeniable facts for it to work.

  May 31, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12301   open full text
• The Trump Hypothesis: Testing Immigrant Populations as a Determinant of Violent and Drug‐Related Crime in the United States*.
  David Green.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 31, 2016
  Objectives To test the “Trump Hypothesis”: whether immigrants are responsible for higher levels of violent and drug‐related crime in the United States, as asserted by Donald Trump in his 2015 presidential campaign announcement. This is achieved using recent crime and immigration data, thus testing the common public perception linking immigrants to crime, and providing an updated assessment of the immigrant‐crime nexus. Methods Rates of violent crime and drug arrests by state are pooled for 2012–2014. These are compared against pooled statistics on foreign‐born and Mexican nationals living in the United States, as well as estimates of undocumented foreign and undocumented Mexican population by state. The data are analyzed using correlation and multivariate regressions. Results Data uniformly show no association between immigrant population size and increased violent crime. However, there appears to be a small but significant association between undocumented immigrant populations and drug‐related arrests. Conclusions Results largely contradict the Trump Hypothesis: no evidence links Mexican or undocumented Mexican immigrants specifically to violent or drug‐related crime. Undocumented immigrant associations with drug‐related crime are minimal, though significant. The Trump Hypothesis consequently appears to be biased toward rhetoric rather than evidence.

  May 31, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12300   open full text
• It's Not Race, It's Politics! A Natural Experiment Examining the Influence of Race in Electoral Politics*.
  Chase B. Meyer, J. David Woodard.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 31, 2016
  Objective Minority candidates for office must overcome numerous hurdles in order to win elective office, with one such hurdle being the racial resentment of voters. This article tests the impact racial resentment has on white support for a minority candidate in relation to a similar white candidate. Method This article employs a natural experiment provided by the 2014 South Carolina Senate elections. Examining these elections, this article examines what impact a voter's racial resentment has on his or her support for the two candidates. Results The results show that voters who score highly on the racial resentment scale are just as likely to support a minority Republican as they are to support a white Republican. Conclusion These findings indicate that racial resentment scores may not adequately measure a person's true feelings on race, particularly when the minority candidate is a Republican.

  May 31, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12299   open full text
• Explaining State Differences in the Implementation of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act: A South/Non‐South Comparison*.
  Rick Travis, John C. Morris, Martin Mayer, Robert Kenter, David A. Breaux.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 31, 2016
  Objective The passage of the Affordable Care Act of 2010 has been one of the most hotly debated policy issues in recent memory. Southern state politicians seem particularly opposed to the law, but data suggest that citizens of southern states would benefit from the law. This article explores the choices made by states in terms of their acceptance and implementation of the Patient Protection and Affordable Healthcare Act (PPACA). Methods Employing standard explanators of state policy choices, coupled with common indicators of public health, we examine a cross‐sectional, 50‐state regression model to determine whether southern states are different from other states in their policy choices in this arena. Results We find that southern state choices are driven by control of the governor's mansion, while other factors drive non‐South state choices. Conclusion Our findings lend support to the notion of southern distinctiveness—southern states are driven more by politics, while non‐South states are driven more by state circumstances.

  May 31, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12297   open full text
• Critical Geopolitics and the Framing of the Arab Spring Through Late‐Night Humor*.
  Darren Purcell, Brooks Heitmeier, Chad Wyhe.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 31, 2016
  Objective The role of popular culture, particularly humor, is of increasing importance in critical geopolitics and international relations scholarship. This article examines how humor is used to frame the events described as the Arab Spring and U.S. government response. Methods Sifting through the jokes for references to places, events, and significant actors, the selected jokes were interpreted through critical discourse analysis to identify the themes invoked by the comedians. Results The Arab Spring countries most mentioned were Libya, Egypt, and Syria. The majority of the jokes about these can best be understood through the lens of incongruity theory and the exploitation of extant caricatures of leaders. Additionally, the jokes reflected concerns over U.S. actions in the region and, simultaneously, U.S. leadership's seeming inability to craft a coherent plan to address the events. Conclusions We establish the link to humor and geopolitical imagination noting that the themes of American policy, American leadership, regional corruption, and caricatures of leaders composed many of the jokes, reflecting a particular worldview of the region as intractable.

  May 31, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12296   open full text
• The Standardized World Income Inequality Database.
  Frederick Solt.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 31, 2016
  Objective Since 2008, the Standardized World Income Inequality Database (SWIID) has provided income inequality data that seek to maximize comparability while providing the broadest possible coverage of countries and years. This article describes the current SWIID's construction, highlighting differences from its original version, and reevaluates the SWIID's utility to cross‐national income inequality research in light of recently available alternatives. Methods Coverage of inequality data sets is assessed across country‐years; comparability is evaluated in terms of success in predicting the Luxembourg Income Study (LIS), recognized in the field as the gold standard in comparability, before those data are released. Results The SWIID offers coverage double that of the next largest income inequality data set, and its record of comparability is three to eight times better than those of alternate data sets. Conclusions As its coverage and comparability far exceed those of the alternatives, the SWIID remains better suited for broadly cross‐national research on income inequality than other available sources.

  May 31, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12295   open full text
• Shattering the Marble Ceiling: A Research Note on Women‐Friendly State Legislative Districts.
  Nicholas Pyeatt, Alixandra B. Yanus.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 31, 2016
  Objective Palmer and Simon's (2008) “women‐friendly” district index has proven a useful theoretical and empirical construct for researchers studying congressional elections. In one parsimonious measure, the authors capture 12 factors predicting women's election to the House of Representatives. The construct's utility in other political contexts, however, has not yet been tested. Methods We test the women‐friendliness index using a new data set on state legislative elections. Results We find that the women‐friendly district index is useful for predicting the election of women in state legislatures. The index's predictive power is robust to institutional variations and surpasses other contextual indicators, such as political culture. Conclusions Our analysis suggests that “women friendliness” is a useful empirical concept with application in multiple political contexts.

  May 31, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12294   open full text
• Does Asthma Impair Wealth Accumulation or Does Wealth Protect Against Asthma?
  Jay L. Zagorsky, Patricia K. Smith.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 31, 2016
  Objective We investigate the association between adult asthma and wealth, testing whether the disease impairs wealth accumulation (social selection model) or if wealth protects against asthma (social causation model). Methods We use the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (n = 7,644) and linear and logistic regressions to estimate the association between wealth and asthma. Changes in relative wealth following an asthma diagnosis and asthma status by increases in wealth through inheritance provide evidence on the causal direction. Results Asthma, particularly severe asthma, is associated with lower wealth. Wealth ranking does not change after a diagnosis of asthma, but inheriting a substantial sum is associated with a lower risk of severe asthma. Conclusion Wealth appears to protect against severe asthma, supporting the social causation model of disease.

  May 31, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12293   open full text
• Deborah's Voice: The Role of Women in Sexual Assault Cases at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia*,†.
  Kimi Lynn King, James D. Meernik, Eliza G. Kelly.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 31, 2016
  Objectives To assess the impact of the gender of judges, prosecution attorneys, and defense lawyers on sentencing decisions at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY). Methods We use regression modeling of all sentences handed down by the ICTY and test for the impact of gender with direct measures of the numbers and percentages of female actors and through interactive terms to assess whether there is a gender impact on sexual violence cases. Results The results demonstrate that higher levels of female representation in both the prosecution and defense teams are statistically significant predictors of ICTY sentencing. Conclusions Gender exercises an important impact on ICTY sentencing, and our results show that concern for female representation in international organizations is appropriate and worthy of further study.

  May 31, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12290   open full text
• The CSI Effect, DNA Discourse, and Popular Crime Dramas*.
  Gayle Rhineberger‐Dunn, Steven J. Briggs, Nicole E. Rader.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 31, 2016
  Objectives Missing from the literature is an assessment of how forensic evidence, particularly DNA evidence, is portrayed across several fictional crime dramas, rather than just one drama, namely, CSI. The purpose of this article is to explore how DNA evidence is presented in four fictional crime dramas, the context in which it is discussed, and the impact DNA has on case clearance in these fictional dramas. Methods We drew a systematic sample by taking every fourth episode within each of four crime shows: CSI (Las Vegas), Law & Order: SVU, Criminal Minds, and Without a Trace. Transcripts were created for the 117 included episodes. We used both qualitative and quantitative content analyses to analyze the discourse of DNA within these crime drama episodes. Results Our results indicate that police and forensic dramas both contain frequent references to DNA, while FBI dramas rarely discuss DNA, at least in any meaningful context. Additionally, DNA is not used to solve a majority of fictional victimizations in these dramas. Conclusions These results also provide context for future research on the CSI effect, particularly in terms of measuring crime show viewership variables.

  May 31, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12289   open full text
• Nostalgia Isn't What it Used to Be: Partisan Polarization in Views on the Past*.
  Matthew V. Hibbing, Matthew Hayes, Raman Deol.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 30, 2016
  Objective In this article, we seek to extend our understanding of the partisan lenses through which Americans view politics by investigating if there is partisan polarization in views of the past. Current political issues are frequently contextualized with references to the past. Despite these frequent evocations of the past, public opinion scholars’ knowledge of how citizens view earlier eras is incomplete. Methods We evaluate competing explanations of the effect of the past on present political attitudes: generational effects, partisanship, and ideology. To do this, we administered a novel battery of questions to a nationally representative sample drawn from the 2012 Cooperative Campaign Analysis Project. Results The data show evidence of generational effects, but also of partisanship in the case of opinions of governmental performance, and of ideology in the case of evaluations of culture and quality of life. Conclusion This study suggests that Americans are divided not just in their views of the present, but also in their views on the past. To the extent that peoples’ evaluations are shaped by how well government is performing relative to some past era of good performance, polarization in views of the past could have long‐lasting effects on how Americans evaluate the government.

  May 30, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12298   open full text
• Incentive or Selection? A New Investigation of Local Leaders’ Political Turnover in China*.
  Jie Chen, Danglun Luo, Guoman She, Qianwei Ying.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 28, 2016
  Objectives This article aims to investigate how local leaders’ promotion is governed by the central state's concerns of maintaining political legitimacy in China. Methods We offer a theoretical framework regarding how to understand the statistical association between economic performance and local leaders’ promotion in China. The empirical work is based on Probit models that were applied on a panel of data covering local leaders of 335 cities between 1999 and 2009. Results Our research confirms that a better record of relative local economic growth significantly boosts the promotion probability of the city‐level party secretary. However, the importance of economic work will significantly decrease if the cadres have strong open signals of their competence. Conclusions The findings in this article suggest that there exists a performance‐based screening scheme for selecting political elites in China. Portraying the positive image of political elites by the “tags” of their capacity in fostering economic development helps to boost both regime legitimacy and political authoritativeness in the Chinese‐style authoritative political regime.

  May 28, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12280   open full text
• Juxtaposing the Black and White Gender Gap: Race and Gender Differentiation in College Enrollment Predictors.
  Tomeka Davis, Bobette Otto.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 22, 2016
  Objective This research examines the factors influencing the reverse gender gap in college enrollment between Black men and women and compares them to the factors affecting the gender gap between Whites. Methods We use data from the National Educational Longitudinal Study (NELS) and logistic regression to address our research questions. Findings The results reveal that Black male students fare worse than all other race‐gender groups on virtually all predictors of college enrollment. The strongest determinant of the Black gender gap proved to be the lower academic performance of Black male students. In addition, our results support the hypothesis that returns on academic, social, and family economic characteristics differ along race and gender lines, though the strongest differences in returns appear to be between racial groups rather than between men and women of the same race. Blacks benefit less from higher GPAs, positive peer influences, and parental economic resources than Whites, though Black women benefit least from positive peer influences than any other race‐gender group. Conclusions In order to improve rates of college enrollment among Black males, policymakers should develop strategies to improve their academic performance. However, policymakers must also recognize that academic performance offers less payoff for Black students and must therefore find ways to equalize these returns for them.

  May 22, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12287   open full text
• What's Trust Got to Do With It? The Effects of In‐Group and Out‐Group Trust on Conventional and Unconventional Political Participation*.
  Markus M. L. Crepaz, Karen Bodnaruk Jazayeri, Jonathan Polk.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 03, 2016
  Objective This article explores whether there is a systematic variation in conventional and unconventional political participation as a function of in‐group versus out‐group trust. We postulate that the narrower the moral community is, the more political participation is restricted to conventional activity that is perceived as an obligation, as a political act to be fulfilled, something akin to citizenship duty. However, individuals with high levels of out‐group trust—trust in people who are different or unknown—are more likely to participate in unconventional political activities that are public in nature and transcend concepts of duty, citizenship, or nation. Methods To obtain measures of in‐group and out‐group trust, we rely on various items in the fifth wave of the World Values Survey. Applying confirmatory factor analysis yields two separate forms of trust, which become our central predictor variables in addition to other, theoretically‐derived independent variables. We employ logistic regression with country cluster robust standard errors. Results and Conclusion The results support our central assertions, even when controlling for the standard measure of generalized trust and a number of other factors. Individuals with higher in‐group trust report having voted at higher levels than individuals with lower in‐group trust. Individuals with higher levels of out‐group trust, however, participate more actively in nonconventional political activity. Surprisingly, the presence of out‐group trust has a slightly negative impact on voting. Our findings further emphasize the importance of differentiating between types of interpersonal trust, and answer recent calls for empirical research on the impact of forms of trust on political behavior.

  May 03, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12271   open full text
• Income Poverty and Multiple Deprivations in a High‐Income Country: The Case of the United States*.
  Sophie Mitra, Debra L. Brucker.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 22, 2016
  Objectives The objective of this study is to develop a measure of multiple deprivations for the United States that is similar to those used on the international stage as multidimensional poverty. The latter is understood broadly as a deprivation of well‐being across multiple dimensions rather than purely as a lack of income or other financial resources. Methods Using Current Population Survey and American Community Survey data, this study develops a measure of the joint distribution of multiple deprivations in the United States, in other words, a measure of the extent to which different deprivations are experienced by the same individuals. Results The experience of multiple deprivations affects 15 percent of Americans. An estimated 17.1 million Americans, 5.5 percent of the population, experience multiple deprivations while they are not income poor. The odds of experiencing multiple deprivations are significantly higher for Hispanics, immigrants, and persons with disabilities. Conclusions Income poverty is not a reliable proxy to measure multiple deprivations. Further measurement efforts are needed on overlapping multiple deprivations in the United States as such measures can be used in policy evaluation and monitoring.

  April 22, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12291   open full text
• Mixed‐Status Families and WIC Uptake: The Effects of Risk of Deportation on Program Use*.
  Edward D. Vargas, Maureen A. Pirog.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 21, 2016
  Objective Develop and test measures of risk of deportation and mixed‐status families on women, infants, and children (WIC) uptake. Mixed‐status is a situation in which some family members are U.S. citizens and other family members are in the United States without proper authorization. Methods Estimate a series of logistic regressions to estimate WIC uptake by merging data from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Survey with deportation data from U.S. Immigration Customs and Enforcement. Results The findings of this study suggest that risk of deportation is negatively associated with WIC uptake and among mixed‐status families; Mexican‐origin families are the most sensitive when it comes to deportations and program use. Conclusion Our analysis provides a typology and framework to study mixed‐status families and evaluate their usage of social services by including an innovative measure of risk of deportation.

  April 21, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12286   open full text
• Following the Crowd or Thinking Outside of the Box? Saliency and Issue Consistency*.
  Andrew D. Garner, Harvey D. Palmer.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 20, 2016
  Objective This article examines the distinction between group‐based issue opinion formation (what we term “following the crowd”) and idiosyncratic or nongroup‐based formation (what we term “thinking outside of the box”). The argument put forth is that issue saliency can lead citizens to think about issues in nongroup‐based terms. Method We use heteroskedastic regression to measure the degree to which group‐based variables explain issue opinions. Using group variables (demographics, party identification, etc.) to estimate respondents' issue responses means that nongroup variation is soaked up by the error term. Results We find that citizens who view an issue as highly salient are more likely to “think outside the box,” while citizens who view an issue as less salient are more likely to “follow the crowd” by defaulting to their group memberships and identifications. Conclusion Our results indicate that response variability (less consistency within groups) on issue opinions is not always the result of uncertain citizens, nonattitudes, or measurement error. In some situations, greater response variability can reflect a deliberative and policy‐based form of opinion formation.

  April 20, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12292   open full text
• Empirical Evidence and Determinants of Region‐Based Environmental Injustice in China: Does Environmental Public Service Level Make a Difference?
  Xiaojie Zhang, Ke Zhao, Edward T. Jennings.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 20, 2016
  Objective We examine empirical evidence of region‐based environmental injustice in China, and factors, especially environmental public service, that contribute to the distribution of environmental hazards among various Chinese regions. Methods We use variance analysis to assess the disparate distribution of environmental hazards, and then employ the expanded Stochastic Impacts by Regression on Population, Affluence, and Technology (STIRPAT) model to identify the determinants, using a panel data set of 26 provincial capital cities and four municipalities directly under Chinese central government over the period 2003–2010. Results and Conclusions Our findings confirm the presence of region‐based environmental injustice in China and demonstrate its annual improvement. We also find that environmental public service, economic development level, population size, and environmental protection technology are major impact factors. These findings not only support the environmental Kuznets curve assumption, but also help to advance the existing literature on environmental justice and the human‐environment relationship.

  April 20, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12288   open full text
• The Political Behavior of “Unhyphenated Americans”: An Individual‐Level Analysis of Causes and Consequences*.
  Benjamin R. Knoll.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 20, 2016
  Objectives This analysis seeks to assess the findings of previous research that “unhyphenated Americans” have distinct voting patterns. This analysis also provides an empirical test for various hypotheses about the determinants of unhyphenated self‐identification that have previously been advanced, but not definitely tested, by scholars. Methods Multivariate quantitative analysis of a nationally representative public opinion survey fielded in 2015. Results The results of previous research are not confirmed. Unhyphenated Americans are no more or less likely to vote for either Obama in 2012 or Democratic congressional candidates in 2014 once important demographic and political control variables are accounted for. Also, contrary to most previous research, unhyphenated self‐identification is driven to a large extent by race‐related factors. Conclusion Unhyphenated Americans appear to have distinct political voting patterns at the aggregate level, but this pattern disappears at the individual level of analysis. Further research is called for to better understand the behavior of unhyphenated Americans.

  April 20, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12285   open full text
• Reappraising and Extending the Predictors of States’ Immigrant Policies: Industry Influences and the Moderating Effect of Political Ideology*.
  Margaret M. Commins, Jeremiah B. Wills.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 20, 2016
  Objective We examined how the preferences of firms in immigrant‐heavy industries influence the enactment of immigration policies by states and considered whether political ideology, serving as an interpretive lens for such preferences, moderates the effects of industry influences. Existing hypotheses about immigrant policy predictors were also reevaluated. Method We coded all immigration bills enacted for years 2005–2012 and fit multilevel, mixed models to predict state‐year counts of beneficial and restrictive policies. Results Models showed that increases in GDP and employment within the accommodations industry predicted more beneficial immigrant policies within states. The effect of construction industry variables was conditional on state residents’ political ideology. There was mixed support for extant racial and economic threat and political climate hypotheses. Conclusion Firms in sectors heavily dependent on immigrant labor influence state‐level immigrant policy. Some of these effects are direct, and some are moderated by state residents’ political beliefs.

  April 20, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12283   open full text
• Does Ideology Matter?*.
  Peter Hays Gries.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 20, 2016
  Objective This study revisits the idea that the American public is moderate or nonideological. In this longstanding view, only informed elites maintain consistent ideologies that constrain their political attitudes and behaviors; the mass public is driven instead by partisan identities that they are socialized into. The study explores whether the public's liberal‐to‐conservative self‐placement is temporally stable, and whether it is predictive of political attitudes when pit against partisanship. Methods The study examines data from the 2010 American National Election Survey and the 2008–2012 General Social Survey longitudinal panel. Results The American public today maintains coherent and consistent ideologies that systematically divide them in their sociopolitical attitudes and policy preferences. Conclusion While partisanship is a powerful top‐down driver of the American public's attitudes and policy preferences toward overtly partisan issues and behaviors like Obamacare and voting, on broader sociopolitical issues like abortion, ideology is a powerful bottom‐up driver of attitudes.

  April 20, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12276   open full text
• Dynamics of Urban Informal Labor Supply in the United States*.
  Samara R. Gunter.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 15, 2016
  Objective This study provides the first panel data estimates of informal work in the United States and explores relationships between informal‐ and regular‐sector participation among urban parents of young children. Methods I examine determinants of informal‐sector participation in five waves of data from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study using probit, pooled Tobit, and fixed‐effects OLS models. Results Approximately 53 percent of urban fathers and 32 percent of urban mothers with young children pursue informal work over a nine‐year period. Informal work most often occurs in conjunction with regular work. Workers who work in both sectors in the same year are more likely to be nonminority race, higher education (mothers only), own credit cards, and work in skilled white‐ or blue‐collar occupations. Workers who ever participate in only the informal sector are more likely to be younger, to have health limitations, and to have never worked in the regular sector. Informal participation spells are shorter than regular‐sector participation spells and are associated with changes in regular‐sector participation and occupation but not most other life events. Conclusion Consistent with past work, informal work among parents of young children is widespread across socioeconomic groups. Transitions in and out of the informal sector are strongly related to changes in regular‐sector employment and occupation. The results suggest that regular‐sector participation provides access to informal work opportunities.

  April 15, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12284   open full text
• Dropping Highly Collinear Variables from a Model: Why it Typically is Not a Good Idea*.
  Robert M. O'Brien.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 14, 2016
  Objective To change the common practice of eliminating independent variables from models because they produce multicollinearity in an independent variable of special interest. Methods I supplement my presentation, which is based on the purposes of regression analysis, by using Venn diagrams, simple formulas, and two small simulations. Results Independent variables that when removed from a model substantially change the statistics associated with the independent variable(s) of most interest are variables that should typically be kept in the model. Multicollinearity is not a sufficient reason to drop variables from a model. Conclusion I argue against the routine dropping of variables that cause multicollinearity in an independent variable of interest from regression models. A more important criterion to consider when contemplating dropping a variable from a model is “model influence.”

  April 14, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12273   open full text
• Democracy and Football*.
  Ignacio Lago, Carlos Lago‐Peñas, Santiago Lago‐Peñas.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 13, 2016
  Objectives This article relies on data from two samples of 47 and 49 European countries from 1950 through 2011 and 1,980 and 1,960 football domestic leagues, respectively, to explore to what extent political regimes affect the competitive balance in domestic football (soccer) leagues. Methods We run OLS cross‐sectional regressions comparing democracies and nondemocracies and pooled cross‐sectional time‐series analyses conducted on the 13 countries that have experienced a transition to democracy after 1950. Results We find that the percentage of league competitions won by the most successful club in the country is substantially lower in democracies than in nondemocracies. Democratic transitions trigger pressures to increase the competitive balance in football leagues. Conclusions The link between nondemocracies and specific teams breaks when a country experiences a transition to democracy and the economic liberalization that takes place in transitions to democracy disperses resources and generates competition among descending and ascending teams.

  April 13, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12281   open full text
• Getting Short‐Changed? The Impact of Outside Money on District Representation*.
  Anne E. Baker.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 13, 2016
  Objective As incumbent House members increasingly recruit campaign contributions from individuals who reside outside of their districts, this raises the question of whether a dependency on outside money affects members’ responsiveness and ideological proximity to district constituents. Method Using data from the Cooperative Congressional Election Studies of 2006, 2008, and 2010 as well as individual contribution data corresponding to those years from the U.S. Federal Election Commission, I examine this relationship using responsiveness and proximity models of representation. Results I find a dependency on outside contributions decreases members’ responsiveness to their districts and increases the members’ ideological extremity. Moreover, within‐district contributions only minimally improve ideological alignment between the member and the district. Conclusion Donors receive additional representation from members of the House at the expense of constituents.

  April 13, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12279   open full text
• The Complexity of Covering: The Religious, Social, and Political Dynamics of Islamic Practice in the United States*.
  Aubrey Westfall, Bozena Welborne, Sarah Tobin, Özge Çelik Russell.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 13, 2016
  Objective Mainstream American perception often views Islamic headcovering as a controversial practice indicative of gender repression and norms violating individual rights. Practicing Muslims counter that headcovering expresses piety, modesty, and protection. Recent scholarship affirms the complexity of the practice, and reveals that the motivations behind donning the headscarf span the religious, social, and political realms for Muslim women. Methods We explore the motivations for the practice among American Muslims, examining the way religious, social, and political life interact and reinforce one another, using data from an online survey of 1,847 Muslim‐American women from 49 states. Results Our findings demonstrate that religiosity is not a monolithic factor, and religious practices interact with and enforce headcovering in complex ways. We illustrate that conventionally understood indicators of Islamic religiosity align along three dimensions: religious lifestyle, religious abstinence, and religious socialization. Elements of a religious lifestyle, such as praying and attending mosque as well as fostering connections with Islamic social networks, are more strongly associated with covering than practices related to abstinence or socialization. Conclusions Ultimately, our research demonstrates a more nuanced understanding of how different aspects of Muslim religiosity condition covering among Muslim‐American women.

  April 13, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12278   open full text
• Ideological Consistency, Political Information and Elite–Mass Congruence*.
  Joan Barceló.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 13, 2016
  Objective The literature considers the importance of political sophistication for controlling political elites, although it disregards the role of ideological consistency. The objective of this article is to gain insight into the role of citizens’ ideological consistency as either an impairment to citizens’ ability or an effective tool in bringing about elite–mass congruence. Methods Combining data from the European Social Survey (ESS) and the Comparative Manifesto Project (CMP) for 29 European countries, I implement an empirical strategy to disentangle the top‐down and bottom‐up processes of mutual influence between elites and citizens. Results Consistent with the enabling (as opposed to the impairing) conception of ideological consistency, ideological consistency closes, rather than increases, the gap between the elites and the masses. Also, bottom‐up models dominate top‐down models regardless of electorates’ ideological consistency and information. Conclusion Empirical findings challenge the literature about the causal effect of political ignorance on the autonomy of political elites, and they urge for the inclusion of ideological consistency as a crucial factor for a better understanding of the positional gaps between the elites and the masses.

  April 13, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12282   open full text
• Voter Competence with Cumulative Voting*.
  David C. Kimball, Martha Kropf.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 13, 2016
  Objective This article evaluates the voting experience in the first election using cumulative voting for the Board of Trustees in Port Chester, New York. A growing number of local jurisdictions in the United States are using cumulative voting for multimember elections. While the Port Chester election included some other new features in addition to cumulative voting, the village implemented an extensive voter education program to prepare voters and candidates for the election. Methods We conducted an exit poll of 1,946 Port Chester voters in June 2010, more than half of the voters in the local election. We used a variety of survey questions to measure voting experience and voting behavior. We also examined election returns for Port Chester, including the 2010 and 2013 elections using cumulative voting. Results We find that the voter education program helped inform residents about casting a ballot with cumulative voting. Port Chester voters, and Hispanic voters in particular, reported a positive experience in the 2010 election. A large majority of voters also indicated that they understood cumulative voting and cast all of the votes allotted to them. Finally, we find evidence of strategic use of cumulative voting in order to help elect a candidate of one's choice. Conclusions Our results indicate that voters are capable of effectively participating in elections with cumulative voting. Communities that are weighing the adoption of cumulative voting for local elections should also be prepared to implement a parallel voter education effort.

  April 13, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12277   open full text
• Foreign Aid and Inclusive Development: Updated Evidence from Africa, 2005–2012*.
  Simplice A. Asongu, Jacinta C. Nwachukwu.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 13, 2016
  Objective Motivated by the April 2015 World Bank Publication on MDGs, which reveals that poverty has been declining in all regions of the world with the exception of African countries, this study investigates the effects of a plethora of foreign aid dynamics on inequality‐adjusted human development. Methods Contemporary and noncontemporary OLS, fixed effects, and a system GMM technique with forward orthogonal deviations are employed. The empirical evidence is based on an updated sample of 53 African countries for the period 2005–2012. Results The following findings are established. First, the impacts of aid dynamics with high degrees of substitution are positive. These include aid for: social infrastructure, economic infrastructure, the productive sector, and multisectors. Second, the effect of humanitarian assistance is consistently negative across specifications and models. Third, the effects of program assistance and action on debt are ambiguous because they become positive with the GMM technique. Conclusions Justifications for these changes and clarifications with respect to existing literature are provided. Policy implications are discussed in light of the post‐2015 development agenda. We also provide some recommendations for a rethinking of theories and models on which development assistance is based.

  April 13, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12275   open full text
• Income Inequality and Urban Vulnerability to Flood Hazard in Brazil*.
  Rebecca Rasch.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 13, 2016
  Objective Income inequality scholars suggest that extreme income inequality leads to spatial segregation, political power concentrated in the high‐income (elite) class, and thus, uneven public resource access. This work argues that income inequality may also predict higher levels of vulnerability of urban municipalities to climate‐related hazards. Method Using factor analysis and multilevel regression models, this research tests whether income inequality is a predictor of vulnerability to flood hazards. Results The analysis shows that income inequality significantly predicts higher levels of a key component of vulnerability in urban Brazilian municipalities. Conclusion By providing empirical evidence for the theorized linkages between income inequality, spatial segregation, and uneven public resource access, this work bolsters the claims of income inequality scholars who suggest high levels of income inequality have negative social consequences. Additionally, this work is relevant to climate change vulnerability scholars as it underscores the importance of considering income inequality as part of urban climate change vulnerability assessments.

  April 13, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12274   open full text
• Gender and the Digital Divide in Latin America*.
  Tricia J. Gray, Jason Gainous, Kevin M. Wagner.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 13, 2016
  Objectives We analyze differences in how men and women in Latin American countries are utilizing the Internet to identify a possible regional gendered digital divide in Internet use. The extent, degree, and implications of this gender digital divide are explored across countries with varying degrees of digital freedom. Methods We employ a series of random‐ and fixed‐effects models utilizing individual‐level data from the 2010 Latin Barometer merged with country‐level data obtained from the U.N. Gender Inequality Index. Results Our results suggest that, in general, Latin American men tend to use the Internet more than women. Men also use more social media and gather political information more frequently. In addition, Internet use is higher across these categories in countries with more gender equality. Conclusion The potential for the Internet to serve as a social and political equalizing force in Latin America is stymied in part by the gendered digital divide.

  April 13, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12270   open full text
• When the Smoke Clears: Focusing Events, Issue Definition, Strategic Framing, and the Politics of Gun Control*.
  Anthony K. Fleming, Paul E. Rutledge, Gregory C. Dixon, J. Salvador Peralta.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 13, 2016
  Objective This article explores the strategic nature of framing following a focusing event. We argue that focusing events serve as catalysts for bill introductions along three particular causal stories prevalent in gun control policy: restrictive, punitive, and lenient. Methods We employ a negative binomial regression model to investigate the effect firearm focusing events have on restrictive, lenient, and punitive bills introduced in both the House and the Senate. Results Focusing events lead to an increase in restrictive, punitive, and lenient bills introduced in the House. In the Senate, however, focusing events lead to an increase in the number of punitive and lenient bills, while having no significant impact on the number of restrictive bills. Conclusion This represents an increase in attention to gun control policy regardless of the causal story.

  April 13, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12269   open full text
• Conservative Protestantism and Anti‐Evolution Curricular Challenges Across States.
  David R. Johnson, Christopher P. Scheitle, Elaine Howard Ecklund.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 12, 2016
  Objective Drawing on a symbolic politics perspective, we analyze state‐level “anti‐evolution” legislative attempts between 2000 and 2012 to alter science curricula in the United States. Method We use structural equation modeling to examine whether interest groups, public opinion, government political climate, and science and engineering workforces mediate influence of the religious composition of a state on anti‐evolution legislation. Results State conservative Protestant adherence does influence anti‐evolution legislation efforts indirectly by increasing the influence of conservative Protestants in state GOP bodies. While a state's conservative Protestant adherence rate does increase anti‐evolution public opinion and the likelihood of anti‐evolution organizations being active in the state, these do not increase the likelihood of anti‐evolution legislation being considered by state governments. Conclusion The results suggest that anti‐evolution legislation activity is a ceremonial act on the part of politicians, which legitimates the values of conservative Protestants and generates political support.

  April 12, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12267   open full text
• The Environmental Revolution and the Supreme Court of Canada: Empirical Analysis of Postmaterialist Value Change Across Four Decades*.
  Matthew E. Wetstein, C. L. Ostberg.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 12, 2016
  Objective This study examines Ronald Inglehart's theory of value change in the Supreme Court of Canada. The theory has received little attention in the public law literature, yet its central tenet suggests that intergenerational value change might influence the way that Supreme Court justices decide cases over time. Method Using a socio‐attitudinal model of judicial behavior, the study analyzes all environmental decisions between 1973 and 2010. Case outcomes are coded as either pro‐environmental (1) or anti‐environmental (0). Logistic regression analysis examines whether Court tenures, case facts, and judge‐level variables have a significant impact on predicting a postmaterialist outcome. Results We find evidence of postmaterialist, pro‐environmental value change, with more contemporary justices exhibiting pro‐environmental positions, even in the face of rival variables. Conclusion Our results suggest that intergenerational value change has influenced decision making in Canadian environmental cases over the last 40 years, and indicate the theory may have relevance for explaining other high court change over time in a postmaterialist direction.

  April 12, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12272   open full text
• Colored Revolutions, Interpersonal Trust, and Confidence in Institutions: The Consequences of Mass Uprisings*.
  John Ishiyama, Anna Pechenina.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 30, 2016
  Objective Recent upheavals in the Middle East raise a number of questions regarding the consequences of mass uprisings. We examine the impact that earlier peaceful revolutions had on interpersonal and institutional trust in the postcommunist world. Methods Data were collected from eight countries using two waves from the World Values Survey, three of which had experienced a colored revolt. The article uses mixed effects logit analysis and quasi‐experimental techniques. Results Levels of social trust are much less in countries where a colored revolution occurred than in countries that had not experienced such an uprising. However, confidence in political institutions increased in contrast to countries that had not experienced an uprising. Conclusion The level of interpersonal trust is not necessarily connected to the level of institutional trust. The decline in interpersonal trust in post‐colored‐revolution societies does not bode well for the development of democracy after mass upheaval.

  March 30, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12264   open full text
• Politics on the Pitch: The Impact Political Regimes Have on FIFA World Cup Success at Younger and Senior Levels.
  Luis F. Jiménez.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 29, 2016
  Objective This study explores the impact that regime type has on the success of men's national teams in the FIFA World Cup. Methods The article uses data for all World Cups between 1930 and 2010, as well as data for all qualification campaigns between 1970 and 2010. It employs an ordinary least squares (OLS) model to ascertain statistical correlations. Results I find that democracies have higher winning percentages at senior levels both during the actual World Cup and during the respective qualification campaigns. The opposite trend is found at the younger levels where authoritarian regimes are more likely to find success on the pitch during and after qualification. Conclusions Regime type seems to play a role in the success of national teams. The article argues that this is because while authoritarian regimes can cobble together enough raw talent at the younger levels, this advantage disappears at later stages because democracies are more likely to develop the necessary additional ingredients that can allow professional soccer to thrive—competitive leagues, innovative tactics, and further development of natural abilities.

  March 29, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12268   open full text
• Marginal Utility and the Theory of Relative Advantage: The Case of Alabama*.
  Joseph A. Aistrup.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 29, 2016
  Objective Using the “theory of relative advantage” (Hood, Kidd, and Morris, 2012), this study tests a number of hypotheses focusing on the short‐ and long‐term influences of Governor George Wallace on the partisan voting alignment of Alabama counties at the presidential and gubernatorial levels. Methods The analysis uses county‐level vote shares data for president and governor from 1952 to 2012 in a confirmatory factor analysis to model party alignments among counties within a state and to identify the sequence and timing of party realignments (Aistrup, 2012). Results We find that Wallace's presidential county voting patterns in 1968 deviated significantly from Alabama's New Deal structure of partisan competition, and that the structured partisan competition associated with Reagan's election in 1980 follows the same patterns initiated by Wallace in 1968. However, Wallace's New Right alignment at the gubernatorial level does not emerge until the controversial 1986 gubernatorial election. There is a marginal utility function modeled as a curvilinear relationship between black voter mobilization and the change in the Republican bias between the New Deal and the New Right alignment. Conclusions The theory of relative advantage provides a strong theoretical platform for understanding how the political cues provided by Wallace affected the timing and sequence of changes in the structure of partisan competition among Alabama counties at the presidential and gubernatorial levels.

  March 29, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12265   open full text
• Latino Attitudes About Surrogate Representation in the United States*.
  Deborah J. Schildkraut.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 27, 2016
  Objective Determine the effects of linked fate, group identification, perceptions of discrimination, and acculturation on Latino attitudes about surrogate representation, which occurs when elected officials represent people outside of their electoral constituency. Methods Analysis of public opinion data to determine whether Latinos feel that Latino‐elected officials from other states represent them and assess which Latinos are more or less likely to feel this way. Results Linked fate and identifying primarily with one's national origin group, instead of as an American, enhance the perception of surrogate representation. Less‐acculturated Latinos are also more likely to look to surrogates for representation. Perceiving that one has been a victim of discrimination, on the other hand, alienates Latinos from co‐ethnic representatives, making them less likely to feel represented by surrogates. Conclusion Many Latinos without descriptive representation still feel represented via surrogates, but high rates of perceptions of discrimination are a cause for concern.

  March 27, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12266   open full text
• The Determinants of International Football Success: A Panel Data Analysis of the Elo Rating*.
  Roberto Gásquez, Vicente Royuela.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 14, 2016
  Objectives This article investigates the determinants of football1 success at the international level. We introduce three innovations as (a) we apply the model developed by Bernard and Busse (2004) to football, (b) we consider a wide panel of countries over a 33‐year period, and (c) we supplement FIFA's classification with the Elo rating system. Methods We estimate a dynamic panel model using Blundell and Bond's (1998) system‐generalized method of moments (GMM) estimator. Results The results are robust to several sensitivity analyses, showing that economics, demographics, weather, geography, and football institutions are good indicators of football success at the international level. Besides, the Elo rating is a better alternative indicator than the FIFA ranking. Conclusions The Elo rating may be used in the academic works that wish to analyze football success over a long period of time.

  March 14, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12262   open full text
• Genetic Attributions, Immutability, and Stereotypical Judgments: An Analysis of Homosexuality*.
  Mark R. Joslyn, Donald P. Haider‐Markel.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 09, 2016
  Objectives Individuals employ causal reasoning to explain the world around them, including political events, group behavior, and conditions in society. People may attribute causes of behavior to controllable components, such as individual choices, or uncontrollable elements, such as broader forces in the environment. To this, we add biological or genetic attributions that have received increasing attention. Broadly, we argue that people's understanding about genetics as a cause for group behavior influences perceptions of immutability and stereotypical judgments about groups. Methods Making use of individual‐level data from three national surveys of American adults, we examine causal beliefs about the origins of homosexuality. Specifically, we assess the impact of genetic attributions on judgments about whether a gay or lesbian person's sexual orientation can or cannot be changed. We also examine the association between genetic attributions and several stereotypic judgments about gays and lesbians. Results We find that genetic attributions strongly shape perceptions of immutability as well as stereotypic judgments about gays and lesbians. Conclusions Implications of our findings for attribution theory and the attitudinal changes that follow from the public's understanding of genetics and its impact on sexual orientation are discussed.

  March 09, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12263   open full text
• Linked Fate and Latino Attitudes Regarding Health‐Care Reform Policy*.
  Gabriel R. Sanchez, Jillian Medeiros.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 09, 2016
  Objective Despite the Latino electorate's increased political importance and their prominence among the uninsured population, there has been relatively little research focused on Latinos’ political attitudes, particularly in the substantively important area of health policy. We examine the foundations of Latino registered voters support for universal healthcare with a particular focus on the relationship between linked fate (a form of group identity) and support for expansion of health coverage to a wider segment of the population. We theorize that the obstacles to healthcare and health coverage the Latino community faces makes health policy a Latino‐salient policy area where group identity becomes relevant. Methods We use the Latino Decisions “100 Days” 2009 survey of Latino registered voters for our analysis, an ideal data set that provides a measure of linked fate, support for universal healthcare, and several key control variables. Results Our findings show that linked fate is a significant predictor of Latino registered voters' support for expansion of health‐care coverage, suggesting that healthcare is a salient policy for the Latino community. Conclusions Despite being a tremendously diverse population, our results suggest that Latino policy preferences can be influenced by an underlying sense of group identity when the policy area cues ethnic identity.

  March 09, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12241   open full text
• Immigration Status and the Healthcare Access and Health of Children of Immigrants*.
  Julia Gelatt.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 09, 2016
  Objective In this article, I examine how children's and parents’ immigration status (U.S. born, legal immigrant, or undocumented) is associated with children's access to insurance and healthcare and with children's physical health. Methods I use the first wave of the Los Angeles Family and Neighborhood Survey, which is representative of Los Angeles County in 2000–2001, to analyze data on parents' and children's immigration status, children's health insurance coverage, children's healthcare utilization, and children's health, using logistic and ordered logistic regression models. Results I find that undocumented immigrant children face severely constrained access to health insurance and a usual source of healthcare, while children with foreign‐born parents have lower global health status than children with U.S.‐born parents. Children with undocumented parents may have less access to a doctor diagnosis for common childhood ailments. Conclusion These results show that without being eligible for public insurance, many undocumented children lack health insurance and a usual healthcare provider, even in a part of the country with substantial experience serving immigrant families.

  March 09, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12261   open full text
• The Health Penalty of the GED: Testing the Role of Noncognitive Skills, Health Behaviors, and Economic Factors*.
  Anna Zajacova, Jennifer Karas Montez.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 01, 2016
  Objectives The general educational development (GED) diploma is intended to be equivalent to a high school (HS) credential; however, recent evidence finds that GED recipients have worse health than HS graduates. This study aims to explain the health disadvantage, focusing on three domains: noncognitive skills, health behaviors, and economic factors. Methods We analyze data on 3,119 HS graduates and GED recipients in the NLSY79 who reported their health status at the age of 40. Logistic and ordinal regression models examine whether the three domains account for the GED health disadvantage. Results The GED health disadvantage was jointly explained by lower noncognitive skills, unhealthy behaviors, and adverse economic circumstances, with the latter being particularly important. Conclusions A multipronged approach may be necessary to reduce the GED health disadvantage, including improving noncognitive skills during K–12 education, expanding opportunities for employment and living wage for low‐skill workers, and continued focus on improving health behaviors.

  March 01, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12246   open full text
• Alignment of Educational and Occupational Expectations Influences on Young Adult Educational Attainment, Income, and Underemployment.
  Sarah Schmitt‐Wilson, Caitlin Faas.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 29, 2016
  Objective Educational and occupational ambitions are on the rise for adolescents in the United States and there is a national push for more postsecondary education. However, most young adults do not hold bachelor's degrees and many jobs do not require them. The objectives of this study were to focus on the need for aligned expectations and the longitudinal effect on educational attainment, personal income, and underemployment. Methods The methods used the National Education Longitudinal Study of 1988 (NELS:88) to examine how aligned expectations in 12th grade predict educational attainment, income, and underemployment at age 26. Results Results suggest aligned expectations in adolescence are predictive of educational attainment. Contrary to authors’ hypotheses, aligned expectations do not influence personal income or underemployment. Gender analyses revealed differences in the importance of aligned expectations. Conclusion In conclusion, the alignment process during high school will be important for future research focused on postsecondary educational goals.

  February 29, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12244   open full text
• Casting and Verifying Provisional Ballots in Florida*.
  Thessalia Merivaki, Daniel A. Smith.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 29, 2016
  Objective Some scholars report that the partisanship of local election administrators affects which voters will cast provisional ballots and which ballots will be rejected, raising serious questions about voting rights and the application of uniform election laws within the American states. Our goal is to demonstrate that casting a provisional ballot and rejecting a provisional ballot are separate processes, the discrete dynamics of which have not been adequately assessed empirically. Methods Drawing on a county‐level data set spanning three general elections in the battleground state of Florida, we look beyond the partisanship of local elections administrators, focusing instead on how voter registration issues in local election jurisdictions may condition both the casting and rejection of provisional ballots. Results Our findings suggest that voter registration maintenance issues in a county affect the number of provisional ballots cast and rejected. Most importantly, we find that counties with greater numbers of voters who register after the registration cutoff date prior to a general election (and who are thus ineligible to vote) tend to have greater numbers of provisional ballots cast and rejected. Conclusions Provisional ballots are the stepchildren of local election administration. Voters deemed by poll workers to be ineligible to vote a regular ballot are permitted to cast provisional ballots; these ballots are verified by local canvassing boards after the election results are tabulated and the unofficial winners declared. We find that the partisan leanings of local elections officials play a minimal role in the number of provisional ballots cast and rejected, which we hope will encourage scholars to scrutinize other local factors that might cause disparities in these votes of last resort.

  February 29, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12245   open full text
• Constituents' Responses to Descriptive and Substantive Representation in Congress*.
  Philip Edward Jones.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 29, 2016
  Objectives: This article examines whether the descriptive representation of race and ethnicity influences how constituents respond to the substantive representation of their policy preferences. Hypotheses derived from theories of descriptive representation suggest that voters may overestimate policy congruence, or downplay its importance, while evaluating politicians who “look like” them. Methods: A unique sample of black, Hispanic, and white Americans was asked to evaluate a (fictitious) member of the U.S. Congress whose race/ethnicity and policy positions are randomly manipulated. Results: Regardless of their actual policy positions, blacks perceived greater substantive representation from black politicians. Also holding policy congruence constant, whites approved of white politicians at distinctly higher rates. Education moderates this effect, such that less‐educated whites respond more negatively to representation by nonwhite legislators. Conclusions: Being represented by someone of the same race can diminish accountability for legislators' substantive records, an important cost of descriptive representation.

  February 29, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12243   open full text
• Democracy, Hybrid Regimes, and Infant Mortality: A Cross‐National Analysis of Sub‐Saharan African Nations.
  Katherine E. Wullert, John B. Williamson.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 29, 2016
  Objective There is an extensive literature analyzing the relationship between democracy and infant mortality; however, findings are mixed. Some studies find a significant inverse relationship, while others conclude that no such relationship exists. We seek to take the debate in a new direction, overlooked in prior research, by providing a theoretical rational for and empirical evidence of a quadratic relationship, in which countries with components of both autocracy and democracy have higher infant mortality. Methods We test lagged, cross‐sectional models on a sample of 47 Sub‐Saharan African nations. Results We find that a quadratic model better explains cross‐national variation in infant mortality than the linear alternative. Infant mortality tends to be higher in hybrid regimes, relative to both autocracies and democracies. Hybrids appear to be politically unstable, which may in part account for their greater infant mortality. Conclusion Hybrid regimes exist in precarious positions with detrimental consequences for population health.

  February 29, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12240   open full text
• Residential Racial Diversity: Are Transracial Adoptive Families More Like Multiracial or White Families?
  Rose M. Kreider, Elizabeth Raleigh.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 29, 2016
  Objective The purpose of this article is to examine whether and how the residential racial diversity of transracially adopted children (i.e., nonwhite children adopted by white parents) varies from those of biological children in white monoracial families and biological children in mixed‐race families. Method Using the restricted access 2009 American Community Survey, we take advantage of the large number of adoptive families not only to investigate differences among these families, but also to explore whether racial socialization within transracial adoptive families varies by the race and nativity of the child. Results We show that the context of racial socialization for transracially adopted children is more similar to that of white children in monoracial families than that of children in mixed race families. Conclusion This article adds a quantitative, nationally representative picture of the context of racial socialization for specific groups of transracially adopted children, complementing existing research published in this area.

  February 29, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12242   open full text
• Black Votes Count: The 2014 Republican Senate Nomination in Mississippi*.
  M. V. Hood, Seth C. McKee.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 29, 2016
  Objective This article examines the role of black votes in contributing to the renomination of 36‐year Republican Senator Thad Cochran of Mississippi. In 2014, Senator Cochran faced a formidable primary challenge from State Senator Chris McDaniel, a notably more conservative politician. After narrowly losing the primary, Cochran prevailed in the runoff because enough black voters decided to support him. Methods We use precinct‐level racial data to derive ecological inference estimates of turnout and then employ a racially homogenous precinct analysis to determine the percentage of the black and white vote won by Cochran and McDaniel. Results Our empirical analysis provides convincing evidence that if not for the increase in black voters in the runoff and their overwhelming support for Senator Cochran, his opponent would have ended his lengthy political career. Conclusions Race has always been the centerpiece of politics in the Deep South state of Mississippi. This is an empirical account of an unlikely electoral event that speaks to the importance of the changing state of southern politics and how a marginalized minority population can still play a pivotal role in a region dominated by a white Republican majority.

  February 29, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12239   open full text
• Electoral Consequences of Lawmaking Activities for State Legislative Incumbents*.
  Robert E. Hogan, Mileah K. Kromer, Rhonda L. Wrzenski.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 29, 2016
  Objective Do incumbent state legislators who introduce many bills or have high passage rates for their proposals receive an electoral benefit for these efforts? If so, where is such an electoral advantage manifested? Is it a direct effect whereby voters are more likely to recognize and reward a legislator's productivity? Or is the effect more indirect whereby potential candidates are less likely to challenge an active incumbent? Methods These questions are addressed in an analysis of legislative elections in 18 states over two election cycles. Results Within the low‐information environment of state legislative elections, there is evidence of both direct and indirect effects of lawmaking activities. Higher rates of bill passage decrease the likelihood that incumbents are challenged in primaries. Bill passage also reduces the likelihood they face well‐financed opponents in the general election. Incumbents who introduce more legislation ultimately receive larger vote shares in general elections. Conclusions Introducing and passing legislation can enhance an incumbent's prospects for reelection.

  February 29, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12238   open full text
• A Panel Regression Study on Multiple Predictors of Environmental Concern for 82 Countries Across Seven Years.
  Feng Hao.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 29, 2016
  Objective This article evaluates the extent to which economic affluence, ecological degradation, integration into the world polity, and economic globalization each contributes to the change in environmental concern in 82 countries across seven years. Method Using multivariate panel regression, I have analyzed a combined data set of four waves of World Values Surveys and three waves of surveys from the International Social Survey Program. Results Findings reveal that exposure to ecological degradation is positively related to growing environmental concern, whereas economic affluence has a negative association. In addition, integration into the world polity does not affect environmental concern and the two indicators of economic globalization have mixed impact. Conclusion This study demonstrates that potentially influential factors have different influence over public environmental concern. Thus, a parsimonious explanation is inadequate since there is no universalistic factor that can account for all variations in environmental concern.

  February 29, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12237   open full text
• The Effect of Personal Economic Values on Economic Policy Preferences*.
  Amanda Friesen, Matthew V. Hibbing.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 24, 2016
  Objectives Citizens often express that the government should be run like a business or household in the way that money is saved and spent, though individuals vary in their personal financial preferences and attitudes toward money. To explore the relationship between the personal and political, we draw upon research in psychology, economics, and consumer science on personal economic values, such as materialism and the importance of saving money. Methods Using a survey of 340 adults, we test connections between political ideology, the Big Five personality traits, and money conservation and material values. Results Our data suggest that values regarding personal money conservation are unrelated to economic policy attitudes like welfare spending and wealth redistribution, but the value individuals place on material items is predictive of these political preferences. Conclusion By showing the political significance of personal (and nonpolitical) materialism values, we contribute to a rapidly growing literature showing that political attitudes and behaviors are best understood in the context of the larger social world.

  February 24, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12236   open full text
• Studying the Determinants of Student‐Athlete Grade Point Average: The Roles of Identity, Context, and Academic Interests*.
  Kurt J. Beron, Alex R. Piquero.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 23, 2016
  Objective The relationship between academic achievement, especially grade point average (GPA), and college athletics is often focused on “big‐time” (National Collegiate Athletic Association Division I (NCAA DI)) colleges. This study examines athletic and academic identity correlates with student‐athlete (SA) GPA for not only DI but also DII and DIII SAs, separately by sex. Methods The GPAs of over 19,000 SAs across divisions are analyzed using OLS with covariates including athletic and academic indicators. The analysis pools SAs, separates by division, and separates by division and sex. Additional analyses were conducted for the revenue‐producing sports. Results SAs’ GPA is directly influenced by their athletic versus academic identity, the athletic context including the coach's influence, and the seriousness with which they view academics. Cross‐equation joint testing found no statistical differences in athletic or academic identity across division and sex. Conclusions Two beliefs are widely presumed: that DI SAs' focus on athletics more than SAs in the “less competitive” divisions leads them to worse academic outcomes, and that the athletic identity of male SAs has a greater impact on academic performance than female SAs. Our results provide no evidence for either presumption.

  February 23, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12235   open full text
• Do Frames Emphasizing Harm to Age and Racial‐Ethnic Groups Reduce Support for Voter ID Laws?*.
  David C. Wilson, Paul R. Brewer.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 26, 2016
  Objectives Research suggests that issue frames emphasizing how voter ID laws might harm eligible voters can influence opinions toward the laws. This study examines the effects of frames emphasizing harm to specific groups of eligible voters—namely, elderly, college‐aged, African‐American, and Hispanic voters—on public support for such laws. Methods We analyze data from question wording experiments included in two state polls. Results We replicate the finding that emphasizing the harmful effects of the laws on eligible voters reduces support. We also find that a frame emphasizing harm to African Americans produces an additional reduction in support. Emphasizing harm to other specific groups (the elderly, college‐aged, or Hispanics) does not produce discernible effects beyond the general framing effect. Within group analyses by race, age and political predispositions reveal additional patterns of effects. Conclusion The results suggest political communication about specific groups can shift public opinion for voter ID laws.

  January 26, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12234   open full text
• Terrorism‐Centric Behaviors and Adversarial Threat Awareness*.
  James L. Regens, Nick Mould, Carl J. Jensen, Melissa A. Graves.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 19, 2016
  This article estimates situational awareness in a diverse collection of police officers with respect to their individual ability to identify nine key behaviors that are indicative of terrorism activity. The selected group of police officers was drawn from state, county, and municipal law enforcement organizations. The terrorist‐centric behaviors were presented to the test group in multicomponent text‐based scenarios that emulate real‐world police events and respondents were instructed to rate each scenario component on an 11‐point Likert‐type suspicion scale. With the exception of terrorist fundraising, law enforcement personnel tended to view all of the terrorist‐centric activities and behaviors as at least “somewhat suspicious.” The activities that could also be associated with “conventional” criminality such as weapons acquisition received higher ratings than those activities more exclusively related to terrorism such as recruiting. We also noted statistically significant differences based on agency type, officers’ assignment (patrol or detective), experience, gender, agency size, and education. Race had no effect.

  January 19, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12233   open full text
• Revisiting Political Islam: Explaining the Nexus Between Political Islam and Contentious Politics in the Arab World*.
  Dilshod Achilov.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 16, 2016
  Objective This study (1) introduces a new framework to conceptualize and measure political Islam, and (2) examines the empirical nexus among Islamic religiosity, ideological support for political Islam (ISPI), and collective protests in the Arab Middle East. Methods Analyzing cross‐national attitudes in five Arab states, I conduct a principal component analysis to construct a new index to account for a variation in ISPI, and examine the effects thereof on participation in collective protests. Results The evidence shows that Islamic religiosity matters in challenging political elites via collective action. While politically moderate Muslims appear more likely to engage in nonviolent, collective political protests, political radicals seem less likely to do so. Conclusion The findings suggest that political ideology plays a central role in moderating the intricate relationship between Islam and collective political activism. The evidence also supports the resource mobilization thesis, among other factors, to explain the dynamics of collective action in the Arab world.

  January 16, 2016   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12232   open full text
• Exploring the Downside of Social Embeddedness: Evidence from a Cross‐National Study*.
  Harris Hyun‐soo Kim.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 25, 2015
  Objective The interdisciplinary literature on social capital has given relatively little attention to the potential downside of social embeddedness. Based on a cross‐national data set (International Social Survey Programme), this study examines how and to what extent social ties and organizational membership are associated with experiencing “too many demands” from close contacts. Methods Hierarchical general linear models are estimated to analyze the linkage between several social capital indicators and the precarious nature of being connected. Results Findings from multilevel analysis indicate that frequency of interaction with friends and relatives, as well as level of involvement in voluntary organizations, are significantly related to feeling burdened because of network‐mediated demands. Conclusion This study suggests that network ties may be viewed as a double‐edged sword. Interpersonal and organizational embeddedness not only produces benefits of social capital but also requires from individual members the necessary obligations and responsibilities associated with it.

  November 25, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12231   open full text
• Americans’ Value Preferences Pre‐ and Post‐9/11*.
  David J. Ciuk.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 13, 2015
  Objective This article examines the short‐ and long‐term effects of the attacks of 9/11 on Americans’ value preferences. Method Using data from 1994, 2002, and 2005, I estimate a rank‐ordered logit model where the dependent variable is respondents’ rank‐ordered preferences on four values central to American political culture. Results The short‐term effects of 9/11 are significant: Americans’ were willing to “trade” equality and economic security for social order. In the long term, these effects fade and value preferences swing back to pre‐9/11 levels. Conclusion These findings align nicely with a body of literature that suggests that traumatic public events induce feelings of panic and anxiety, thereby causing people to reorder their fundamental political cognitions. As these feelings fade, however, individuals’ fundamental political cognitions revert back toward normal.

  November 13, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12229   open full text
• Government Performance, Corruption, and Political Trust in East Asia*.
  Ching‐Hsing Wang.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 13, 2015
  Objective This study examines the effects of government performance and corruption on political trust in three East Asian democracies—Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan—using the empirical implications of theoretical models (EITM) framework. Methods I argue that political trust is a function of evaluation of government performance, perception of corruption, and their interaction, and provide an empirical test using the data from the Asian Barometer. Results Empirically, I find that assessment of government performance is positively associated with political trust, whereas perception of corruption is negatively related to political trust. Furthermore, evaluation of government performance interacts with perception of corruption to negatively influence political trust. Conclusions The findings demonstrate that the effects of evaluation of government performance and perception of corruption on political trust depend on the level of each other. Specifically, corruption can exacerbate the positive effect of government performance on political trust, but government performance cannot ameliorate the negative association between corruption and political trust. This study implies that in a democracy, the public expects its government to be not only competent but also ethical, and put more weight on ethics than on competence.

  November 13, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12223   open full text
• Gender Differences in Response to Setbacks: Evidence from Professional Tennis*.
  Lauren Banko, Eva Marikova Leeds, Michael A. Leeds.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 13, 2015
  Objective We inquire whether the glass ceiling stems in part from the fact that women are more discouraged by setbacks than men are, as suggested by economic and psychological experiments. We use data from professional tennis to test this hypothesis. Method We apply ordered probit, ordinary least squares, and binomial probit to data from the 2012 ATP and WTA tennis tours. Results Women are not more likely than men to lose in straight sets or to lose the second two sets. Women who lose in straight sets win fewer games in the second set than men do. Women who lose the second set are more likely than men to withdraw from the third set. Conclusion Women are not more likely to lose because of setbacks, but those who do tend to lose by wider margins than men. This suggests that the glass ceiling is not the result of women being more easily discouraged than men.

  November 13, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12230   open full text
• Moral Epistemology and Ideological Conflict in American Political Behavior*.
  Troy Gibson, Christopher Hare.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 13, 2015
  Objective The nature and extent of polarization in the American electorate remains fiercely disputed. This study investigates the depth of ideological and value cleavages in political behavior by examining the influence of adherence to three categories of moral epistemology: premodern (morality is absolute, and stems from the guidance of a supernatural source), modern (morality is absolute, and can be determined through scientific and rational means), and postmodern (morality is nonabsolute, and stems from the subjective values of individuals or groups). Methods Multiple correspondence analysis and multiple regression are used to analyze data from Pew's 2008 U.S. Religious Landscape Survey. Results Premodern adherence exerts a general rightward effect and postmodern adherence exerts a general leftward effect on political attitudes. Among politically attentive respondents, moral epistemology promotes ideological constraint across the economic, social, and foreign policy issue domains. Conclusion These findings indicate that ideological divisions in the American electorate are at least partly reflective of fundamental differences in beliefs about the nature and sources of moral knowledge.

  November 13, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12217   open full text
• Spouse's Religious Commitment and Marital Quality: Clarifying the Role of Gender*.
  Samuel L. Perry.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 10, 2015
  Objective Research on religion and marriage consistently finds a positive association between spousal religious commitment and more positive marital outcomes. But findings regarding the moderating influence of gender on this relationship have been mixed. This article clarifies whether returns to marital quality from having a devout spouse are greater for married women or men. Method Drawing on data from the nationally representative 2006 Portraits of American Life Study, and utilizing 12 different measures of marital quality, I estimate ordinary least squares (OLS) and logistic regression models to test my hypotheses. Results In analyses of the full sample, spouse's religious commitment generally predicts positive marital outcomes, net of controls for respondents’ gender as well as their religious and sociodemographic characteristics. However, when models are estimated for women and men separately, the returns to marital quality from having a religiously committed spouse are much stronger and more consistent for women than for men. Conclusions Findings suggest that, ceteris paribus, having a spouse who is more religious predicts positive marriage outcomes, but women benefit from having a religiously committed spouse more than men do. Possible explanations are discussed.

  November 10, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12224   open full text
• Bully Partisan or Partisan Bully?: Partisanship, Elite Polarization, and U.S. Presidential Communication*.
  Brian F. Harrison.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 10, 2015
  Objective The objective of the study was to investigate the impact of perceptions of elite polarization on presidential communication. Polarization among political elites has been a well‐studied aspect of political science scholarship. Party competition is seen as healthy for democracy; however, polarization often leads to gridlock and legislative inaction. There is ongoing debate about how elite polarization affects individual attitude formation, particularly in relation to important political institutions like the American presidency. Methods I conducted randomized laboratory experiments in which respondents read information about the state of partisanship in American politics, viewed videos of President Obama, and then answered questions about issues and presidential approval. Results The results show that when participants were primed to think about elite polarization as high, presidential communication yields job‐approval ratings, issue‐importance ratings, and issue stances closer to the party line, compared to participants primed to think elite polarization is low or when there was no prime at all. Conclusion The findings suggest that when primed to think about strong partisan disagreements, partisan identity overwhelms respondents, and makes them focus most on their partisan identity, regardless of content; without such a prime, respondents are more likely to consider the content of presidential communication. Perceptions of partisan acrimony can affect how partisans perceive important institutions like the presidency in terms of job approval and issue stance.

  November 10, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12219   open full text
• School Choice and the Branding of Milwaukee Private Schools*.
  Albert Cheng, Julie R. Trivitt, Patrick J. Wolf.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 10, 2015
  Objective Brands communicate information to consumers about a good or service. As school‐choice policies become more widespread and more parents are faced with the task of choosing a school for their child, schools may be branding themselves to differentiate themselves from other schools. This article seeks to determine whether schools possess name brands that influence the choices of parents. Methods We use multinomial logit to model the relationship between the educational preferences and the selection of schools for 2,600 parents participating in a large, urban private school voucher program. Results We find that parental choices are systematic. Parents who value particular school characteristics tend to choose schools with brands that espouse those characteristics. Conclusion These findings are consistent with the hypothesis that schools carry brands that communicate information to parents who then use the brands to help them select schools for their children.

  November 10, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12222   open full text
• An Experimental Study of the Impact of Social Comparison on Investment*.
  Gary A. Hoover, Erik O. Kimbrough.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 10, 2015
  Objectives With increasing attention being paid to inequality and poverty, this article attempts to shed light on mechanisms by which the poor arrive at decisions that are suboptimal and lead to “poverty traps.” Methods We design a laboratory experiment in which we induce wealth and income differences between subjects to compare their behavior in a simple, two‐period life‐cycle savings and consumption task that controls subjects’ homegrown risk preferences and isolates the impact of social comparison. Results We find evidence that social comparison leads to suboptimal investment choices among the income‐poor. Conclusions One interpretation is that this is driven by a discouragement effect among those who are less likely to benefit from their investments—despite that fact that, by design, investment by all types leads to the same increase in expected utility.

  November 10, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12228   open full text
• Wage Reimbursement and Minority Voter Turnout*.
  Joshua D. Hostetter.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 10, 2015
  Objective In this article, I estimate the conditional effect of racial minorities and women on the relationship between wage reimbursement laws and voter turnout. Scholars have found evidence that voting laws affect demographic segments of the population differently. However, scholars have not considered the theoretical implications of pay incentive structures for different minority groups. Methods Using pooled cross‐sectional survey data from the November Supplement Current Population Survey 1996–2012, I test whether paid time off to vote laws increase the likelihood of voting for racial and gender minorities. Results The findings indicate that women and Asian Americans are highly responsive to wage reimbursement, Hispanic Americans are relatively unresponsive, and blacks are highly unresponsive relative to whites. Conclusions Reimbursing minorities for wages lost while voting decreases the costs of voting and increases turnout for these racial and gender minority groups except for blacks. I suggest the long history of discrimination and mistreatment by economic and political institutions has led to a lower level of blacks willing to engage in wage reimbursement because of mistrust in the delivery system.

  November 10, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12220   open full text
• Globalization, Contact, and Religious Identity: A Cross‐National Analysis of Interreligious Favorability*.
  Sabri Ciftci, Muhammad Asif Nawaz, Tareq Sydiq.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 10, 2015
  Objectives This article examines cross‐national variation in interreligious favorability across the globe. We develop and test several hypotheses linking globalization to attitudes toward the religious other through mechanisms of religious belonging and contact. Methods Utilizing cross‐national data in 20 countries from the Pew Global Attitudes Surveys (2011), we run a series of multilevel and logistic regression estimations to test our hypotheses about global contact, religious identity, and interreligious favorability. Results We find that global contact has a positive effect on interreligious favorability, whereas holding religious identity increases negative sentiments toward religious outgroups. We also find that increased levels of globalization inhibit the negative impact of religious belonging and threat perceptions on favorable views of the religious other. Conclusion Although globalization increases the salience of religion as an exclusive identity category at the expense of decreased interreligious favorability, individuals become more conducive to interreligious tolerance thanks to frequent social contact at higher levels of globalization.

  November 10, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12221   open full text
• One Vote or Many Mexicos? Income, Heterogeneity, and the 2006–2012 Presidential Elections*.
  Jeronimo Cortina, Narayani Lasala‐Blanco.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 10, 2015
  Objective This article investigates the role of income and income heterogeneity on voters’ preferences for the conservative party. Methods Fitting a series of logistic regressions on exit poll data from the 2006 and 2012 Mexican presidential elections. Results We find that heterogeneity mediates the effect of income on the probability of voting for the conservative candidate. Conclusion In more heterogeneous places, rich voters are more likely to support the candidate on the right than their counterparts in more homogeneous places, while poorer voters are more likely to vote for Partido Accion Nacional in less heterogeneous places. In more heterogeneous states, voters are more likely to encounter members of other socioeconomic groups who prompt them to vote for the party that better represents their group's interests.

  November 10, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12216   open full text
• What Goes into a Medal: Women's Inclusion and Success at the Olympic Games*.
  Marcus Noland, Kevin Stahler.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 10, 2015
  Objective This article examines determinants of women's participation and performance in the Olympics. Methods The authors analyze total and sport‐specific data on female Olympic athletic participation and medaling at the Summer Games between 1960 and 2012, controlling for a number of country‐level socioeconomic variables. Results Olympic outcomes are generated by a complex process involving the socioeconomic status of women and, more weakly, societal attitudes. Medal performance is affected by large‐scale boycotts. But the historical record for women's medal achievement is utterly distorted by the doping program in the former East Germany. At its peak, the program was responsible for 17 percent of the medals awarded to women, equivalent to the medal hauls of the Soviet or American team in 1972. Conclusion Heightened success and performance for women at the Olympics is a reflection of environments more conductive to women's general success in education, the labor force, and society.

  November 10, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12210   open full text
• Presidential Campaign Spending and Correct Voting from 2000 to 2008.
  Matthew L. Bergbower, Scott D. McClurg, Thomas Holbrook.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 15, 2015
  Objective This study examines whether presidential campaigns help voters make informed choices on Election Day, or whether unique campaign contexts can actually hinder quality votes. We explore this question by relating the allocation of resources by presidential campaigns to a measure of correct voting (Lau and Redlawsk, 1997). Methods. We expect that when campaign messages become overwhelmingly one sided, the number of incorrect votes increases and test this through an assessment of campaign data and responses to the 2000, 2004, and 2008 American National Election Studies. Results. Our results reveal that lopsided campaign contexts create an opportunity for campaigns to pick up votes that would otherwise go to the opposing candidate. Conclusion. This research underscores the normative value of competitive political campaigns as it relates to voters’ exposure to political information. Our findings contribute to debates on campaign strategy, information environments, and the effect of campaigns on voter decision‐making.

  September 15, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12199   open full text
• Nonprofit, For‐Profit, or Stand‐Alone? How Management Organizations Influence the Working Conditions in Charter Schools*.
  Christine H. Roch, Na Sai.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 15, 2015
  Objective We examine how the working conditions in charter schools managed by management organizations (MOs) compare to those that teachers experience in stand‐alone charter schools. We consider differences in the degree of autonomy within the schools, professional development, levels of administrative support, support from teachers and parents, and teachers’ work hours and levels of compensation. Methods Our data come from the 2011–2012 Schools and Staffing Survey (SASS). We estimate multilevel models using the hierarchical linear modeling software, while controlling for the composition of the teachers and school context. Results We find that teachers in charter schools managed by education MOs have lower levels of autonomy than teachers in other charter schools. They also receive lower levels of compensation than other charter school teachers. Conclusion For‐profit MOs appear to constrain the charter schools that they manage, limiting the ability of teachers to determine how students are taught within their classrooms.

  September 15, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12200   open full text
• Absence of Support Networks and Welfare Systems.
  Felix Requena.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 14, 2015
  Objective This article empirically examines the causal relationships among individuals who do not ask for assistance and the welfare systems involved. We analyze the following questions: Who does not seek assistance? What is the probability of identifying someone who does not seek assistance in different welfare systems? and What role does the system play in influencing someone not to seek assistance? Methods We use a rare events logit model that indicates the influence of various types of welfare systems and support networks on the circumstances in which support is not requested. Data came from the 2001 ISSP. Results The results indicate that people who do not request assistance have small or nonexistent support networks and therefore no one from which to seek help. Conclusion This analysis confirmed the importance of the cultural contexts of welfare systems and how they influence the behavior of those who do not seek support.

  September 14, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12204   open full text
• What Explains the Gender Gap in Schlepping? Testing Various Explanations for Gender Differences in Household‐Serving Travel.
  Brian D. Taylor, Kelcie Ralph, Michael Smart.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 14, 2015
  Objectives Many gender differences in travel have begun to converge. Has convergence occurred for household‐serving travel, which constitutes a very large and growing share of all trips? Moreover, what explains the division of household‐serving travel in heterosexual couples? In answering these questions, we test the salience of three theories about the gendered division of household labor: (1) time availability, (2) microeconomic, and (3) gender socialization. Methods Using data from the American Time Use Survey (ATUS) from 2003 to 2012, we calculated the female‐to‐male ratio of household‐serving trips in several types of households (i.e., singles vs. couples and male vs. female breadwinner households). Results There was some empirical support for each theory, but we find the most consistent and compelling evidence for gender socialization. We observe substantial gender differences in child‐ and household‐serving trips apart from household formation; even in households where women earn more, are better educated, or work more hours than their partners, women still make about half again as many child‐serving and grocery‐shopping trips as their male partners. Conclusion Despite dramatic changes in women's labor force participation over the past half‐century, the gender division of household‐serving travel remains strong.

  September 14, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12203   open full text
• Risks, Trust, and Sacrifice: Social Structural Motivators for Environmental Change.
  Thomas Macias.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 14, 2015
  Objective The social capital literature suggests generalized trust should work to motivate individuals to engage in environmentally beneficial behavior as it is associated with altruistic outcomes, moderation, and self‐sacrifice. The environmental justice literature, however, suggests certain populations are understandably more skeptical about who they can trust with respect to environmental threats in their communities, thus undermining the hypothesis that greater trust results in positive environmental outcomes. We seek to test the relative direct and indirect influences of generalized trust and knowledge of environmental issues on individuals’ willingness to make sacrifices for the environment. Methods Based on established theory in the social capital, environmental concern, and environmental justice literature, this study conducts structural equation modeling using data from the 2010 General Social Survey. Results This analysis finds support for both social capital and environmental justice arguments. However, the positive direct effect of generalized trust on a willingness to sacrifice outweighs its indirect negative effect via perceived environmental threats by a factor of four to one, suggesting generalized trust is a net catalyst for environmental action. Knowledge of issues is positively associated with both perceived environmental risks and a willingness to sacrifice. Conclusion Generalized trust is an important motivator for self‐sacrifice in the realm of environmental behavior. We should nonetheless be skeptical of efforts to promote it that ignore the unequal distribution of environmental threats in the population.

  September 14, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12201   open full text
• A “Sorted” America? Geographic Polarization and Value Overlap in the American Electorate*.
  Ryan Strickler.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 14, 2015
  Objective Geographic political polarization is an increasingly salient topic of academic and popular discourse. Using Bill Bishop's bestseller The Big Sort as a foil, this article tests the claim that America has split into “ideologically inbred” “red” and “blue” communities. Method Drawing on Bishop's concept of “landslide” Democratic and Republican counties, the article uses survey data to measure the overlap in opinion between respondents from opposing “landslide” counties. This is done both graphically and with a quantitative measure developed by Levendusky and Pope (2011). Results Across economic, social, and cultural value dimensions, there is vastly more common ground than difference between respondents from “landslide” Democratic and Republican counties. Conclusion Hyperbolic claims of a “sorted” country aside, geographic polarization in the United States is limited at best. Partisan polarization could be a real and consequential phenomenon in the electorate, but it has little geographic, “red versus blue” manifestation.

  September 14, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12202   open full text
• Economic Inequality and Nonviolent Protest.
  Frederick Solt.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 14, 2015
  Objective Despite substantial theorizing, the relationship between economic inequality and participation in nonviolent protests has not been satisfactorily examined empirically. Methods. Using multilevel models of data from four waves of the European Social Survey, this article examines whether differences in inequality across countries and over time help explain people's engagement in peaceful protest. Results. It finds that greater inequality reduces protest participation for all those with incomes below the top quintile. Conclusions. This result provides strong support for the relative power theory of political participation; the predictions of grievance and resource theories regarding inequality's effects on protest are not supported.

  September 14, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12198   open full text
• Are Household Food Expenditures Responsive to Entry Into the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program?*.
  Jiyoon (June) Kim, H. Luke Shaefer.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 06, 2015
  Objective This study examines changes in household food expenditures in the months directly around entry into the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP). Methods Using monthly data on SNAP participation from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID), we estimate food‐expenditures‐to‐food‐needs ratio with an event‐study specification. Results Upon entering the program, a substantially lower share of out‐of‐pocket spending accounts for SNAP households’ food budgets. However, these expenditures are largely replaced with SNAP benefits, resulting in little changes in total food expenditures. We also identify the co‐occurrence of household economic shocks at the point of SNAP entry. Conclusion SNAP entry is preceded by reduced rates of employment and marriage among heads of households, suggesting that household economic shocks may trigger SNAP entry. We find that SNAP benefits visibly appear to act as an important safety net for households who have recently entered the program, cushioning them from the extent of a negative shock in food expenditures that they might otherwise have faced.

  August 06, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12197   open full text
• Chinese Trust in the Police: The Impact of Political Efficacy and Participation.
  Rong Hu, Ivan Y. Sun, Yuning Wu.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 22, 2015
  Objective We assessed the influences of political efficacy and political participation on public perceptions of police trustworthiness in China. Methods Drawing upon approximately 10,000 cases collected by the Chinese General Social Survey (CGSS), we used multivariate regression to assess the impact of two types of political efficacy, internal efficacy and external efficacy, and three forms of political participation, engaging in community affairs, grassroots election, and rightful resistance, on public trust in the police, controlling for demographics and social trust and justice. Results We found that external efficacy and grassroots election are positively related to trust in the police, whereas internal efficacy and rightful resistance are negatively associated with such trust. Background characteristics, such as gender, ethnicity, age, education, and household registration, and social trust and justice variables are also predictive of Chinese perceptions of police trustworthiness. Conclusion Political efficacy and participation mattered in influencing trust in the police. The Chinese government should continue its political reforms by allowing greater public participation in the selection of political representatives and the decision‐making process of public policy.

  July 22, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12196   open full text
• Democracy, Institutional Maturity, and Economic Development*.
  Uk Heo, Sung Deuk Hahm.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 15, 2015
  Objective Despite a plethora of studies on the relationship between democracy and economic development, a dominant theoretical framework has yet to emerge. Economic development may lead to the transition to democracy and mature democratic institutions are likely to help economic development. Thus, in this article, we test the relationship among economic development, institutional maturity, and democracy. Methods In a recent study, Gerring et al. (2005) developed a new concept, “democracy stock,” to incorporate institutional maturity. This concept is useful because institutional maturity matters. To address the issue of endogeneity between democracy and economic development, we investigate the relationship using a simultaneous equation method and data from 1950 to 2000. Results The empirical results show that democracy and economic development affect each other. Conclusions Economic development not only helps democratization, but it also assists democratic systems to survive and mature. Mature democratic systems do help economic development.

  July 15, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12185   open full text
• Racial Resentment, Old‐Fashioned Racism, and the Vote Choice of Southern and Nonsouthern Whites in the 2012 U.S. Presidential Election*.
  Jonathan Knuckey, Myunghee Kim.
  Social Science Quarterly. June 30, 2015
  Objective The effects of racial attitudes on the vote choice of whites in the 2012 U.S. presidential election are examined, with a specific focus on the simultaneous effects of both racial resentment and old‐fashioned racial prejudice. Methods Data are taken from the 2012 American National Election Study (ANES). Models of vote choice are estimated separately for southern and nonsouthern whites. Results Findings show that racial resentment alone affected the vote choice of southern whites, but among nonsouthern whites both racial resentment and old‐fashioned racism exerted independent effects on vote choice. Furthermore, it was among independents that the effects of racial attitudes were most visible. Conclusions Overall, it is estimated that racial attitudes cost Obama support among white voters, and likely made his victories in a number of swing states a lot closer than they would have been absent the effects of racial attitudes. Consistent with prior literature, findings also demonstrate that the election of the first African‐American president has primed old‐fashioned racial prejudice.

  June 30, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12184   open full text
• Razor's Edge: The Politics of Facial Hair.
  Rebekah Herrick, Jeanette Morehouse Mendez, Ben Pryor.
  Social Science Quarterly. June 19, 2015
  Objective This article argues that whether male candidates have facial hair has political implications. We argue that facial hair makes men appear overly masculine, having strong support for use of violence and little support for feminist views, which makes them less attractive candidates for women and feminists. Further, we argue that these perceptions are likely accurate. Methods Using a survey of college‐age subjects, the research generally supports this theory. Results Men with facial hair are seen as more masculine, as well as more conservative on feminist issues, and women and feminists are less likely to vote for them. Further, we find perceptions of masculinity mediate the effects of facial hair on voters’ perceptions of them and willingness to vote for them. However, candidates with facial hair are seen as less supportive of use of force and these perceptions are not accurate based on members’ roll‐call votes. Conclusion This article indicates that male candidates send a signal to voters about their masculinity by their choice of whether to shave.

  June 19, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12183   open full text
• Public Officials and a “Private” Matter: Attitudes and Policies in the County Sheriff Office Regarding Violence Against Women*.
  Emily M. Farris, Mirya R. Holman.
  Social Science Quarterly. June 11, 2015
  Objective This article examines sheriffs’ attitudes and their offices’ policies concerning violence against women and assesses the connection between their attitudes and policies. Methods Using data from an original, national survey completed in the fall of 2012 of elected sheriffs (N = 553), we evaluate a battery of rape and domestic violence myths and examine the presence of various violence against women policies. Results We find that many sheriffs express belief in inaccurate myths concerning violence against women. We find strong connections between sheriffs’ attitudes about women's equality and their attitudes about violence against women. In turn, their attitudes about gender‐based violence relate to training and policies for addressing these cases. Conclusion In an office like that of the sheriff, with both bureaucratic and political elements, attitudes of political leaders influence policies. Our findings suggest an important connection between elected officials’ attitudes and policy actions beyond the traditional legislative arena.

  June 11, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12182   open full text
• Confidence Matters for Current Economic Growth: Empirical Evidence for the Euro Area and the United States*.
  Gabe J. Bondt, Stefano Schiaffi.
  Social Science Quarterly. June 09, 2015
  Objectives The literature typically undervalues the economy‐wide importance of confidence, despite a renewed interest since the recent financial crisis in considering also psychological factors such as confidence. This study empirically assesses whether confidence matters for current real GDP growth in the euro area and the United States in addition to a widely applied and reliable predictor, the Purchasing Managers’ Index. Methods We add confidence indicators to a regression of real GDP growth on the composite PMI output index and check for a different impact of confidence during recessions as opposed to expansions by applying smooth transition regressions. Results Confidence matters for economic growth, both in good and bad times. This result is robust across sample periods, models, and proxies for confidence. Conclusions Confidence is essential for assessing the current stage of the business cycle. Analysts should therefore closely monitor sentiment swings, whereas private and public decisionmakers can boost growth by improving confidence in the economy.

  June 09, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12181   open full text
• Fair Housing Enforcement in the South and Non‐South*.
  Charles S. Bullock, Eric M. Wilk, Charles M. Lamb.
  Social Science Quarterly. June 09, 2015
  Objective We compare outcomes in racial discrimination fair housing complaints processed by southern state and local civil rights agencies to those handled by state and local agencies outside the South and the federal agency, HUD (Department of Housing and Urban Development). Methods Based on data obtained directly from HUD, we rely on a fixed effects logistic regression model with cluster‐correlated standard errors. Results First, southern local agencies are significantly more likely to provide outcomes favorable to complainants in racial discrimination fair housing cases than are local agencies outside the South. Second, state and local agencies in the Deep South provide favorable outcomes to the same extent as their nonsouthern counterparts. Third, southern local agencies are more likely to provide favorable outcomes than is HUD, whereas southern state agencies provide favorable outcomes at roughly the same rate as HUD. Variations within the South partially explain these findings. Conclusion We find evidence of progressive changes in southern fair housing enforcement, although those changes occur in an uneven fashion depending on the state or locality.

  June 09, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12180   open full text
• Depression and Political Participation.
  Christopher Ojeda.
  Social Science Quarterly. June 09, 2015
  Objective: I hypothesize that individuals with depression lack the motivation and physical capacity required to participate in politics due to somatic problems and feelings of hopelessness and apathy. Furthermore, I hypothesize that depression in adolescence can have negative downstream consequences for participation in young adulthood. Method: Using the 1998 General Social Survey and the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health, I employ logistic regression and mediation analysis to test the relationship between depression and voting as well as adolescent depression and political participation. Results: The results show that both depression and adolescent depression reduce the probability of political participation. The effect of adolescent depression on political participation is mediated by educational attainment and partisan affiliation. Conclusion: Depression reduces participation and merits further attention as a political phenomenon. The possibility of depression as a disability is discussed, including potential efforts to boost participation among this group.

  June 09, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12173   open full text
• Foreign Affairs, Domestic Attention: Explaining American Media Coverage of the European Financial Crisis*.
  Tyler Johnson, David Rossbach.
  Social Science Quarterly. June 09, 2015
  Objective We explain how economic and political predictors shaped levels of American media coverage of the European financial crisis between 2008 and 2012. Methods We link exchange rates, unemployment rates, inflation, trade, protests, votes of no confidence, elections, and U.S. presidential remarks with financial crisis stories produced by The New York Times, the Associated Press, and television newscasts. Error‐correction modeling is utilized to determine whether relationships exist contemporaneously and across future months. Results We find evidence across multiple models that changes in the exchange rate and elections shaped levels of media coverage. We find some evidence that votes of no confidence, protests, change in unemployment, and presidential remarks matter as well. Conclusion A combination of economic change, specific political events, and broader newsworthiness norms journalists utilize in determining which stories are worthy of attention drove American coverage of the European financial crisis.

  June 09, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12179   open full text
• Moral Frames and Climate Change Policy Attitudes*.
  Alexander W. Severson, Eric A. Coleman.
  Social Science Quarterly. June 04, 2015
  Objective This article compares the effects of various climate change issue frames (deontological‐moral, empirical‐scientific, and economic) on support for climate change mitigation policies. Methods Using an issue‐framing survey experiment conducted on Amazon Mechanical Turk, we assess framing effects on climate change policy support using ordinary least squares regression. Results We find mixed evidence regarding frame effectiveness. Religious moral frames and economic efficiency frames are ineffective, whereas scientific frames, secular moral frames, and economic equity frames are effective at increasing overall policy support. Additionally, the positive science frame and economic equity frame reduce the ideological divide in climate policy support. Conclusion The effects of issue framing on climate policy support are mixed. Frames that we expected conservatives to be responsive to (religious morality; economic efficiency) fail to change support for climate policy. Frames that emphasize science, secular morality, and economy equity have the potential to increase public support for climate change policies.

  June 04, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12159   open full text
• Can Easing Concealed Carry Deter Crime?*.
  David Fortunato.
  Social Science Quarterly. June 02, 2015
  Objective Laws reducing hurdles to legally carrying concealed firearms are argued to have a deterrent effect on crime by increasing its perceived costs. This argument rests on the assumption that these policies will either directly or indirectly increase the perceived distribution of firearm carriers, an assumption that is as yet untested. This article tests this assumption and, in so doing, suggests testing the necessary conditions of policy can be useful when assessing outcomes is difficult. Methods I collect survey data on the perceived number of firearm carriers across the United States and then use a hierarchical regression model to assess the impact of concealed carry policies on these perceptions, controlling for several contextual and individual‐level factors. Results The data suggest that there is no statistically discernible relationship between concealed carry policies and the public's perceptions of the number of firearm carriers. Indeed, the data suggest that the perceived density of firearm carriers is similarly uncorrelated to the number of active concealed carriers. Conclusion The link between concealed carry policy and people's beliefs about the number of firearm carriers in their community is unidentifiable in the data. The rationale for concealed carry deterrence, however, depends on such a link existing: it assumes that potential assailants are aware of the distribution of firearm carriers in the potential victim population, but the empirical evidence presented here suggests that that assumption simply does not hold. Because beliefs over the distribution of firearm carriers are impervious to permitting policies and do not respond positively to the true distribution of carriers, the data suggest easing concealed carry cannot deter crime.

  June 02, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12166   open full text
• Incorporating Native American History into the Curriculum: Descriptive Representation or Campaign Contributions?*.
  Raymond Foxworth, Amy H. Liu, Anand Edward Sokhey.
  Social Science Quarterly. June 02, 2015
  Objectives What explains (1) the adoption of these inclusive educational policies, and (2) the timing of the passage of these educational policies? The objective of this study is to examine two competing hypotheses: the first has to do with descriptive representation; the second has to do with Native American nations acting as interest groups. Methods We use a newly constructed data set to estimate logistic regression, difference in difference, and Cox proportional hazards survival models. Results We find evidence that both descriptive representation and campaign contributions can explain whether there is adoption, but that only the latter can account for when there is adoption. Conclusions These findings demonstrate that Native American nations are becoming increasingly mobilized within U.S. state politics, and are finding ways to influence state policies—a pattern that is not just about policies that pertain to indigenous governance and sovereignty, but about policies with broader implications for non‐Native Americans.

  June 02, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12177   open full text
• Does Wal‐Mart Cause an Increase in Anti‐Poverty Expenditures?*.
  Michael Hicks.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 15, 2015
  Objectives This article addresses the role of Wal‐Mart Store entrance in changing expenditures on federal and state anti‐poverty transfers in the United States. Methods Using a panel of the conterminous 48 states, correcting for time and spatial autocorrelation and local government mix and policy changes. Results I find that the number of Wal‐Marts and their employment share in the retail sector have no impact on food stamps or AFDC/TANF expenditures. In models that account for retail employment share a 1 percent increase in the Wal‐Mart's share reduced AFDC/TANF expenditures by 3.3 percent. Conclusions I find that Wal‐Mart does increase Medicaid expenditures by roughly $898 per worker, which is consistent with other studies of the Medicaid costs per low‐wage worker across the United States.

  May 15, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12170   open full text
• Assessing the Stability of Trust in Government Across Election Periods*.
  Matthew S. Dabros, Suzanne L. Parker, Mark W. Petersen.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 15, 2015
  Objective Past research shows that electoral context prompts changes in political trust. In the United States, data limitations confine this literature to status‐quo affirming presidential elections. We extend previous research to unexamined contexts: elections with partisan presidential changes, midterm elections with shifts in congressional control, and nonelection periods. Method Original panel data from 2004, 2005, 2008, 2010, and 2012 are used. Data were obtained from surveys administered to students enrolled at a large midwestern university. We compare context effects on trust and other political attitudes, and contrast trust levels among winners and losers in each context. Results We find that trust is more malleable than most other attitudes in all periods; it is less stable in presidential elections than congressional elections; and there is no evidence of winner and loser effects. Conclusion Our findings reveal the importance of political context in explaining the stability of trust by showing that trust levels are more changeable in certain contexts than others, specifically more changeable in presidential than in congressional elections.

  May 15, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12156   open full text
• Refighting Pickett's Charge: Mathematical Modeling of the Civil War Battlefield*.
  Michael J. Armstrong, Steven E. Sodergren.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 14, 2015
  Objective We model Pickett's Charge at the Battle of Gettysburg to see whether the Confederates could have achieved victory by committing more infantry, executing a better barrage, or facing a weaker defense. Methods Our mathematical modeling is based on Lanchester equations, calibrated using historical army strengths. We weight the Union artillery and infantry two different ways using two sources of data, and so have four versions of the model. Results The models estimate that a successful Confederate charge would have required at least one to three additional brigades. An improved artillery barrage would have reduced these needs by about one brigade. A weaker Union defense could have allowed the charge to succeed as executed. Conclusions The Confederates plausibly had enough troops to take the Union position and alter the battle's outcome, but likely too few to further exploit such a success.

  May 14, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12178   open full text
• Economic Uncertainty, Job Threat, and the Resiliency of the Millennial Generation's Attitudes Toward Immigration*.
  Ashley D. Ross, Stella M. Rouse.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 14, 2015
  Objective Drawing a distinction between conditional and prevalence factors that affect immigration attitudes, we examine if the recent economic recession has influenced the Millennial Generation's attitudes about immigration, compared to non‐Millennials. Methods Employing data from the 2008 American National Election Study (ANES), we conduct a logit analysis to estimate the effects of theoretically relevant factors on immigration attitudes. Results Our findings indicate that even in the face of poor economic conditions that disproportionately impacted Millennials, this cohort's attitudes toward immigration are quite resilient. While Millennials’ immigration attitudes vary across a number of determinants, overall, they are more tolerant of immigration than non‐Millennials. Conclusion Millennials’ tolerance of immigration is consistent with their general liberal beliefs. This is true even under the conditional impact of economic self‐interest and the conditional and prevalence impact of culture during the recession—a time when Millennials could have been susceptible to factors mitigating their feelings toward immigrants.

  May 14, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12168   open full text
• When Partisans and Minorities Interact: Interpersonal Contact, Partisanship, and Public Opinion Preferences on Immigration Policy*.
  Shanna Pearson‐Merkowitz, Alexandra Filindra, Joshua J. Dyck.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 13, 2015
  Objective Many studies investigating contact theory have suggested that contact effects are not universal but rather conditional. In this article, we test one form of conditional contact effects. Our approach posits that contact with out‐groups produces support for pro‐minority public policies only when in‐group members are not subject to contrary messages from co‐partisans. Methods We use data from an original survey to test this theory in the immigration policy domain. Results We find strong confirmatory evidence that the emergence of contact effects on support for a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants is dependent on party identification. Conclusion When information from the social environment and that from the party coincide, they reinforce each other, producing more tolerant policy preferences. However, when the two are not congruent, individuals may use partisanship to help interpret contextual information, thus canceling out the positive effects of intergroup contact on policy opinions.

  May 13, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12175   open full text
• Harbingers of Migration Regression: Global Trends and a Mexican Case Study*.
  Richard C. Jones.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 13, 2015
  Objectives The question raised here is whether global labor migration has reached its high‐water mark and will not in fact recover its prerecession magnitudes. This study examines this question, and the underlying causes of migration regression, reviewing studies at the international level and carrying out a case study of Jerez municipio, Zacatecas, Mexico. Methods Two surveys in Jerez—of 242 randomly selected households in six towns in 1995, and of 304 households in the same towns in 2009—provide a cross‐section of conditions before and after U.S. economic setbacks beginning around 2000. Results The results point to a reduction in migration to the United States over the period. Furthermore, in the later period, lower fertility, higher educational attainment, and higher household income were all associated with lower levels of active U.S. migration, and income returns to local education were positive, whereas the income returns to U.S. migration were negative. Conclusions The results for Jerez are consistent with trends elsewhere in Mexico and those within leading sending nations globally, and they suggest a regression in future migration from these countries.

  May 13, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12172   open full text
• Not Separate and Not Equal? Achievement and Attainment Equity in College Towns*.
  Robert Maranto, Jeffery Dean.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 08, 2015
  Objectives A vast literature documents unequal outcomes in American public education (e.g., Duncan and Murname, 2011), but no prior research explores whether inequities are moderated in progressive communities such as college towns. We test whether college towns have more equal educational outcomes than similar communities that lack higher education institutions. Methods We conduct two tests. First, we employ cross‐sectional ordinary least squares (OLS) regression predicting high school graduation (attainment) rates in 8,841 school districts, including 184 college town districts, with data taken from the U.S. Department of Education's Common Core of Data. Since attainment is a blunt measure, we also use OLS regression to predict test score (achievement) results in Pennsylvania, a state with a large number of college town school districts. Results Nationally, controlling for a range of characteristics, college towns have slightly but significantly lower attainment rates. Regarding achievement, low‐income students in Pennsylvania college towns are at a slight disadvantage in math achievement compared to low‐income students elsewhere. Conclusions We find some evidence that college towns have less equal educational outcomes and speculate as to causes, with the caveat that given the modest statistical impacts found, more research is needed.

  May 08, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12174   open full text
• Globalization and the Ethnic Divide: Recent Longitudinal Evidence*.
  Phanindra V. Wunnava, Aniruddha Mitra, Robert E. Prasch.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 08, 2015
  Objective This article investigates the impact of increasing global integration on economic growth, emphasizing its interaction with the level of ethnic heterogeneity in a society. Methods We perform a feasible generalized least squares estimation of a random effects model on a longitudinal sample of 103 countries taken over the period 1992–2005. Results We find that economic globalization has generally had a beneficial impact on economic growth. We also find that societies marked by greater ethnic heterogeneity have gained more from global integration. Further, while ethnic heterogeneity has been a significant impediment to growth over the sample period, religious and linguistic heterogeneity have not. Finally, we find that democracies have significantly outperformed autocracies over this period. Conclusion Our results suggest that globalization may have a role in redressing the detrimental impact of ethnic cleavages in a society.

  May 08, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12176   open full text
• The Partisan Battle Over College Student Voting: An Analysis of Student Voting Behavior in Federal, State, and Local Elections*.
  Phillip J. Ardoin, C. Scott Bell, Michael M. Ragozzino.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 08, 2015
  Objective We aim to test the hypothesis that college students provide Democratic candidates with greater electoral support and whether this varies among federal, state, and local elections. We also test whether college students mobilized by presidential campaigns are more likely to abstain from voting for state and local elections. Methods To examine these questions, we employed OLS and difference‐of‐means tests to analyze the distribution of votes cast in competitive elections for the November 2008 elections in 86 precincts located on 42 college campuses across five states as compared to the distribution of votes cast in noncollege precincts. College precincts were identified by representatives from each community's local Board of Elections. Results In line with conventional wisdom, the results of the analyses indicate Democratic candidates for federal offices do consistently receive greater electoral support from precincts located on college campuses as compared to noncollege precincts. However, the analyses of state and local elections highlight substantial variation in the level of support that Democratic candidates receive from precincts located on college campuses. Moreover, we found many college students in 2008 cast their ballots for Obama, but chose not to participate in lower‐level elections. Conclusion Republican fears regarding college students turning small towns on their heads via the ballot box are not supported by our analyses. On average, students vote more democratically than nonstudents but they are also more likely to simply choose not to vote for local candidates. By and large, they come to the polls to vote for national offices, not local ones.

  May 08, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12167   open full text
• The Impact of Large‐Scale Collective Action on Latino Perceptions of Commonality and Competition with African Americans*.
  Michael Jones‐Correa, Sophia J. Wallace, Chris Zepeda‐Millán.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 08, 2015
  Objectives To evaluate the impact of protests on Latinos' perceptions of commonality and competition with African Americans. We hypothesize that the reinforcement and politicization of in‐group identities leads to greater identification and sense of commonality with other marginalized racial/ethnic groups. Methods This study utilizes geocoded Latino National Survey data combined with an expanded protest event data set to estimate the effect of temporal and spatial proximity to immigrant rights protests on Latinos’ perceptions of commonality and competition with African Americans using ordered logistic regression models. Results The findings suggest that respondents’ proximity to marches had a positive impact on Latino perceptions of commonality with African Americans. The results also show that proximity to protests did not lead to an increase in feelings of competition with African Americans except in the case of electoral representation. Conclusions Examining temporal and spatial effects of protests improves our understanding of how protests can influence public opinion and how protests can influence identities and group relations.

  May 08, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12164   open full text
• Tea Leaves and Southern Politics: Explaining Tea Party Support in the Region*.
  M. V. Hood, Quentin Kidd, Irwin L. Morris.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 07, 2015
  Objectives Our research assesses the distinctiveness of Tea Party adherents among mobilized Republicans in the South. Methods The data come from an interactive voice response (IVR) survey of households containing at least one Republican primary voter across nine southern states conducted approximately one month before the 2012 presidential election. We analyze the data using multivariate logistic regression. Results Unlike other scholarship, we find no evidence that racial animosity drives the movement, but we do find a strong relationship between evangelicalism and Tea Party support. We also find Tea Party adherents are older, more likely to be men, less wealthy, more ideologically conservative, and more partisan than their fellow Republicans. Conclusions Tea Party supporters in the South are likely to have a significant impact on the future of the Republican Party—both in the South, and nationally. The fact that our profile of southern Tea Party supporters does not include growing segments of the electorate does not bode well for the future development of the GOP.

  May 07, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12171   open full text
• God and Marriage: The Impact of Religious Identity Priming on Attitudes Toward Same‐Sex Marriage.
  Brian F. Harrison, Melissa R. Michelson.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 05, 2015
  Objective We hypothesize that priming a shared in‐group identity can lead to openness to attitudinal change, even on highly polarized issues. Specifically, we test whether priming a shared identity as a religious person can generate willingness to voice support for same‐sex marriage. Methods We conduct a randomized survey experiment using the SocialSci platform, exposing religious and secular respondents to religious and anonymous primes about same‐sex marriage. Results Individuals who are religious and who are exposed to the treatment prime are more likely to say that they support marriage equality and would vote for a ballot initiative in their state that would allow same‐sex marriage. Conclusion Despite widespread opposition to marriage equality among people of faith, having that religious identity primed through an elite religious cue has a significant and often dramatic effect on attitudes toward marriage equality.

  May 05, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12169   open full text
• Mothers’ Partnership Instability and Coparenting Among Fragile Families.
  Carey E. Cooper, Audrey N. Beck, Robin S. Högnäs, Jodi Swanson.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 27, 2015
  Objectives The rise in nonmarital childbearing has raised concerns about coparenting among unmarried parents with increasingly complicated relationship trajectories. We address this issue by examining associations between mothers’ partnership transitions and coparenting and the moderating role of maternal race/ethnicity and child gender. Methods Data from the Fragile Families Study and ordinary least squares regression techniques are used to examine whether mothers’ partnership transitions are related to coparenting. Lagged and fixed effects models are employed to test the robustness of the findings to selection. Results Coresidential and nonresidential dating transitions are negatively associated with coparenting, but the association is stronger for coresidential transitions than for dating transitions. Coresidential transitions are stronger predictors of coparenting for white parents than for black parents and for parents of sons than for parents of daughters. Conclusions Policies aimed at strengthening families should emphasize relationship stability, regardless of the type of union, to promote high‐quality coparenting among at‐risk populations.

  April 27, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12161   open full text
• Government Spending, Shocks, and the Role of Legislature Size: Evidence from the American States*.
  William B. Hankins.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 23, 2015
  Objective I examine the relationship between legislature size and several components of government spending using a methodology that allows me to estimate how legislature size influences the fiscal response to shocks that are common to all states. Method I use nonlinear least squares on a panel of 48 of the 50 American states over the period 1978–2008. Results I find little evidence that states with larger than average lower or upper chambers experience a larger change in spending per capita in the presence of a shock. I do find a positive relationship between lower chamber size and the first difference of welfare spending per capita, but this increase is partially offset by a negative relationship between upper chamber size and welfare spending. Conclusion These results are consistent with the interest groups theory of government, which states that larger legislatures can be associated with lobbying and bargaining costs that may have offsetting effects.

  April 23, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12157   open full text
• Maternal Education and the Link Between Birth Timing and Children's School Readiness*.
  Jennifer March Augustine, Kate C. Prickett, Sarah M. Kendig, Robert Crosnoe.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 17, 2015
  Objective This study explored whether mothers’ education magnified any benefits that waiting until older ages to have children might have for their children's educational careers. Methods Multiple‐group path modeling assessed whether and why the positive association between mothers’ age at first birth and children's test scores was greater for children of college‐educated women than children of other women. Results Older age at first birth was associated with higher math and reading test scores among the children of college‐educated women via their mothers’ higher income and cognitive support for children. These mediational paths were less pronounced among the children of high‐school‐educated women and were not observed among the children of high school dropouts. Conclusion Any potential effects of women's delayed fertility on their children's early educational experiences appeared to be confined to the most educated women.

  April 17, 2015   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12150   open full text
• Geography and Gender: Variation in the Gender Earnings Ratio Across U.S. States.
  Saul D. Hoffman.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 29, 2014
  Objectives The gender earnings ratio for year‐round full‐time (YRFT) workers varies substantially across U.S. states, with a range of 24 percentage points. I examine the sources of this variation to assess to what extent it reflects compositional differences by gender that vary across state and/or nonneutral effects of state of residence on gender earnings. Methods Using CPS data, I estimate earnings models for men and women that incorporate state fixed effects in addition to standard human capital and demographic variables. I use those estimates to compute unadjusted and regression‐adjusted estimates of the impact of state residence on the gender earnings ratio. Results I find that nonneutral gender‐specific state effects on earnings exist even after controlling for other determinants of earnings and that state of residence appears, therefore, to have a genuine effect on the gender earnings ratio. I also find that states with particularly low overall gender earnings ratios have consistently low ratios even within quite detailed education and occupation categories. Conclusions Variation in the gender earnings ratio for YRFT workers across states is not simply a result of compositional differences. It is unclear, however, what policy instruments or other factors account for these differences.

  May 29, 2014   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12099   open full text
• Participation, Online and Otherwise: What's the Difference for Policy Preferences?
  Jennifer Oser, Jan E. Leighley, Kenneth M. Winneg.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 29, 2014
  Objective One explanation for why voters’ preferences are privileged by policymakers is that voters are likely to communicate their preferences through additional avenues as well. We examine this “communication hypothesis” by comparing the policy preferences of different types of political participators. Methods We analyze the National Annenberg Election Survey (2008) using latent class analysis to identify different types of political participators and multinomial logistic regression to compare the policy preferences of these participator types. Results Voters who also engage in additional online and/or offline political acts have policy preferences that differ in a number of meaningful ways from those who “only” vote. Conclusion The findings indicate that prior research has overlooked important evidence on the connection between citizen participation and political outcomes due to a primary focus on the act of voting. This study suggests how future research can assess the impact of citizens’ broader patterns of political participation.

  May 29, 2014   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12100   open full text
• The Tone of Spanish‐Language Presidential News Coverage.
  Matthew Eshbaugh‐Soha.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 29, 2014
  Objectives I explore whether the tendency of English‐language news broadcasts to favor negative coverage of the president contrasts with Spanish‐language news coverage of the president, especially because a Latino news audience should prefer more positive stories of a Democratic president. I also examine whether presidential speeches and the political environment influence the tone of presidential news coverage. Methods I describe the tone of presidential news coverage and use ordinary least squares regression to explain influences on the tone of Spanish‐ and English‐language presidential news coverage for 85 broadcast days and over 50 stories each in early 2011. Results NBC Nightly News is more negative than Noticiero Telemundo is in its coverage of the U.S. president. Although higher presidential approval ratings offer the president more positive news coverage on both networks, Latino support for President Obama does not encourage mostly positive coverage of immigration coverage on Spanish‐language news. Conclusion Presidents can expect less negative coverage on Spanish‐language news, but not necessarily on immigration policy, an issue of central importance to the Latino community.

  May 29, 2014   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12101   open full text
• Getting Ahead and Falling Behind: A Sociological Elaboration of Sen's Theory of Human Development.
  Robert M. Marsh.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 21, 2014
  Objective One relatively neglected question raised by Amartya Sen's theory of human development is: Why do people and societies differ in their capacity to convert income and commodities into valuable human achievements (“functionings” in Sen's terminology)? I focus upon the degree to which people in developed and developing societies realize each of the six diverse types of valued functionings: long life, schooling, living in a society with less income inequality and less gender inequality, more political freedom, and greater life satisfaction. Methods Using data from all societies with a population of over 1 million (N = 156), I first regress each type of functioning on societies’ GDP per capita to obtain the residual scores. These scores indicate which societies do better than expected, as expected, or worse than expected on the basis of their level of economic development. Results and Conclusion To explain these differences, I then estimate an ordinary least squares (OLS) regression model whose independent variables are economic growth rate, ethnolinguistic fractionalization, civil war fatalities, corruption, and several dummy variables for cultural regions of the world.

  April 21, 2014   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12088   open full text
• Creating Partisan “Footprints”: The Influence of Parental Religious Socialization on Party Identification.
  Sky L. Ammann.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 21, 2014
  Objective No studies in the American context consider the influence of parental religious socialization on the development of individuals’ party identifications (PIDs). This study attempts to fill the gap. The theory posits that parental religious socialization plays an important developmental role in shaping a child's PID. However, the precise relationship between a parent's religion and the child's PID may vary over time and across generations in response to changing religio‐partisan conflicts. Methods The expectations are tested using child‐parent pairs from the Youth–Parent Socialization Panel Study. Conventional bivariate and multivariate techniques are employed to estimate a child's seven‐point PID. Measures of parental religious belonging, beliefs, and behaviors, as well as a parent's PID, other parental sociodemographic controls, and measures of a child's religion are included in the multivariate models. Results In the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s, a pre‐Boomer parent's religious belonging and to a very limited extent religious behavior are more influential for the Baby Boomer child's PID than religious beliefs. However, for the younger generation included in the study, in the 1990s, a Baby Boomer parent's religious beliefs become more influential to his or her post‐Boomer child's PID than does the parent's religious belonging or behavior. Conclusions The findings imply an important and evolving role of parental religious socialization in shaping individuals’ PIDs.

  April 21, 2014   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12097   open full text
• American Indian Policy in the States.
  Richard C. Witmer, Joshua Johnson, Frederick J. Boehmke.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 21, 2014
  Objectives We investigate whether American Indian legislation is prevalent in state legislative agendas. Methods We examine proposed and passed legislation in states for the years 1998–2007. Results Our findings suggest that states with legislative and executive institutions that address Native issues, as well as larger American Indian constituencies, are more likely to initiate and pass American Indian legislation. We also find that states with larger legislative agendas propose and pass more Native legislations, although the amount of Native legislation has been dropping in recent years. Conclusion Native legislation is on the state policy agenda and both Indian Nations and state governments influence the size of the Native policy agenda.

  April 21, 2014   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12086   open full text
• Racial Identity and Intergroup Attitudes: A Multiracial Youth Analysis.
  Jas M. Sullivan, Alexandra Ghara.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 21, 2014
  Objective This article examines the racial identity attitudes of white, black, and Hispanic youth and explores how these identities shape their feelings toward various racial and ethnic groups (whites, blacks, Asians, Hispanics, Arabs, and biracial individuals). Methods Using the 2005 Youth Culture Survey data set, we test our theoretical expectations using descriptive statistics and multiple regression models. Results The relationship between racial identification and out‐group attitudes varies among racial groups; specifically, racial identity variables do not have a significant impact on whites’ out‐group attitudes, but they do matter for blacks and Hispanics. Conclusion While American society has changed in many ways (i.e., increased number of minorities and more tolerance, or at least more discussion of acceptance, for racial groups), our research finds that race still plays a consequential role in the lives of young racial minorities.

  April 21, 2014   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12089   open full text
• Does Radical Partisan Politics Affect National Income Distributions? Congressional Polarization and Income Inequality in the United States, 1913–2008.
  Roy Kwon.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 21, 2014
  Recent research indicates that political polarization in Congress and income inequality share a closely linked positive association. But virtually no studies examine the direction of influence between these variables as it is assumed that income inequality causes political polarization. The major purpose of this investigation is to examine the temporal causal ordering of these variables. Methods. This study constructs a time series national‐level data set with information for the years 1913 to 2008. Vector autoregression and granger causality tests are utilized to explore the temporal causal ordering of congressional polarization and the income share of the top 0.1, 1.0, 5.0, and 10.0 percent of earners in the United States. Autoregressive conditional heteroskedasticity regressions are also employed to assess the strength of the association between congressional polarization and top incomes net of relevant control variables. Results. The findings indicate that the past values of congressional polarization are better predictors of top income shares than vice versa. The results also demonstrate that polarization in the House of Representatives produces a more consistent and robust connection with top incomes than polarization in the Senate. Lastly, congressional polarization only produces robust associations with the income share of the top 0.1 and 1.0 percent of earners but not for the top 5.0 and 10.0 percent. Conclusion. While the Senate possesses more powerful negative agenda control procedures to stifle the legislative processes vis‐à‐vis the House, it is polarization in the latter that returns the more robust associations with income inequality.

  April 21, 2014   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12090   open full text
• Is There a Political Bias? A Computational Analysis of Female Subjects' Coverage in Liberal and Conservative Newspapers.
  Eran Shor, Arnout Rijt, Charles Ward, Saoussan Askar, Steven Skiena.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 21, 2014
  Objectives One possible source for the gap in media coverage between female and male subjects is the political affiliation of the media source. The objective of this present study was to test whether there is a difference between more liberal and more conservative newspapers in coverage rates of female subjects. Methods We used computational methods to analyze a unique large‐scale data set (complied by the Lydia Text Analysis System) and compared the 2010 female coverage rates in 168 newspapers. Results Contrary to our expectations, we found that conservative media tend to cover female subjects no less (and even slightly more) than liberal media. However, the difference was no longer significant once we controlled for newspaper distribution. Conclusion The common view that liberal newspapers are more likely to cover female subjects was not supported by this study. Both conservative and liberal newspapers are much more likely to cover males.

  April 21, 2014   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12091   open full text
• Education as “the Great Equalizer”: Health Benefits for Black and White Adults.
  Christopher J. Holmes, Anna Zajacova.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 21, 2014
  Objective Many social policies and academic studies assume that education is “the great equalizer” that is capable of counteracting the unequal social resources of different demographic groups. This study aims to determine whether non‐Hispanic whites and racial/ethnic minorities indeed experience comparable health benefits with greater educational attainment. Methods Data from the National Health Interview Survey 1997–2012 were used to conduct ordered logistic models comparing the self‐rated health of 518,288 non‐Hispanic whites and racial/ethnic minorities aged 30–65 across the full spectrum of educational attainment. Results Educational attainment was found to affect the health of whites more than minorities, even with the inclusion of a wide range of potential sociodemographic, behavioral, and economic mediators. Conclusion We discuss the possibility that unmeasured variables, such as childhood environment and other individual characteristics, are responsible for the stronger effect of education for whites than minorities, and what the implications are for future policy and research.

  April 21, 2014   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12092   open full text
• Senate Responsiveness to Minority Constituencies: Latino Electoral Strength and Representation.
  Jeffrey A. Fine, James M. Avery.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 21, 2014
  Objective While most research on minority representation in Congress finds that the African‐American constituency size influences representation of the group's interests, most recent studies examining Latinos find no such relationship. We argue that the failure to find a relationship stems from the focus of prior research on the proportion of the Latino population in the total geographic constituency rather than the proportion of Latinos in the electoral constituency, what we term “Latino electoral strength” (LES). Methods Using data on Latino turnout at the state level, we examine the effect of LES on representation of Latino interests in the U.S. Senate. We use ordinary least squares (OLS) regression that accounts for the time serial, cross‐sectional (TSCS) nature of our data. Results Consistent with other studies, we find no influence of Latino population size on Latino representation. However, LES has a significant, negative effect on Latino representation. Conclusions Our results suggest that greater LES leads to worse representation of their interests, and that this relationship increases as LES grows. This is consistent with existing studies of racial threat theory.

  April 21, 2014   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12093   open full text
• Social Capital, Information, and Perceived Safety from Crime: The Differential Effects of Reassuring Social Connections and Vicarious Victimization.
  Kevin M. Drakulich.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 21, 2014
  Objective The study investigates the role of information obtained through local social connections in judgments about the safety of a neighborhood from crime. Methods The study employs a neighborhood‐based survey of Seattle residents. Results Residents who are embedded in local social networks are more likely to become familiar with their neighbors, and this familiarity is associated with greater perceptions of safety. On the other hand, residents who are embedded in local social networks may also be exposed to accounts of local victimizations by talking with neighbors about local crime problems, which is associated with lower perceptions of neighborhood safety. Conclusion This work poses an explanation for weak and inconsistent findings in prior research on the role of social connections in perceptions of crime: that connections matter in ways that are dependent on the kinds of information residents receive through them. Connections to broader debates about the value‐neutral role of social networks are discussed.

  April 21, 2014   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12096   open full text
• Teaching and Salaries in Social Science: A Research Note.
  Steven Stack.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 21, 2014
  Objectives Research on the relationship between teaching productivity and base salary is sparse, but tends to find no association. However, the research is based largely on student evaluations (student evaluation of teaching (SET)). No study uses peer review of teaching, which may capture qualities of excellence in teaching missed by SETs. The present study addresses this gap. Methods Data refer to all 70 faculty in the social sciences at a Carnegie research‐extensive university. Measures of teaching include peer‐review scores, student evaluations, and teaching awards. Controls are incorporated for other predictors of base salary, including research productivity, years of experience, service, and demographics. Results Controlling for the other variables, peer review of teaching was unrelated to base salary. However, each year of experience enhanced salary by $905, each book was associated with $2,309 in salary, and membership in the economics department enhanced salary by $23,076. The full model explained 84 percent of the variation in base salaries. Conclusion Peer review of teaching was no better a predictor of salary than SETs. While excellence in teaching is often believed to affect base salary, the present analysis finds no evidence that this is the case. Future work is needed to assess the association in other organizational contexts.

  April 21, 2014   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12087   open full text
• Returns to Postincarceration Education for Former Prisoners.
  Christian Brown.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 21, 2014
  Objectives I estimate the returns to education for individuals who attain education after an incarceration spell. Methods Returns to labor supply and wages are estimated using data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth and a variety of regression and matching techniques. Results A positive relationship is found between postincarceration education and labor outcomes, especially for college completion. The General Equivalency Diploma (GED) is not associated with direct benefits. Conclusions The returns to post‐incarceration education are positive but diminished, implying that programs targeted at college completion may best serve prisoners after release.

  April 21, 2014   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12094   open full text
• The Spatial and Demographic Determinants of Racial Threat.
  Joshua N. Zingher, M. Steen Thomas.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 21, 2014
  Objective Although scholars have cast doubt on Key's () racial threat hypothesis, race continues to play a central role in American politics. But does living in a racially diverse context lead to liberalization or a white backlash? We aim to test the validity of the racial threat hypothesis in the modern‐day Deep South. Methods The data used for this analysis span multiple federal elections from the state of Louisiana, from 2000, 2004, and 2008, in addition to census data from 2000 and 2010. We utilize ArcGIS mapping software to construct a detailed depiction of voters’ racial environments. Results We find that whites who live in racially diverse precincts exhibit lower rates of turnout than whites in homogenous precincts; however, segregation within the precinct mitigates the liberalizing effects of precinct‐level diversity among whites. Conclusion The results of our analysis provide help to clarify the previously mixed empirical findings regarding the geographic distribution of minorities and white racial conservatism.

  April 21, 2014   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12095   open full text
• Politics, Religion, Attribution Theory, and Attitudes Toward Same‐Sex Unions.
  Andrew L. Whitehead.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 09, 2014
  Objective The relationship between beliefs about the cause of homosexuality, political and religious ideology, and attitudes toward same‐sex unions in the United States is unclear. This study aims to examine the mediating influence and socially embedded nature of attribution beliefs at a time when attitudes toward same‐sex unions are undergoing substantial changes in the American public. Method This study employs simultaneous equation path models and a recent national, random sample of American adults (Baylor Religion Survey 2010) to test each hypothesis. Results Results reveal that constructed opinions about the origin and controllability of homosexuality significantly influence support for same‐sex unions. However, these opinions are socially embedded, especially within particular political and religious ideologies. Conclusion These findings highlight that while widespread changes in beliefs about the cause of homosexuality may presage shifts in support for same‐sex unions, many will be able to resist those shifts toward support, possibly leading to their further marginalization within society.

  March 09, 2014   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12085   open full text
• Sunday School Teacher, Culture Warrior: The Politics of Lay Leaders in Three Religious Traditions.
  Lydia Bean, Brandon C. Martinez.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 06, 2014
  Objectives Political theorists have praised civic organizations as spaces for open political deliberation. But their leadership structure privileges some voices over others. In congregations, clergy set the context for political discussion. We argue that volunteer religious leaders also shape political talk in local churches. Lay leaders serve as political opinion leaders within local churches, with the power to either deepen or bridge political polarization over religion and morality. Methods We compare lay leaders across three religious traditions, using a unique measure from the 2005 Baylor Religion Survey. Results Lay leaders in evangelical, mainline, and Catholic traditions are more politically active than other attenders, but evangelical lay leaders are also more morally conservative than others in their tradition. Comparing across traditions, we argue that evangelical lay leaders foster greater political cohesion within their tradition. Conclusion We identify voluntary group leadership as a mechanism that allows civic organizations to generate political presence.

  March 06, 2014   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12080   open full text
• Income Growth and Revolutions.
  Carl Henrik Knutsen.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 06, 2014
  Objectives This article investigates whether economic growth and income level affect revolution attempts and successful revolutions. Methods The article conducts a statistical analysis, mainly using panel data logit models, on a data set including 150 countries with time series from 1919 to 2003. Results Low short‐term growth increases probabilities of both attempted and successful revolutions. There is some evidence that higher income levels mitigate revolution attempts, but this is not robust and further analysis indicates that any association may stem from oil income more specifically. There is no net effect of income level on successful revolution, but high income seemingly reduces probability of successful revolution more in democracies than in dictatorships. Although revolutions occur more frequently after “J curves” and “decremental deprivation patterns,” this is largely due to economic crises and not the more complex growth patterns as hypothesized by, respectively, Davies and Gurr. Conclusion Low short‐term economic growth induces revolutions, whereas the impact of income level is less clear and seemingly contingent on factors such as regime type and source of income.

  March 06, 2014   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12081   open full text
• Trust Matters: The Impact of Ingroup and Outgroup Trust on Nativism and Civicness.
  Markus M. L. Crepaz, Jonathan T. Polk, Ryan S. Bakker, Shane P. Singh.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 06, 2014
  Objectives The objectives of this study are threefold: first, we separate trust into a two‐dimensional concept: ingroup trust and outgroup trust. Second, we apply both types of trust to two dependent variables: nativism and civicness, hypothesizing that respondents with ingroup trust should display higher degrees of nativism and lower degrees of civicness while the opposite should apply to respondents with outgroup trust. Third, we control for the traditional trust question in order to determine whether there is any value added by separating trust into two dimensions. Methods After applying confirmatory factor analysis to a six‐item measure in the fifth (2005/2006) wave of the World Values Survey, we identify two kinds of trust—“ingroup” and “outgroup.” We then use various regressions (linear, ordered logistic, and binary logistic) to estimate their effects on different measures of nativism and civicness. Results Our results indicate that despite the existence of a moderately strong positive correlation between the two trust measures, once applied to four models of nativism and three models of civicness, these have statistically significant and different relationships, even when controlling for traditional generalized trust. Conclusions Our conclusions suggest that outgroup trust reduces nativism while ingroup trust tends to increase it, and, counter to expectations, we find that while ingroup trust varies positively and significantly with civicness measures, outgroup trust does not.

  March 06, 2014   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12082   open full text
• Rights Talk: The Opinion Dynamics of Rights Framing.
  Paul A. Djupe, Andrew R. Lewis, Ted G. Jelen, Charles D. Dahan.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 06, 2014
  Objective A classic statement about rights talks in American politics argues they are a divisive force, limiting discussion and creating zero‐sum questions. While we agree that rights talk has become ubiquitous, we disagree about its effects on the mass public. Rights frames are a way to provide publicly accessible reasons that should lead to perceptions of the source as less extreme, which enables discourse rather than cuts it off. We hypothesize that framing conservative issue positions in the language of “rights” (as opposed to morality) will lead to perceptions of the candidate as less conservative and less religious, enabling liberals to increase their support for the source. Methods Using a simple experimental design, we compare the effects of varying issue frames on beliefs about and attitudes toward a source across a wide variety of issues: abortion, the death penalty, gay rights, healthcare, and education. Results Our results support our hypothesis, though with some variation across issues that accords with the credibility of framing a conservative position in terms of rights. Conclusion Contrary to prominent democratic theories, rights‐based frames promote discourse and perceptions of political moderation, particularly among younger Americans.

  March 06, 2014   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12083   open full text
• American Opinion Toward Jews During the Nazi Era: Results from Quota Sample Polling During the 1930s and 1940s.
  Susan Welch.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 06, 2014
  Objective We investigate Americans’ opinions about European and American Jews between 1938 and 1945, the period from the height of Nazi domestic power to the end of the war in Europe. Methods Several surveys of U.S. public opinion between 1938 and 1945, reweighted to reflect national population parameters, were examined to uncover both aggregate patterns of responses and predictors of pro‐ and anti‐Jewish sentiment. Results We find that individuals’ social status, gender, partisan learning, and, to some extent, region affected their views on Jewish Americans and on European Jews. Conclusion Roosevelt's policies of speaking out against Hitler's atrocities, but yet doing nothing to facilitate more Jews to enter the United States as refugees, reflected the complexities of Americans’ opinions about Jews here and abroad but led to failure to provide a safe haven for those thousands of Jewish refugees who might have fled before the war.

  March 06, 2014   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12084   open full text
• A General Approach to Effect Decomposition.
  Feng Hou.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 03, 2014
  Objective This article illustrates the commonality among the Oaxaca decomposition, mediation analysis, and path analysis used in various social science fields to decompose the effect of a predictor on the outcome into constituent components. Methods A general approach is proposed that extends the Oaxaca decomposition to continuous predictors. It also removes one critical restriction on covariates in mediation analysis. Results An empirical example shows that the effect of fathers’ education on children's years of schooling primarily works through children's early skill development and educational aspirations. Conclusion The proposed approach is easy to implement since it requires only two pieces of information: simple correlations and standardized regression coefficients.

  March 03, 2014   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12074   open full text
• Medal Shares in Winter Olympic Games by Sport: Socioeconomic Analysis After Vancouver 2010.
  Javier Otamendi, Luis M. Doncel.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 13, 2014
  Objectives The quantitative analysis of the medal shares (MSs) in recent Winter Olympic history by sport and country will identify the relevant socioeconomic factors that are likely to derive policy issues. Methods Econometric modeling and concentration indices are used to predict and assess MSs by sport and country. The development of a mathematical routine to convert MSs to counts and the proposal of a modified Herfindahl index has added robustness to the analysis. Results The deviations of the predictions for Vancouver (2010) 〈http://www.vancouver2010.com/〉 from the observed values pinpoint significant factor differences among the sports. Medal concentrations are different by sport in the number of countries and their names. Conclusions Tradition and geography are primary factors affecting the medal‐winning process. Concerning feasible policies for newcomers, nationalization of athletes, development of talent identification systems, and fostering the participation in sports without a “monopolistic” winner could become short ‐ and long‐run successful paths.

  February 13, 2014   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12055   open full text
• Urbanization and Carbon Emissions: A Nationwide Study of Local Countervailing Effects in the United States.
  James R. Elliott, Matthew Thomas Clement.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 28, 2014
  Objective This study advances a theoretical framework for examining the impact of urbanization on local carbon emissions over space and time. It conceptualizes urbanization at the local level as a set of three distinct but related subprocesses of population concentration, land‐use intensification, and systemic interaction, which join together to exert countervailing effects on local carbon emissions. Methods To test this framework we conduct cross‐sectional and panel regression analyses of carbon emissions at the county level across the continental United States, controlling for spatial autocorrelation. Results Findings strongly support our framework and show how different dimensions of urbanization push against one another at the local level to influence carbon emissions in ways that exert far more consistent effects than household density and alternative transit use. Conclusion These findings illuminate the complexities of urbanization as a local force of environmental transformation with increasingly global consequences.

  January 28, 2014   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12079   open full text
• The Economic Crisis and Medical Care Use: Comparative Evidence from Five High‐Income Countries.
  Annamaria Lusardi, Daniel Schneider, Peter Tufano.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 20, 2014
  Objective We examine how the economic crisis has affected individuals’ use of routine medical care and assess the extent to which the impact varies depending on national context. Methods Data from a new cross‐national survey fielded in the United States, Great Britain, Canada, France, and Germany are used to estimate the effects of employment and wealth shocks and financial fragility on the use of routine care. Results We document reductions in individuals’ use of routine nonemergency medical care in the midst of the economic crisis. Americans reduced care more than individuals in Great Britain, Canada, France, and Germany. At the national level, reductions in care are related to the degree to which individuals must pay for it, and within countries, reductions are linked to shocks to wealth and employment and to financial fragility. Conclusions The economic crisis has led to reductions in the use of routine medical care, and systems of national insurance provide some protection against these effects.

  January 20, 2014   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12076   open full text
• Google Insights and U.S. Senate Elections: Does Search Traffic Provide a Valid Measure of Public Attention to Political Candidates?
  C. Douglas Swearingen, Joseph T. Ripberger.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 20, 2014
  Objective To propose a new indicator of public attention to electoral candidates based on the relative pattern of Internet queries for opposing candidates. Methods To demonstrate the validity of this measure, we use ordinary least squares regression and an F‐ratio test. Results We find that this measure, based on Google Insights data, behaves in a manner consistent with a valid measure of public attention. Moreover, this finding holds when the measure is included in a standard model used to explain U.S. Senate election outcomes. Conclusion The Google Insights measure of relative public attention shows the shifts in public attention as the campaign is waged and is consistent with how we would expect to see such a measure behave. This research opens numerous avenues for research in the campaigns and elections subfield.

  January 20, 2014   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12075   open full text
• The Negative Effects of Privilege on Educational Attainment: Gender, Race, Class, and the Bachelor's Degree.
  William Mangino.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 14, 2014
  Objective To show that in the contemporary United States, traditionally privileged categories of people—men, whites, and the super‐rich—complete four‐year college degrees at rates lower than their nonprivileged counterparts—women, nonwhites, and the “99 percent.” Methods Logistic regression and an educational transitions method are used on the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Waves 1 and 4) to predict, given college entrance, who completes a bachelor's degree. Results Women, the lower 99 percent of the income distribution, and when economic resources are present, nonwhites all complete college at higher rates than men, the richest 1 percent, and whites, respectively. In a final model, rich white men as a single category are shown to complete college less than everyone else. Conclusion As previously excluded categories of people have gained access to higher education, the privileged are shifting their reproduction strategies away from schooling.

  January 14, 2014   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12003   open full text
• Civil Wars and Party Systems.
  John Ishiyama.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 14, 2014
  Objective This article examines the effects of civil wars on the characteristics of postconflict party systems, in terms of fractionalization, whether a dominant party emerges, and party systems stability. Methods Data were collected for 92 developing countries, 44 of which experienced a civil war from 1975 to 2009. Regression and logistic regression analyses are conducted to examine the impact of civil wars, while controlling for a number of other variables. Results This article finds no relationship between civil war and fractionalization, but does find that intense, bloodier civil wars tend to produce party systems that are dominant‐party systems with less electoral volatility than transitional states that did not experience a civil war. Conclusion These results suggest support for the argument that particularly bloody civil wars are likely to have an especially powerful freezing effect on party systems (and may not lead to fully competitive party politics).

  January 14, 2014   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12020   open full text
• Economic Development and Determinants of Environmental Concern.
  Michael T. Dorsch.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 14, 2014
  Objective This article examines the extent to which individual‐level determinants of environmental concern in underdeveloped economies differ from those in advanced economies. Methods To measure environmental concern, I use survey responses to environmental questions asked in 40 countries from the 2005–2008 wave of the World Values Survey. My econometric analysis tests the extent to which individual‐level determinants of environmental concern are conditional upon the level of national economic development. Results I find that proxies for objective environmental problems do not explain environmental concern at any level of development. Furthermore, in both advanced and underdeveloped economies, environmental concern is determined by subjective value orientations, but the effect is stronger in the advanced economies. Conclusions The findings reinforce the notion that environmentalism is value driven and support a generalized interpretation of postmaterialism in which the relevance of subjective values for explaining environmental concern increases as countries develop.

  January 14, 2014   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12071   open full text
• Valuing the Benefit of Reducing Adverse Effects from Polluting Heating Fuels.
  Zheng Liu, Angelos Pagoulatos, Wuyang Hu, Jack Schieffer.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 13, 2014
  Objectives Indoor air pollution (IAP) from combustion‐generated pollutants, which are generated by solid fuel combustion for heating, has received considerable attention in recent years based on its health hazards for the human body. This article focuses on the health risk of heating fuel choice and estimates the health benefit (monetary benefits from medical expense savings) related to the improvement of the heating system. Methods Using the Kentucky Homeplace Program survey data and a health production function framework, this article explored the health implications of heating fuel choice by estimating the relationship between individuals’ use of polluting heating fuel and the number of medical services received annually. Results The results show that using polluting heating increases doctor visits and medical expenses. Individuals may pay as much as about $135.99 for shifting from using polluting heating to nonpolluting heating. Conclusions The result provides some evidence to support the linkage between health risks and polluting heating use. Some demographic and lifestyle characteristics did have significant effects on medical care expenses. Government could consider subsidies to encourage lower income groups to shift to nonpolluting heating fuels or use improved technology in order to reduce the public insurance cost.

  January 13, 2014   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12072   open full text
• Surviving Scandal: An Exploration of the Immediate and Lasting Effects of Scandal on Candidate Evaluation.
  Beth Miller Vonnahme.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 13, 2014
  Objective This study explores the immediate and long‐term effects of scandal on candidate evaluation. Because scandals involve politicians behaving in ways inconsistent with prevailing moral standards, an immediate negative reaction to such information is largely unavoidable. However, the present study examines whether there are any long‐term effects of scandal. Methods Results from a longitudinal experiment are presented. The nature of the design facilitated the exploration of the immediate and lasting effects of exposure to scandal and the consistency of these effects across individuals. Results Exposure to scandalous information about a candidate had an immediate negative effect on evaluation, but the magnitude of this negative effect declined over time, especially among the candidate's supporters. Conclusion This research suggests that understanding the effects of scandal requires distinguishing between immediate and long‐term effects.

  January 13, 2014   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12073   open full text
• Support for Repealing Prohibition: An Analysis of State‐Wide Referenda on Ratifying the 21st Amendment.
  John Dinan, Jac C. Heckelman.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 13, 2014
  Objectives The 21st Amendment to the U.S. Constitution repealing national prohibition is the only amendment ratified by state conventions rather than state legislatures. The referenda held to select delegates for these conventions offer a promising source of data for identifying determinants of support for prohibition repeal. Methods We use various proxy measures to determine the importance of economic, political, and demographic forces in motivating support for electing pro‐repeal delegate slates to state ratifying conventions. Results Urbanization, per‐capita income, percentage of Catholics, and support for the Democratic Party were correlated with support for prohibition repeal. Neither the percentage of evangelical denominations, gender distribution, nor foreign‐born population appeared to significantly influence referenda returns. Conclusions This study confirms the conventional understanding regarding Catholic opposition to prohibition and higher income areas’ support for repeal. The findings also indicate that congressional backers of repeal were correct in calculating that submitting the 21st Amendment to popularly elected state conventions, rather than rural‐dominated state legislatures, would improve the chances of ratification. Moreover, support for repeal among Democratic congressmembers and party leaders appears to have extended to rank‐and‐file Democratic voters as well.

  January 13, 2014   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12077   open full text
• Minority Representation and Order Maintenance Policing: Toward a Contingent View.
  Elaine B. Sharp.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 13, 2014
  Objective This article's aim is to test the impact of black political and bureaucratic representation on the rate at which blacks are arrested for order maintenance violations in U.S. cities. Methods Using data from the Law Enforcement Management and Administration Survey, the Census Bureau, and the Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies, for all U.S. cities over 100,000 population, the article first documents the continuing influence of black elected officials in promoting black representation on police forces. After establishing the appropriateness of order maintenance policing as a follow‐up focus, the article then tests hypotheses that link variation in the rate of black order maintenance arrests to black political and bureaucratic representation, contingent upon form of government. Results Black political representation does constrain black order maintenance arrests, while black representation on the police force does not. Conclusion Even with a more racially representative police force in place, black political representation is what matters in constraining controversial patterns of police practice.

  January 13, 2014   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12078   open full text
• Do Country‐of‐Origin Characteristics Help Explain Variation in Health Among Black Immigrants in the United States?
  Tod G. Hamilton.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 26, 2013
  Objective Black immigrants in the United States migrate from a diverse set of countries, including countries in the Caribbean, Central America, South America, Europe, and Africa. This study evaluates whether disparate conditions in black immigrants’ birth countries help explain variation in their postmigration health. Methods Using data on black immigrants from the 2001 to 2012 waves of the March Current Population Survey (CPS) along with country data from the 2009 Human Development Report of the United Nations Development Programme, this study examines whether social, economic, and health conditions in black immigrants’ birth countries have an independent effect on their postmigration health. Results Results show that health is more favorable among black immigrants who migrate from countries with a relatively high combined gross enrollment ratio for primary, secondary, and tertiary education; low levels of income inequality; and high life expectancies at birth. After controlling for country conditions, relative to non‐African immigrants, African immigrants report the best health. Conclusion Future studies on the health of immigrants should incorporate characteristics of immigrants’ birth countries. This information could provide valuable insights into the roles of selective migration and birth‐country conditions in explaining variation in immigrants’ postmigration health.

  November 26, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12063   open full text
• The Personal Experience of Community Among Urban Gay Men, Lesbians, and Bisexuals: Melting Pot or Mosaic?
  Adam Easterbrook, Richard M. Carpiano, Brian C. Kelly, Jeffrey T. Parsons.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 18, 2013
  Objective “Gay community” is often conceptualized as a “melting pot” in which gay, lesbian, and bisexual (GLB) persons are united and integrated into one sexual minority community. Evidence, however, indicates that GLB community may also be conceptualized as a mosaic of sexual minority communities with differing goals and ideologies. We test the validity of these conceptions of community with respect to two facets of the personal experiences of GLB individuals: socializing with GLB persons and GLB community cohesion perceptions. Methods Analyses of the 2005 Sex and Love survey of New York City area GLB persons. Results GLB persons tended to socialize most with their own sexual identity group. Compared to gay men, only bisexual women reported higher perceptions of GLB community cohesion. Conclusion Our findings indicate the presence of a mosaic sexual minority community. The extent of sexual‐identity‐group‐specific socializing patterns suggests that personal perceptions of GLB cohesion may either be idealized rather than based on routine interactions or reflect assessments of within‐group (not across‐group) cohesion.

  November 18, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12064   open full text
• Does Walkability Influence Housing Prices?
  Austin Boyle, Charles Barrilleaux, Daniel Scheller.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 18, 2013
  Objective We examine the effects of neighborhood walkability on house values. Recent research claims that walkability makes homes more valuable, ceteris paribus. We contend that some studies report a spurious effect of walkability because of differences between areas with high and low walkability. Methods We replicate the positive effect of walkability on prices for single‐family homes and condominiums in Miami, Florida, using a unique data set of house values and characteristics. We employ a fixed effects regression model instead of a traditional ordinary least squares regression model to account for the unobserved heterogeneity of neighborhoods. Results We find that walkability's impact on housing value becomes statistically insignificant at the margin after controlling for heteroscedasticity and neighborhood fixed effects. Conclusions The significant impact of the fixed effects suggests that something other than walkability is affecting prices and that better specified models are needed to discern the real price effects of walkability.

  November 18, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12065   open full text
• Expectations in Mass Elections: Back to the Future?
  Marc Guinjoan, Pablo Simón, Sandra Bermúdez, Ignacio Lago.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 18, 2013
  Objectives This article examines whether voters look to the past or the future when forming their perceptions of the parties’ chances of winning. Methods We use OLS regression models to analyze panel survey data from the districts where the incumbent was defeated in the 2011 provincial election in Ontario (Canada). Results We find that voters’ expectations in the districts are mainly affected by the results of the upcoming election and not by the outcome of the previous election. We also find that expectations are influenced by the phenomenon of wishful thinking. Conclusions This study sheds light on how voters form their perceptions of the parties’ chances of winning.

  November 18, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12066   open full text
• Party Campaign Contributions Come with a Support Network.
  Anne E. Baker.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 18, 2013
  Objectives Contributions to candidates from the parties’ congressional campaign committees are thought to have a “multiplier effect” in terms of generating contributions from political action committees. Method Using structural equation modeling and timed direct contribution data from the 1992 to 2012 general election cycles, I uncover a complex system of relationships within each party network. Results After controlling for the competitiveness of the race, I find party contributions to challengers and open‐seat contestants early in the election cycle positively and significantly predict political action committee contributions to those candidates in the period after Labor Day, both in the era preceding the Bipartisan Campaign Finance Reform Act and the era after reform; however, the strength of the relationship declines in the postreform era and differences between the party networks also arise. Conclusions I attribute these developments to changes in campaign finance law that created new hurdles for parties and increased the influence of interest groups.

  November 18, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12067   open full text
• Short‐Term Pain, Long‐Term Gain? The Effects of IMF Economic Reform Programs on Public Health Performance.
  Matthew Hoddie, Caroline A. Hartzell.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 18, 2013
  Objectives In this study, we evaluate the effects of the International Monetary Fund's structural adjustment programs (SAPs) on the public health performance of countries. We test the claim made by proponents of SAPs that although these programs may produce short‐term hardship for the countries adopting them, they will generate positive developmental effects in the long term. Methods Our study draws on a global data set and employs a model that takes into account the potential for selection bias in the adoption of SAPs by states. Results The central finding of the article is that SAPs in the short term raise the exposure of populations to conditions that increase incidences of disability and death. Contrary to the assertions made by the advocates of SAPs, we also find evidence that these programs have attenuated but still harmful effect on public health performance in the long term. Conclusions This study highlights the negative influences of SAPs on public health and suggests that a need exists to reevaluate the claims that have been made regarding the developmental effects of these programs.

  November 18, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12068   open full text
• International Women's Convention, Democracy, and Gender Equality.
  Seo‐Young Cho.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 18, 2013
  Objective This article empirically investigates the impact of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) on women's rights. Method By measuring commitments to CEDAW based on reservations made by states, this article tests whether the convention enhances women's economic, social, and political rights. Results Using panel data for up to 147 countries for the period of 1981–2007, my findings suggest that CEDAW improves women's social rights advocating changes in cultural practice toward gender equality and this effect is conditional on the level of democracy of a member state. However, the joint effect of CEDAW and democracy does not seem to create any significant impact on women's political and economic rights, nor does CEDAW or democracy alone affect any dimension of women's rights. Conclusion These results indicate that collaborative efforts between international law and domestic institution are crucial to promoting gender equality.

  November 18, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12069   open full text
• Moving Pictures? Experimental Evidence of Cinematic Influence on Political Attitudes.
  Todd Adkins, Jeremiah J. Castle.
  Social Science Quarterly. November 18, 2013
  Objectives Media effects research has generally ignored the possibility that popular films can affect political attitudes. This omission is puzzling for two reasons. First, research on public opinion finds the potential for persuasion is highest when respondents are unaware that political messages are being communicated. Second, multiple studies have found that entertainment media can alter public opinion. Together, this suggests that popular films containing political messages should possess the potential to influence attitudes. Methods We develop a laboratory experiment where subjects were randomly assigned to watch a control movie with no political messages, a movie with subtle political messages, or a movie with strong and explicit political messages. Results We find that popular movies possess the ability to change political attitudes, especially on issues that are unframed by the media. Furthermore, we show such influence persists over time and is not moderated by partisanship, ideology, or political knowledge. Conclusions Our key findings suggest that a renewed scholarly interest in the political influence of popular movies is clearly warranted.

  November 18, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12070   open full text
• Race and Religion: Voting Behavior and Political Attitudes.
  Brad Lockerbie.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 01, 2013
  Objectives The purpose of this article is to examine the relationship between religion and voting behavior and political attitudes. Moreover, this work examines the distinction between black and white evangelicals. Methods This article makes use of regression and logit analysis of the American National Election Studies of 1992 through 2008. Results Identification with a particular tradition is important, along with attitudes concerning the authorship of the Bible. Moreover, affiliation with an evangelical tradition works in opposite directions for African Americans and whites. African‐American evangelicals, perhaps because of the messages on economics and civil rights that are preached in the traditional black church, are more likely than other African Americans to vote Democratic. Looking at differences concerning political issues, however, shows much less clarity than does voting behavior. The differences between African‐American and white evangelicals are largely nonexistent, except on issues that deal specifically with race. Conclusion The relationship between religion and voting behavior in presidential elections is more complex than previously thought.

  October 01, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12062   open full text
• Worker Centers and Day Laborers’ Wages*.
  Edwin J. Meléndez, M. Anne Visser, Nik Theodore, Abel Valenzuela.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 19, 2013
  Objective The objective of this study was to assess the impact of day laborer worker centers on the hourly wages earned by day laborers. Methods Using data from the National Day Labor Survey, a two‐step method was estimated to measure the wage impacts of day labor worker centers, and to control for endogeneity and selection bias. Estimated wages were compared across hiring sites to determine whether or not a wage premium was earned by workers who participate in day labor worker centers. Results We find a modest, but statistically significant, wage premium earned by workers who participate in day labor worker centers, as well as evidence suggestive of the capacity of worker centers to mitigate market advantages associated with informal hiring sites. Conclusions We argue that while worker centers remain the most effective means through which day labor markets can be regulated and workers’ wages improved, increasing the regulatory capacity of these labor market intermediaries will require a significant “scaling up,” so that they can more fully influence the larger political, economic, and social contexts in which the day labor economy is embedded.

  September 19, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12054   open full text
• Barack Obama and the Rhetoric of Electoral Logic.
  Julia R. Azari, Justin S. Vaughn.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 19, 2013
  Objectives This article examines Barack Obama's efforts to interpret and characterize the contrasting outcomes of the 2008 and 2010 elections, using an original data set of presidential communications. Methods We performed a content analysis of 241 presidential communications. Results Obama's post‐2008 mandate claims alternated between claiming a mandate on a variety of policy issues and framing the election as a repudiation of Republican theories of governing. Post‐2010, however, Obama framed the midterm results as evidence for electoral demand for bipartisan cooperation, rather than a repudiation of Democratic policies and ideas. Conclusions Obama's choices in framing the 2008 election contributed to the administration's failure to communicate effectively. Specifically, Obama neglected to create a strong narrative linking the election's results to support for his policy agenda, focusing instead on the election as a repudiation of Republican policies. In contrast, his interpretations of the 2010 midterms appear to be more effective. By identifying the Republicans' behavior as “dysfunctional” and conceding that the election had indicated a demand for the ideas of both parties, Obama offered a more successful alternative to the Republican narrative.

  September 19, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12056   open full text
• Race and Ethnic Variations in the Education‐Control‐Distress Model.
  Terrence D. Hill, Hilary H. Cook, Keith E. Whitfield.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 19, 2013
  Objective Research shows that education favors mental health, in part, because it helps to develop a greater sense of control. To this point, however, it is unclear whether this process varies according to race and ethnicity. Methods Building on previous research, we use data collected from a large probability sample of Texas adults to test the extent to which the education‐control‐distress (E‐C‐D) model varies across three race and ethnic groups, including whites, blacks, and Mexican Americans. Results The results of our simple mediation analyses validate the E‐C‐D model for each race/ethnic group. Our moderated mediation analyses suggest that the indirect effect of education on psychological distress through the sense of control is comparable across race/ethnic groups. Conclusion The mediating influence of the sense of control does not appear to vary according to the three race/ethnic groups included in the study.

  September 19, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12057   open full text
• Stalking: Does it Leave a Psychological Footprint?
  Timothy M. Diette, Arthur H. Goldsmith, Darrick Hamilton, William Darity, Katherine McFarland.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 19, 2013
  Objectives This article offers new evidence on whether stalking damages the mental health of female victims. This study advances the literature by accounting for age of initial stalking victimization, mental health status prior to being stalked, and exposure to other forms of traumatic victimization. Methods Using logistical analysis, we utilize data drawn from three large national data sets. Results We find that being the victim of stalking as a young adult, ages 18–45, significantly increases the odds of initial onset of psychological distress; however, this is not the case for victims ages 12–17. Conclusions Stalking has emerged as a deeply disturbing public issue because of its prevalence and the fear it creates in victims. Unfortunately, little is known about the psychological consequences of being stalked because the emerging literature typically is based on small, nonrandom samples. Our findings highlight the benefits of reducing stalking and the importance of supporting victims.

  September 19, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12058   open full text
• Quantifying the Effect of Age Structure on Voter Registration.
  Peter A. Morrison.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 19, 2013
  Objective Where population subgroups have distinctly “young” or “old” adult age distributions, their observed overall rates of political participation may differ for this demographic reason. Age standardization can quantify the proportion of an observed difference in registration rates attributable to age structural differences between two populations, thereby facilitating comparison of political participation across subgroups. Methods I illustrate the derivation and interpretation of an age‐standardized registration rate. This rate weights a set of observed age‐specific registration rates with a standard age distribution to create a hypothetical total (all‐ages) registration rate, to afford an undistorted comparison of Hispanic and non‐Hispanic white voter registration. Results For seven communities studied here, differences in adult age structure account for as much as one‐third of the observed difference in the voter registration rates of adult Hispanics and non‐Hispanic whites in a community. The effect of age structure is most apparent in those communities registering substantial influxes of young‐adult Hispanics. Conclusion Age standardization is a useful technique to control for differences in population structure that may obscure a comparison of political participation across subgroups.

  September 19, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12059   open full text
• Do Not Count Them Out Just Yet: Assessing the Impact of Religious Conservatives on Charter School Regulations.
  Andrea Vieux.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 19, 2013
  Objective Past research has omitted religious explanations from analyses of charter school adoption and regulation. The following analyses suggest that religion is more of a factor in state charter school regulations than previously thought. Methods Ordinal logistic regression is utilized to test the influence of religious conservatives on state charter school regulations. Results The findings support the assertion that religious interests—particularly evangelicals—are influential in state charter school regulation. Conclusion Consistent with Deckman (), it is suggested that religious factors should not be overlooked when analyzing education policy.

  September 19, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12060   open full text
• Tolerance and the Politics of Identity in the European Union.
  Alan Arwine, Lawrence Mayer.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 19, 2013
  Objectives The basic research problem in this article is whether hostility toward out‐groups is a product of events or whether the degree of hostility toward out‐groups exists independently of such events in the form of a generalized bigotry. Methods We examine two countries that experienced threatening violent events from an unassimilated minority in order to determine if their levels of intolerance increased in the period between two runs of the World Values Survey when these violent events occurred. This article also examines six additional EU countries that did not experience such violent events. Results In the six countries that did not experience violent events, the level of tolerance increased between the two waves of the World Values Survey while tolerance decreased in the two countries that experienced violent events. Conclusions The strongest factor in fostering intolerance toward out‐groups is a perception of a violent, existential threat to one's way of life. Our analyses tentatively suggest the following factor may exacerbate levels of intolerance: the presence and strength of a nativist or populist party of identity mobilizing a rejection of out‐groups.

  September 19, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12061   open full text
• The Effects of Organizational Characteristics and State Environmental Policies on Sulfur‐Dioxide Pollution in U.S. Electrical Energy Corporations.
  Harland Prechel, George Touche.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 11, 2013
  Objective This article examines the effects of organizational characteristics of parent companies in the electrical energy industry and state environmental policies on environmental pollution. By focusing on parent companies, the study draws attention to the managers who have the authority to make decisions that affect environmental pollution. Methods The study employs a cross‐sectional ordinary least squares regression design to examine three measurements of the dependent variable, SO2 emission rates. Results While controlling for several potential effects, the findings support all four hypotheses, which maintain that greater structural complexity, profits, dividend payments to increase shareholder value, and lower state‐level environmental standards resulted in greater environmental pollution. Conclusions The findings suggest that policymakers should focus on capital allocation decisions in parent companies and reexamine the neofederalist policies that provided states with greater autonomy for environmental regulation of corporations in the electrical energy sector.

  July 11, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12052   open full text
• The Influence of Initiative Signature‐Gathering Campaigns on Political Participation.
  Frederick J. Boehmke, R. Michael Alvarez.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 11, 2013
  Objective This article studies the effect of initiative signature‐gathering campaigns on political participation within a state. Methods Using data on signatures gathered for eight initiatives and four different elections, we conduct grouped logit regression to test whether counties that are subject to more intense signature‐gathering campaigns, measured by the number of signatures gathered per capita, experience greater levels of turnout and ballot roll‐off in the subsequent election. Results Our analysis provides evidence that the intensity of signature‐gathering campaigns has a moderate effect on both of these measures of political participation. Conclusion Initiative campaigns influence turnout not just at the state level, but variation in campaigns leads to differences within states as well.

  July 11, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12053   open full text
• Homicide and Social Disorganization on the Border: Implications for Latino and Immigrant Populations.
  Nicholas A. Emerick, Theodore R. Curry, Timothy W. Collins, S. Fernando Rodriguez.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 10, 2013
  Objective We advance social disorganization theory by examining homicides disaggregated by motive and gang relation and by using data from El Paso, Texas—a predominantly Latino city with high levels of immigration and poverty. Methods We analyze homicide data from the El Paso Police Department's detective logs, 1985–1995, as well as data from the 1990 U.S. Decennial Census. Results Key measures of social disorganization tend to be associated with homicide but these relationships vary across type of homicide. Immigration and percent African American show no connection with any homicide measure, while percent Latino is only positively associated with gang‐related homicides. Conclusion Overall, social disorganization is useful in understanding homicide in El Paso, but race/ethnicity and immigration do not operate as predicted. These results add important knowledge to a growing literature regarding the neighborhood‐level associations between immigration, Latinos, and crime.

  July 10, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12051   open full text
• Conservative Christians and Support for Transracial Adoption as an Alternative to Abortion.
  Samuel L. Perry.
  Social Science Quarterly. June 12, 2013
  Objective This study examines whether support for transracial adoption (TRA) among evangelical Protestants and Catholics is uniquely tied to their cultural and political opposition to abortion. Mainline Protestants, persons of other religious faiths, and the religiously unaffiliated are used as comparison groups, and support for same‐sex adoption is used as a comparison issue. Method Data are taken from the 2005 Baylor Religion Survey. I estimate logistic regression models to examine the link between support for TRA and abortion attitudes across all five groups considered, net of relevant sociodemographic and ideological factors. Results For evangelicals and Catholics, opposition to abortion under any circumstance has a positive net effect on their support for TRA. However, opposition to abortion does not predict support for TRA among mainline Protestants, adherents to other religions, or the unaffiliated. Support for same‐sex adoption is a strong predictor of support for TRA across all groups. Conclusion An interesting paradox is thus observed in that evangelicals and Catholics who support TRA are more socially progressive on most other issues (younger, more racially tolerant, support same‐sex adoption), except in their views toward abortion. On this issue, they are more conservative.

  June 12, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12047   open full text
• Understanding the Multilevel Foundation of Social Trust in Rural China: Evidence from the China General Social Survey.
  Narisong Huhe.
  Social Science Quarterly. June 12, 2013
  Objective In recent years, there has been a fast‐growing body of literature on the sources of social trust. However, empirical studies focusing on non‐Western societies are rare. To fill the gap, this study is intended to explore both the individual and contextual sources of social trust in rural China. Methods This study uses hierarchical linear models to analyze the multilevel foundations of social trust based upon a unique two‐level data set from the China General Social Survey (CGSS) conducted nationwide at both the individual and village level in rural China. Results The results indicate that Chinese villagers markedly differentiate between the particularized and generalized forms of trust. While particularized trust is strongly influenced by both personal experiences and subjective orientations, generalized trust is closely associated with one's basic values (i.e., norms of civility). Moreover, both types of trust are very unevenly distributed in rural China, and geographically dispersed villages tend to strongly constrain the development of social trust. Conclusion Given the complex nature of social trust, these results suggest that more sophisticated studies should be introduced to map how its forms and magnitudes vary across localities.

  June 12, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12049   open full text
• Individual Protest Participation in the United States: Conventional and Unconventional Activism.
  Joseph DiGrazia.
  Social Science Quarterly. June 12, 2013
  Objectives This study addresses differences in the predictors of participation in different forms of protest activity using nationally representative data. The two types of protest examined, referred to as conventional and unconventional forms of activism, are differentiated by differing levels of risk, demands, and political legitimacy. Methods The analysis uses multinominal logistic regression and data from the World Values Survey to assess the effects of a wide range of independent variables on participation in protest. Results The results indicate that participation in conventional forms of protest, activities that are relatively undemanding, socially legitimate, and low risk, tend to follow patterns that are consistent with participation in institutional politics. That is, participants in this form of activism tend to be socially privileged and ideologically moderate. Participants in unconventional protest, those that are highly demanding, socially illegitimate, or carry substantial risks, tend to be more ideologically extreme, socially disadvantaged, and more alienated from the conventional political system. Conclusions The findings in this study suggest that the lack of consistency in some existing research on protest participation may be attributable to differences in the predictors of participation associated with different forms of protest. This study indicates that protest participation is not a unitary construct and should not be treated as one in research.

  June 12, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12048   open full text
• The Importance of Race and Religion in Social Service Providers.
  Becky Hsu, Conrad Hackett, Leslie Hinkson.
  Social Science Quarterly. June 12, 2013
  Objectives The objectives of this study are to investigate the traits that clients find important in professional social service providers, comparing confidence in client management skills (friendliness, experience, and knowledge) to desire for demographic characteristics (being of the same race and religion). Methods To accomplish this task, we use multiple regression to analyze results of the Lehigh Valley Trust Survey of low‐income recipients of social services. Results While most respondents find the professional traits important, there is significant variation in whether respondents consider demographic characteristics to be important. We find that having a provider of the same race is very important for African Americans and Hispanics, while having a provider with similar religious beliefs is extremely important for evangelical Protestants. Other predictive variables for homophilous preferences in race and religion are age, mobility, and education. Conclusions Professional skills corresponding to organizational position are important to most people, but specific demographic groups prioritize racial, ethnic, and religious homophily. While we suggest some possible explanations (perceived or actual discrimination and cultural concordance), further research is needed to determine the causes.

  June 12, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12050   open full text
• The Lingering Effect of Scandals in Congressional Elections: Incumbents, Challengers, and Voters.
  Rodrigo Praino, Daniel Stockemer, Vincent G. Moscardelli.
  Social Science Quarterly. June 12, 2013
  Objective We have two goals. First, we investigate both the short‐ and long‐term electoral impact of involvement in scandals on reelection margins of incumbents in U.S. congressional elections. Second, we evaluate the impact of scandals on district‐level turnout. Methods We model the impact of involvement in a political scandal on incumbents’ electoral margins in the election cycle in which the scandal comes to light, as well as in future election cycles. We also model the impact of scandal on district‐level turnout. Results Involvement in a scandal exerts not only an immediate, negative effect on incumbents’ margins, but one that also lingers beyond the initial reelection cycle. Elections involving incumbents embroiled in scandals experience a small boost in turnout. Conclusion In tandem, these results implicate the mobilization of previous nonvoters intent on “throwing the bum out” as one mechanism through which incumbent vote share is depressed in scandal elections.

  June 12, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12046   open full text
• The Varied Influence of SES on Environmental Concern.
  Fred C. Pampel.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 22, 2013
  Objective Cross‐national studies have found positive relationships of socioeconomic status (SES) with environmental concern at the individual level but have not systematically examined how the relationships may differ across nations. Such comparisons have relevance to identifying the generality of theories of postmaterialism, affluence, and global environmentalism. Methods This study specifies how the individual‐level influence of SES varies across national contexts and tests predictions using four waves of the World Values Survey on up to 96 nations. Results The results show that SES is associated only weakly with environmental concern in lower income nations with poor environmental conditions but is associated strongly and positively in higher income nations with better environmental conditions. Conclusion SES has a contingent relationship with environmental concern such that the global environmentalism theory receives support for lower income nations, while the postmaterialism and affluence theories receive support for higher income nations.

  May 22, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12045   open full text
• Cultural Characters and Climate Change: How Heroes Shape Our Perception of Climate Science.
  Michael D. Jones.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 22, 2013
  Objective This research examines how narrative communication structures influence the public's perceptions of risk and policy preferences related to climate change. Methods An Internet‐based experiment is used to expose roughly 1,500 census‐balanced U.S. respondents to climate change information. Four experimental treatments are operationalized: a baseline control fact list and three culturally nuanced narratives. Results Ordinary least squares (OLS) regression analysis indicates that narrative structure, particularly through the hero character, plays a powerful role in shaping climate change perceptions of risk and policy preferences. Conclusion Explanations of the public's perceptions of risk and climate change policy preferences should more explicitly account for the role of dominant climate narratives.

  May 22, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12043   open full text
• Pessimists, Optimists, and Skeptics: The Consequences of Transnational Ties for Latino Immigrant Naturalization.
  Sarah Allen Gershon, Adrian D. Pantoja.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 22, 2013
  Objective Central to current debates over immigration is the impact of transnational ties on immigrant political incorporation in the United States. Some researchers believe these ties hinder incorporation, while others have found a positive relationship between these variables, and yet other scholars have found that transnational connections exert no significant impact on immigrant behavior in the United States. We test these competing hypotheses in an attempt to resolve this scholarly debate. Methods We rely on data from the 2006 Latino National Survey and use logistic regression to test the impact of transnational ties on immigrant political incorporation (via naturalization). Results Transnational ties positively impact immigrants’ orientations toward citizenship and eventual naturalization. Conclusions Immigrant political incorporation is not a unidirectional process where immigrant engagement in the United States increases with disengagement in the ancestral homeland. Rather, Latino immigrants with ties to their ancestral homelands are more likely to desire and seek out U.S. citizenship.

  May 22, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12044   open full text
• Yes, Raise My Taxes: Property Tax Cap Override Elections.
  Douglas D. Roscoe.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 16, 2013
  Objectives Although public opinion generally is opposed to tax increases, voters frequently choose to raise their own taxes in property tax cap override elections. This study sought to uncover the factors that are associated with successful attempts to increase local property taxes. Methods This phenomenon was studied in Massachusetts towns, where over 1,200 overrides were successful from 1990 to 2007. Multivariate analysis was used to assess the relative importance of variables related to two theoretical perspectives: voting as utility maximization and voting as symbolic action. Results The results show that override support reflects the fiscal condition of the town, the context of the particular override request, and, most importantly, the socioeconomics of the community. Overrides were more successful in communities that had higher levels of education, lower levels of affluence, and smaller nonwhite populations. In addition, overrides were more successful in towns with lower existing tax rates and where the particular override was less salient and narrower in scope. Conclusions On balance, the results are supportive of a symbolic theory of override voting in which voters are expressing their general views about government, rather than choosing in a way reflective of individual utility maximization.

  May 16, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12037   open full text
• Examining Latino Support for Descriptive Representation: The Role of Identity and Discrimination.
  Sophia J. Wallace.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 16, 2013
  Objectives To determine the role of linked fate, cultural factors, and experiences with discrimination on support for descriptive representation among Latinos. Methods Utilizing data from the Latino National Survey (2006) and ordered logistic regression this article analyzes the impact of Latino‐linked fate, cultural factors, and personal and group experiences with discrimination on desire for Latino representation. Results A higher sense of attachment to Latino‐linked fate and Spanish results in a greater desire for Latino representatives. Similarly, Latinos who believed Latinos suffered from group discrimination were in greater support of Latino representatives. Conclusions By examining descriptive representation from the perspective of how Latinos feel, this investigation improves our understanding of how attachment to a linked fate, language, and experiences with discrimination work to influence support for Latino representatives.

  May 16, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12038   open full text
• The Nonequivalent Health of High School Equivalents.
  Anna Zajacova, Bethany G. Everett.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 16, 2013
  Objectives Millions of U.S. adults are recipients of the high school (HS) equivalency (General Education Development [GED]) diploma. Virtually nothing is known about the health of this large group, although literature suggests GED recipients are considerably worse off than HS graduates in numerous economic and social outcomes. We analyze general health among working‐age adults with a HS diploma, GED recipients, and HS dropouts. Methods Ordered and binary logistic models of self‐rated health and activity limitations were estimated using data from the 1997–2009 National Health Interview Surveys (N = 76,703). Results GED recipients have significantly and substantially worse health than HS graduates, among both sexes. In fact, the GED recipients’ health is generally comparable to that of HS dropouts. Health behaviors and economic factors explain a large proportion of the difference but the gap remains significant. Conclusions In terms of health, adults with a terminal GED are not equivalent to HS graduates. GED recipients report considerably worse general health and activity limitations. The disadvantage is only partly due to the worse economic outcomes and health behaviors; a significant difference remains unexplained and may be due to other, unobserved pathways, or to selection mechanisms.

  May 16, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12039   open full text
• Do Social Ties Encourage Immigrant Voters to Participate in Other Campaign Activities?
  Casey A. Klofstad, Benjamin G. Bishin.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 16, 2013
  Objective How do immigrants become politically active? While this process has been extensively studied, the role of ties to formal and informal institutions of society has been understudied. We test whether informal (political discussion) and formal (connections to community organizations) ties encourage immigrant voters to participate in other campaign activities. Methods Data were collected through a 2008 exit poll of Miami‐Dade County, Florida, USA voters. Along with assessing the bivariate relationship between social ties and campaign participation, we use a Poisson event count regression model to control for alternative explanations. Results The positive relationship between social ties and campaign participation among immigrant voters disappears once we control for alternative explanations. There is, however, a positive relationship among the native born (including second‐generation immigrants). Conclusion Voters need to acquire personal resources, and become assimilated into American political culture, before social ties have an effect on campaign participation.

  May 16, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12040   open full text
• The President on Spanish‐Language Television News.
  Matthew Eshbaugh‐Soha, Christine Balarezo.
  Social Science Quarterly. May 16, 2013
  Objectives Different audience demographics and preferences should produce significant descriptive differences in the content of presidential news, with Noticiero Telemundo (Telemundo) newscasts offering more treatment of presidential news concerning issues pertinent to Latinos than NBC Nightly News (NBC). In addition, presidents can influence Spanish‐language news by targeting policy issues and locations most relevant to Latinos. Methods We offer a basic descriptive comparison of news features and also use probit methodology to predict the conditions that contribute to Spanish‐language presidential news coverage over 85 days in early 2011. Results Although Telemundo and NBC devote a similar amount of coverage to the president, Telemundo appeals to its Latino audience by reporting on issues relevant to Latinos. In addition, presidents increase the likelihood of Spanish‐language news coverage by visiting border states. Conclusions Presidential influence of the news extends to Spanish‐language television, even though Spanish‐language news covers different topics in comparison with English‐language news coverage.

  May 16, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12042   open full text
• Co‐Pay and Feel Okay: Self‐Rated Health Status After a Health Insurance Reform.
  Alfredo R. Paloyo.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 17, 2013
  Objective The reliability of general self‐rated health status is examined using the reform of the public health insurance system of Germany in 2004 as a source of exogenous variation. The reform introduced a co‐payment for ambulatory doctor visits and increased the co‐payments for prescription drugs. Methods This natural experiment allows identification of the causal impact of the program on self‐assessed health (SAH). A difference‐in‐differences estimator is applied to estimate the effect of the reform on SAH. Results Using data from the German Socio‐Economic Panel, the results indicate that the reform improved the treatment group's average SAH even when there was no discernible impact on actual health. Conclusion The exercise reveals the sensitivity of SAH to a perturbation in the insurance system. More objective measures of health may be needed to acquire an accurate assessment of general health when the health system is in flux.

  April 17, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12027   open full text
• The Human Polygyny Index and its Ecological Correlates: Testing Sexual Selection and Life History Theory at the Cross‐National Level.
  David P. Schmitt, Percy A. Rohde.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 17, 2013
  Objectives Sexual selection theory suggests patterns of covariance among polygynous mating behaviors and ecological variables at the cross‐national level. We quantified national levels of polygyny using the human polygyny index (HPI), a ratio of men's to women's variability in the numbers of sex partners over the past year. Methods HPI scores were available for 48 nations from the International Sexuality Description Project (Schmitt, 2005), and were used to test three hypotheses: (1) human polygyny should be associated with increased intrasexual competition (e.g., high male‐male aggression and resource competition), (2) human polygyny should be associated with features of natural and intersexual selection (e.g., high pathogen stress and an emphasis on physical attractiveness in mate choice), and (3) human polygyny should be associated with early and more prolific reproduction. Results All three hypotheses received at least partial support. Conclusions Discussion focuses on the limitations and implications of the current findings.

  April 17, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12030   open full text
• Representation in Hybrid Regimes: Constituency and Party Influences on Legislative Voting in the Russian Duma 1996–1999.
  Tanya Bagashka.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 17, 2013
  Objectives The objectives of the study were to establish whether district ideology was reflected in legislator ideal points in the 1996–1999 Duma. Methods I integrate for the first time individual‐level survey data on citizen attitudes to economic reform, the major dimension of political conflict in Russia in the 1990s, with individual legislator voting records from the 1996 to 1999 Duma. Using a Bayesian method, I estimate legislator ideal points as a function of individual and district characteristics and an individually specific random shock to assess the direct effect of district ideology and party membership. Results According to my results, legislators were responsive to district preferences on salient legislation such as final passage votes and key votes. Conclusions The findings have implications for the effects of a mixed electoral system, which was introduced in many young democracies in Eastern Europe and Latin America. The broader conclusion of the study is that the electoral incentives in the single‐member district component of the election can encourage legislative responsiveness even in a “partial” democracy such as Russia.

  April 17, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12031   open full text
• A Trickle or a Torrent? Understanding the Extent of Summer “Melt” Among College‐Intending High School Graduates.
  Benjamin L. Castleman, Lindsay C. Page.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 17, 2013
  Objectives The object of this study was to examine whether college‐intending, low‐income high school graduates are particularly susceptible to having their postsecondary education plans change, or even fall apart, during the summer after high school graduation. College access research has largely overlooked this time period. Yet, previous research indicates that a sizeable share of low‐income students who had paid college deposits reconsidered where, and even whether, to enroll in the months following graduation. We assess the extent to which this phenomenon—commonly referred to as “summer melt”—is broadly generalizable. Methods We employ two data sources, a national survey and administrative data from a large metropolitan area, and regression analysis to estimate the prevalence of summer melt. Results Our analyses reveal summer melt rates of sizeable magnitude: ranging from 8 to 40 percent. Conclusions Our results indicate that low‐income, college‐intending students experience high rates of summer attrition from the college pipeline. Given the goal of improving the flow of low‐income students to and through college, it is imperative to investigate how to effectively intervene and mitigate summer melt.

  April 17, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12032   open full text
• Getting Lost on the Way to the Party: Ambivalence, Indifference, and Defection with Evidence from Two Presidential Elections.
  Judd R. Thornton.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 15, 2013
  Objectives Building on work noting the difference between ambivalence and indifference, and long‐standing theories of partisanship, this article seeks to examine the extent to which ambivalence and indifference differ in their impact on the likelihood of individuals defecting from their party when voting. Methods Examining two national surveys, the voting behavior of ambivalent, indifferent, and one‐sided individuals are compared. Results It is shown that indifferent individuals are the most likely to defect from their partisanship and vote for the other major party or a third party and one‐sided the least. Conclusion Those who are indifferent toward the parties are distinct from those with one‐sided or ambivalent evaluations, and this difference leads to a greater likelihood of voting against one's party in presidential elections.

  April 15, 2013   doi: 10.1111/j.1540-6237.2012.00940.x   open full text
• Residential Choice Constraints and Environmental Justice.
  Yushim Kim, Heather Campbell, Adam Eckerd.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 15, 2013
  Objective In the environmental justice literature, uncertainty exists about the underlying causes of environmental risk disparities, especially as they relate to residential choices. To simplify, the two dominant views are racism/discrimination versus inevitable market dynamics. In this article, we move aside from these to examine the potential role of various residential choice constraints on environmental injustice and how they may be interrelated. Methods Using an agent‐based simulation model, we examine the interaction of race‐based constraints with other experimental conditions that can affect minorities’ residential choice sets. Results Simulation experiments demonstrate that if the minority holds relatively lower similarity preferences, the environmental quality gap declines when other conditions are held constant. However, racial parity in communities also decreases the environmental quality gap, as do slower population growth and larger geographies. Conclusion These results enable us to look at the problem of race‐based environmental injustice more holistically, and begin to think about holistic solutions that may finally address what has heretofore been an intractable social problem.

  April 15, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12033   open full text
• Racial Neutrality by Any Other Name: An Examination of Collateral Consequence Policies in the United States.
  Natasha V. Christie.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 15, 2013
  Objective This study highlights the complex role that race plays in the restrictiveness of felon collateral consequence policies in the 50 states by introducing the combination of symbolic racism and racial threat as integral dimensions of the traditional race‐based arguments made in this policy area. Methods Using Alec Ewald's felon collateral consequence scores for the 50 states as the dependent variable and symbolic racism and racial threat variables as the major independent variables, an ordinary least squares (OLS) regression model estimated the effects of race‐based, ideological, political, and demographic independent variables on a state's felon collateral consequence score. Results The combination of symbolic racism and racial threat add an additional dimension to the traditional race‐policy connection within this policy area. Specifically, states with high levels of racial threat and symbolic racism were more likely to have higher felon collateral consequence scores. Yet, the presence of a state with a high level of black representatives in its state's legislature negated the effect of these variables. Conclusions Although similar studies have confirmed that racially neutral policies, such as felon collateral consequence policies, are affected by race, they have limited their discussion to one specific dimension—racial threat. The evidence presented in this study provided support for the inclusion of a multidimensional race‐based argument in this policy area.

  April 15, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12034   open full text
• Do Employees Care About Their Relative Income Position? Behavioral Evidence Focusing on Performance in Professional Team Sport.
  Bruno S. Frey, Markus Schaffner, Sascha L. Schmidt, Benno Torgler.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 09, 2013
  Objective Do employees care about their relative (economic) position in comparison to their co‐workers in an organization? And if so, does it raise or lower their performance? While the topic is widely discussed in the literature, behavioral evidence on these important questions is relatively rare. Methods This article explores the pay‐performance relationship using a sports data set. The strength of analyzing such data is that sports tournaments take place in a very controlled environment that helps to isolate a relative income effect. Results Using two large unique data sets that cover 26 seasons in basketball and eight seasons in soccer (Bundesliga), we find considerable support for the idea that a relative income disadvantage is correlated with a decrease in individual performance. In addition, there does not seem to be any tolerance for income disparity based on the hope that such differences may signal that better times are ahead. Conclusions This suggests the need to consider the impact of the relative income position when designing pay‐for‐performance mechanisms within firms and teams.

  April 09, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12024   open full text
• The Political Socialization of Adolescent Children of Immigrants.
  Melissa Humphries, Chandra Muller, Kathryn S. Schiller.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 09, 2013
  Objectives This study aims to evaluate the adolescent political socialization processes that predict political participation in young adulthood, and whether these processes are different for children of immigrants compared to white third‐plus‐generation adolescents. We focus on socialization agents based in the family, community, and school. Methods We use a nationally representative longitudinal survey of adolescents to evaluate the predictors of three measures of political participation—voter registration, voting, and political party identification—and whether the process leading to political participation varies by immigrant status and race/ethnic group. Results We find that the parental education level of adolescents is not as predictive for many minority children of immigrants compared to white children of native‐born parents for registration. Additionally, the academic rigor of the courses taken in high school has a greater positive estimated effect on the likelihood of registration and party identification for Latino children of immigrants compared to white third‐plus‐generation young adults. Conclusions The process of general integration into U.S. society for adolescent children of immigrants may lead to differing pathways to political participation in young adulthood, with certain aspects of their schooling experience having particular importance in developing political participation behaviors.

  April 09, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12025   open full text
• Has Growing Income Inequality Polarized the American Electorate? Class, Party, and Ideological Polarization*.
  Bryan J. Dettrey, James E. Campbell.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 09, 2013
  Objectives We investigate whether growing income inequality has heightened differences in economic interests between “the haves” and “the have nots” and if this class polarization has increased ideological polarization in the electorate. Methods We examine the trend in ideological orientation among low‐ and high‐income voters from 1972 to 2008. Results While both income inequality and ideological polarization have increased in recent years, this analysis indicates that the growth in ideological polarization is not the result of growing income inequality. The well‐off have not become significantly more conservative and less liberal nor have those on the lower rungs of the economic ladder become significantly more liberal and less conservative. Conclusion The analysis indicates that ideological polarization is the result of the increased polarization of the political parties, not class polarization.

  April 09, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12026   open full text
• Together in Good Times and Bad? How Economic Triggers Condition the Effects of Intergroup Threat.
  Alexandra Filindra, Shanna Pearson‐Merkowitz.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 09, 2013
  Objectives Research has suggested that geosocial exposure to out‐groups is associated with heightened threat perceptions on the part of the dominant white majority. However, findings are not consistent. Methods Drawing on realistic group conflict theory and research in political science that privileges the role of the economic context, we test if the effects of geosocial exposure are conditioned on individual expectations about the health of the macroeconomy using a unique data set from the New England states. Results We show that a perceived increase in the presence of immigrants in the community positively correlates with restrictionist immigration policy preferences (in this case support for Arizona's anti‐immigration law), but only when people are pessimistic about the future of the state's economy. Conclusion The information provided by the social context becomes relevant for people's policy preference formation only when they experience or expect material loss.

  April 09, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12028   open full text
• The Racial Underpinnings of Party Identification and Political Ideology.
  Maruice Mangum.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 09, 2013
  Objective The racial issue evolution theory has shaped our understanding of U.S. party politics since 1964. However, some scholars disagree that racial issues are the chief factors. Others argue that social identities are the key to understanding U.S. party politics. Methods Using logistic regression, this analysis addresses this controversy and joins the debate with a different test of the social identity theory. Results It demonstrates that relationships between three racial psychological attachments (categorization, identification, and consciousness) and political orientation (party identification and political ideology) exist even when controlling for other factors. Conclusion The findings suggest that Americans rely on racial categorization and identification when identifying themselves with a political party, but not a political ideology. However, the findings suggest that Americans rely on racial and moral issues when adopting a political ideology, but not party identification.

  April 09, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12029   open full text
• Achieving Democratic Leadership: A Data‐Mined Prescription.
  Steven J. Jurek, Anthony Scime.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 09, 2013
  Objective To understand what kind of individuals lead particular regimes, this study examines the most influential people in politics, the executives, to uncover the relationship between their characteristics and the type of regime they govern. Methods This article employs data mining with characteristics of executives worldwide against the state's Freedom House ranking. Results Through data mining, the results indicate that while there are still many important factors that coincide with democracy, the length of time in office and to a lesser extent the religious beliefs of executives and the likelihood of being classified as a democracy are heavily related. Conclusion This article concludes with a recommendation for supporting specific types of executives to increase the likelihood for successful democratization to minimize authoritarian rule.

  April 09, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12035   open full text
• Show Them the Mission: A Comparison of Teacher Recruitment Incentives in High Need Communities.
  James Shuls, Robert Maranto.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 01, 2013
  Objective Most public organizations use both materialistic and idealistic appeals to attract valued employees, with the latter being particularly important for difficult jobs. Teaching in high poverty communities is one such job, though none have studied whether successful high poverty schools such as the Knowledge Is Power Program (KIPP) schools make relatively greater use of public service appeals in teacher recruitment. In education, we identify these materialistic and idealistic appeals as teacher‐centered and student‐centered incentives. Teacher‐centered incentives are those that appeal to a teacher's desire for higher compensation or advancement opportunities, whereas student‐centered appeals attempt to attract teachers with a public service mission. Method We compare the use of teacher‐centered and student‐centered appeals in teacher recruitment by the universe of KIPP networks (n = 33) and neighboring traditional public school districts (n = 34), each serving disadvantaged populations. Coders record personnel website use of four teacher‐centered appeals (including salary and benefits) and four student‐centered appeals. Results Chi‐square tests show that KIPP schools make less use of teacher‐centered appeals, especially monetary compensation, and more use of student‐centered appeals in teacher recruitment. Conclusion Supplemented by fieldwork, findings suggest that appeals to mission may work better than merit pay in recruiting effective teachers for high poverty schools.

  April 01, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12011   open full text
• Citizenship Status and Patterns of Inequality in the United States and Canada.
  Sofya Aptekar.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 01, 2013
  Objective This study investigates inequalities in the distribution of citizenship status among immigrants in Canada and the United States between 1970 and 2001. It is motivated by a desire to probe deeper into the gap in citizenship rates between the two countries. Methods Logistic regression analysis of census data is used to predict the odds of citizenship among the foreign born, controlling for a range of factors. Results There has been a growing inequality in the distribution of citizenship in the United States, but not in Canada. Low rates of citizenship hide the appearance of a large disparity in citizenship between those with the lowest levels of education and everyone else. These results cannot be entirely ascribed to the presence of undocumented immigrants. Conclusion Persistent and large inequalities in citizenship leave the already disadvantaged unskilled immigrants without access to rights, representation, security, or job and educational opportunities.

  April 01, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12018   open full text
• Self‐Esteem and the Reproduction of Social Class.
  Spencer L. James, Paul R. Amato.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 01, 2013
  Objective Although prior research has demonstrated the multiple pathways through which socioeconomic attainment occurs, one unexplored avenue regards the role of psychological mechanisms such as self‐esteem in this process. Method Using three waves of data from the National Survey of Families and Households (N = 1,952), we employed structural equation models to examine the relationship between parenting practices and attitudes, socioeconomic status, offspring's self‐esteem, and the likelihood of offspring college attendance. Results Self‐esteem was positively related to the likelihood of offspring's college attendance. Additionally, self‐esteem was found to be a modest mediator of the relationship between parental educational expectations and parental income, respectively, and the likelihood of offspring completing or being currently enrolled in college. Conclusion Self‐esteem may constitute one previously unconsidered mechanism for reproducing the class structure in the United States.

  April 01, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12019   open full text
• The Influence of Race, Class, and Metropolitan Area Characteristics on African‐American Residential Segregation.
  Andrew L. Spivak, Shannon M. Monnat.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 01, 2013
  Objectives Sociologists and other scholars have debated the causes of continuing residential segregation for several decades. Social class has been largely discounted as a substantial determinant of residential segregation by race, but recent studies have brought renewed attention to class variables. The present study reassesses the role of social class, using household income, while also considering metropolitan area characteristics. Methods This study expands on prior research by examining residential segregation between black‐alone and white‐alone households with 2000 decennial Census data for all U.S. Metropolitan Statistical Areas (MSAs) with at least 200,000 or more black population or 1,000,000 total population (60 MSAs total), using both spatial unevenness (dissimilarity) and two types of experiential (i.e., contextual) indicators (exposure indices), measuring socioeconomic status (SES) with a greater range and number of income levels than in past research, and using multivariate models to account for metropolitan area characteristics. Results We find that both dissimilarity and exposure measures are significantly associated with household income—black households with higher household incomes live in neighborhoods with greater exposure to whites and lower isolation from other blacks than do black households with lower incomes. Additionally, a number of MSA‐level characteristics—several of which have not been considered in previous research—are substantially associated with black/white residential segregation. Conclusion We interpret these findings in the context of spatial assimilation and place stratification perspectives, and conclude that racial segregation is at least partly based on class.

  April 01, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12021   open full text
• The Gender Gap in High School Physics: Considering the Context of Local Communities.
  Catherine Riegle‐Crumb, Chelsea Moore.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 01, 2013
  Objectives We focus on variation in gender inequality in physics course‐taking, questioning the notion of a ubiquitous male advantage. We consider how inequality in high school physics is related to the context of students’ local communities, specifically the representation of women in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) occupations in the labor force. Methods This study uses nationally representative data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health and its education component, the Adolescent Health and Academic Achievement Transcript Study. Results Approximately half of schools are characterized by either gender equality or even a small female advantage in enrollment in this traditionally male subject. Furthermore, variation in the gender gap in physics is related to the percent of women who are employed in STEM occupations within the community. Conclusion Our study suggests that communities differ in the extent to which traditionally gendered status expectations shape beliefs and behaviors.

  April 01, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12022   open full text
• Minority Chairs and Congressional Attention to Minority Issues: The Effect of Descriptive Representation in Positions of Institutional Power.
  William Curtis Ellis, Walter Clark Wilson.
  Social Science Quarterly. April 01, 2013
  Objectives Marginalization of minority issues from the congressional agenda is widely recognized as a hurdle to the functional representation of African Americans and Latinos. This article examines whether the descriptive representation of minorities in positions of influence helps to address this marginalization. Methods Logistic regression analysis of over 27,000 hearings held in the U.S. House of Representatives between 1979 and 2008 examines whether congressional hearings addressing minority interest issues were more likely to occur under Latino and African‐American committee and subcommittee chairs. Results Findings reveal hearings chaired by Latinos and African Americans were more likely to address civil rights, social welfare, and housing issues. Conclusion These findings confirm that descriptive representation in positions with influence over committee agendas facilitates institutional attention to minority issues, and suggests that the acquisition of institutional power by black and Latino representatives is critical to the functional representation of minority interests.

  April 01, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12023   open full text
• Do Citizens Link Attitudes with Preferences? Economic Inequality and Government Spending in the “New Gilded Age”.
  Thomas J. Hayes.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 04, 2013
  Objectives This article investigates the extent to which people link policy preferences with unequal outcomes. As the American public is both aware and supportive of reducing income inequality in the abstract, it is an open question whether this concern is translated into support for policies that might help alleviate the rise in economic inequality. Methods Ordinary least squares (OLS) regression is used with data from the General Social Survey (GSS). Results The relationship between attitudes about wealth inequality and spending preferences is positive, but not strong. Moreover, there is no evidence that the least well‐off are more attuned to linking attitudes about inequality with spending preferences than the upper or middle classes. Conclusion The main findings suggest that while citizens are able to link attitudes about inequality with spending preferences, the link might not be strong enough to propel elected officials to act as wealth inequality expands.

  March 04, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12015   open full text
• Party Government and Variation in Corporate Influence on Agency Decision Making: OSHA Regulation, 1981–2006.
  Christopher Witko.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 04, 2013
  Objective To understand how changes in the partisan control of the institutions of government may condition the effect of corporate political activities on bureaucratic decision making. Methods I examine the variation in the effectiveness of corporate political expenditures in reducing workplace safety (Occupational Safety and Health Administration) violations across partisan contexts between 1981 and 2006 for a large number of corporations. Results Corporate expenditures have a greater suppressant effect on workplace safety violations (but not inspections) when the Republicans control the Congress or presidency. Conclusions Corporations are able to influence bureaucratic decision making, but bureaucrats balance the demands of corporations against those of other party constituencies and their political principals. Thus, the partisan control of government importantly conditions corporate influence in the bureaucracy.

  March 04, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12016   open full text
• Religion and Interracial Romance: The Effects of Religious Affiliation, Public and Devotional Practices, and Biblical Literalism.
  Samuel L. Perry.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 04, 2013
  Objective This study examines how religious affiliations, salience, beliefs, and practices influence engagement in interracial dating or romance. Methods Bivariate and multivariate analyses are employed using data from the 2007 Baylor Religion Survey (N = 1,268). Logistic regression models are estimated in order to determine how certain dimensions of religious life predict whether one has engaged in interracial dating or romance, net of sociodemographic and ideological controls. Results Relative to evangelicals, mainline Protestants are less likely to have engaged in interracial romance. Those who frequently attend church and affirm biblical literalism are less likely to have dated across race, but those who engage in devotional practices such as prayer and sacred text reading are more likely to have interracialy dated. Conclusion The relationship between religion and interracial romance is more complex than previously thought. Future studies should both acknowledge and account for this complexity in their analyses.

  March 04, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12017   open full text
• An Examination of the Measurement Adequacy of the NES Scales for the Measurement of Racially Relevant Attitudes.
  Michael Hooper.
  Social Science Quarterly. March 04, 2013
  Objective The objective of the research reported in this article is to determine if the NES scale for the measurement of equalitarianism is adequate for the measurement of attitudes toward equality in the mass public. Methods The analysis begins with the conjecture that the items are framed in terms that are too abstract for the typical member of the mass public to comprehend. As a result, it is argued, each item will not measure the same latent variable, equalitarianism. Rather, item scores will be saturated with systematic error in the form of response set, with the items falling into separate groups depending on how they are framed, rendering scores on the items problematic for use in empirical analysis. For contrast, responses to the items constituting the NES racial resentment scale are also examined. The items comprising this scale are framed in more concrete terms. As a result, it is argued that items comprising the racial resentment scale should display much less systematic error in the form of response set when used in the mass public. Using NES data from a national sample drawn in 2008, responses to the items comprising the equalitarian and racial resentment scales were analyzed via differences of means, correlations, and LISREL (C)onfirmatory (F)actor (A)nalyses. Results The results for the equalitarianism scale do not support the conclusion that each item is measuring the same latent variable. Rather, the results are consistent with the argument that response set is the dominant factor in shaping responses. The results for the racial resentment scale support the conclusion that each item is measuring what it is designed to measure and response set is playing a relatively minor role in shaping responses. An additional confirmatory factor analysis of scores on the equalitarian scale was done using only highly educated respondents. This segment of the population can be expected to deal relatively easily with items framed in abstract terms. The CFA for this group of respondents yielded results that bear out this expectation and are interpreted as buttressing the principal argument of the article that the items constituting the scale are not suitable for use in the mass public because they are couched in terms too abstract for the typical member of the mass public to comprehend. Conclusion The article concludes with the suggestion that it would be useful to develop a new scale for the measurement of equalitarian attitudes in the mass public, along with some suggestions regarding the nature of such an instrument.

  March 04, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12014   open full text
• Is All Punishment Local? The Effects of Jurisdictional Context on Sentence Length*.
  Elsa Y. Chen.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 22, 2013
  Objectives This article investigates the extent to which contextual and individual factors influence the length of prison sentences in California. Methods The analysis applies a hierarchical linear model to individual and county‐level data. Results Some characteristics of the racial, organizational, and public safety environments are found to influence the length of prison terms. Conclusions The findings support the organizational maintenance perspective and the idea of minority incarceration as a response to a perceived crime threat. Political environment is not found to have a significant effect on sentence lengths, and the findings do not support the racial threat hypothesis. The effects of contextual factors are more modest than those of individual attributes, including legally relevant variables, such as offense severity, prior record, parole status, and three strikes eligibility. African‐American and younger offenders receive longer sentences, but this effect is not found for Latinos. Substantive, methodological, and policy implications are discussed.

  February 22, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12006   open full text
• Racial and Social Class Differences in How Parents Respond to Inadequate Achievement: Consequences for Children's Future Achievement.
  Keith Robinson, Angel L. Harris.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 22, 2013
  Objective Despite numerous studies on parental involvement in children's academic schooling, there is a dearth of knowledge on how parents respond specifically to inadequate academic performance. This study examines whether (1) racial differences exist in parenting philosophy for addressing inadequate achievement, (2) social class has implications for parenting philosophy, and (3) parents’ philosophies are consequential for children's academic achievement. Methods Using data from the Child Development Supplement (N = 1,041) to the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, we sort parents into two categories—those whose parenting repertoires for addressing poor achievement include punitive responses and those whose repertoires do not. We then determine whether racial differences exist between these categories and how various responses within the aforementioned categories are related to students’ academic achievement. Results The findings show that white and black parents have markedly different philosophies on how to respond to inadequate performance, and these differences appear to impact children's achievement in dramatically different ways. Conclusion Educators and policymakers should pay particular attention to how parents respond to inadequate achievement as imploring parents of inadequately performing students to be more involved without providing them with some guidance might exacerbate the problem.

  February 22, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12007   open full text
• Long‐Term Trends in Relative Earnings Mobility.
  Bradley R. Schiller, Sankar Mukhopadhyay.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 22, 2013
  Objectives The extent of individual mobility across hierarchical ranks of the income distribution is a critical factor in interpreting the sociopolitical significance of well‐documented increases in cross‐sectional inequality. The objective of this study is to replicate two earlier investigations of mobility, allowing one to discern trends in mobility rates and patterns. Methods Mobility was measured using data from NLSY79 (where NLSY is National Longitudinal Survey of Youth) for the years 1989–2004. Results Results show that hierarchical (relative) mobility has remained substantial and pervasive from the 1970s through the 1990s for male workers, with no evidence of any attenuation. In view of the increased distance between (absolute) income ranks, this observation is both surprising and reassuring. Conclusion Despite substantial increase in cross‐sectional inequality, long‐term mobility rates have not changed since the 1960s.

  February 22, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12008   open full text
• Assessing the Impact of Indian Gaming on American Indian Nations: Is the House Winning?
  Thaddieus W. Conner, William A. Taggart.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 22, 2013
  ObjectiveThe objective of this article is to examine the impact of Indian gaming on reservation conditions in the contiguous American states following passage of the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act in 1988. MethodsUtilizing 1990 and 2000 Census data for 330 Indian nations, a pretest/posttest design permits a comparison of nongaming nations to three different types of gaming nations on eight economic measures, while controlling for multiple tribal characteristics and considering the effects of certain state contextual factors confronting nations due to location. ResultsThe analysis reveals (1) that the overall impact of gaming, while generally positive, is not as extensive after controlling for certain tribal features, (2) that there are differential effects evident across the three types of gaming nations, and (3) that the state context makes a difference in influencing the relationship between gaming and reservation conditions. The most substantial impacts are for a small subset of nations with Class III gaming and making per capita payments to their members in larger, wealthier states prohibiting non‐Indian casinos. ConclusionThese results challenge some of the core assumptions about Indian gaming radically changing the poor economic conditions endemic to Indian country.

  February 22, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12009   open full text
• Twenty‐First‐Century Trends in Black Migration to the U.S. South: Demographic and Subjective Predictors.
  Matthew O. Hunt, Larry L. Hunt, William W. Falk.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 22, 2013
  Objective We examine (1) whether black migration trends from the final few decades of the 20th century continued during the first decade of the 21st century, (2) whether the black southern migration stream continues to be demographically distinctive, and (3) whether incorporating subjective/motivational factors into our models advances our understanding of race and interregional migration. Methods Using data from the 2000 to 2010 Current Population Surveys, we employ descriptive and inferential statistics to (1) map recent patterns of interregional migration in the United States by race and (2) estimate the effects of race, other sociodemographics, and subjective/motivational factors on people's propensity to migrate to the United States South. Results We find that the rate of black migration to the South continues to exceed that of whites, and that black migrants differ from their white counterparts both demographically and motivationally. We also observe selected gender differences within the black southern migration stream. Conclusions Our results underscore the need for more research on race, gender, and interregional migration in the United States. We suggest directions for such work, with particular focus on possibilities for further inquiry when 2010 census materials become more widely available.

  February 22, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12012   open full text
• Citizen Control: Race at the Welfare Office.
  Rose Ernst, Linda Nguyen, Kamilah C. Taylor.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 22, 2013
  Objectives Individual relationships to the state are shaped through encounters with a variety of institutions. Little scholarly attention has been devoted to how citizenship is shaped through everyday interactions with the social service arm of the state through local “welfare” offices. In Washington State, one‐third of all residents are served by the state's primary social service agency. Does this state agency send different messages about citizenship to individuals according to race? We examine this question through encounters of individuals with front‐line welfare office staff. Methods Using a systematic audit method, we collected data from 54 Community Service Offices in Washington State to explore messages sent to individuals. Results We find consistent relationships between race and the quantity of information received and the quality of the interaction with the representatives of the state. Conclusions Our findings provide evidence that the state reinforces notions of both belonging and marginalization through patterns of racialized encounters with the state.

  February 22, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12013   open full text
• Values, Beliefs, Attitudes: An Empirical Study on the Structure of Environmental Concern and Recycling Participation.
  Henning Best, Jochen Mayerl.
  Social Science Quarterly. February 22, 2013
  ObjectivesEmpirical studies on environmental behavior have been using a multitude of different operationalizations of environmental concern, which complicates cumulative research. In this article, we empirically explore the dimensionality of four environmental scales of different specificity, their interrelatedness, and their partial contribution to the explanation of recycling behavior. To facilitate the comparison of different studies, we integrate the scales into a hierarchical model. MethodsIn a German mail survey (n = 1,330), we queried participation in household waste recycling, Inglehart's postmaterialism scale, the new environmental paradigm scale, and a general and specific attitude scale. Using traditional path analysis and latent structural equation modeling, we test the hierarchical structure of environmental values, beliefs, and attitudes and their contribution to explaining recycling behavior. ResultsWe find direct effects of specific attitudes on behavior, but no direct effects of higher‐level cognitions. Rather, values and primitive beliefs influence general attitudes, which in turn determine specific attitudes. The empirical analyses confirm the proposed hierarchical structure. ConclusionsOur research reaffirms Ajzen and Fishbein's postulate of correspondence. Comparison of different studies is only meaningful when the hierarchical position of the respective scales is taken into account properly. To facilitate cumulative research, we propose to use standardized general scales such as the NEP in addition to more specific operationalizations.

  February 22, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12010   open full text
• Being Prepared and Staying Connected: Scouting's Influence on Social Capital and Community Involvement.
  Edward C. Polson, Young‐Il Kim, Sung Joon Jang, Byron R. Johnson, Buster Smith.
  Social Science Quarterly. January 11, 2013
  Objectives In recent years, scholars have become concerned about the effects that declining levels of social capital are having on community life in the United States. Data suggest that Americans are less likely to interact with neighbors and less likely to participate in community groups than they were in the past. Nevertheless, researchers have found that participation in some types of organizations has a positive impact on social capital and civic involvement. Each year, millions of American youth participate in programs designed to promote positive youth development. Here, we examine the effect that participation in one of the largest youth organizations, the Boy Scouts of America (BSA), has on adult social capital and community involvement. Methods Utilizing a national survey of adult males, we compare measures of social capital and community involvement for former Scouts and non‐Scouts. Results Our findings suggest that level of involvement in the Boy Scouts is significantly related to measures of adult social capital and community engagement. Conclusion Scouting tends to have a significant impact on the lives of its most committed members. Future research must continue to explore the long‐term effects of participation in youth organizations.

  January 11, 2013   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12002   open full text
• Issue Voting and Immigration: Do Restrictionist Policies Cost Congressional Republicans Votes?
  George Hawley.
  Social Science Quarterly. December 20, 2012
  Objective I test the hypothesis that Latino voters were less likely to support Republican incumbents with strong anti‐immigration records in the 2006 congressional elections in comparison to Republicans with less restrictive records. I also test whether non‐Hispanic white voters were similarly sensitive to incumbent immigration records when determining vote choice. Method To examine these questions, I created hierarchical models in which incumbent immigration records, individual views on immigration, and an interaction between the two were used to predict vote choice in the 2006 midterm elections. Individual‐level data were provided by the 2006 Cooperative Congressional Election Study and incumbent immigration records were provided by NumbersUSA. Results This analysis found little or no evidence suggesting that Latino voters are less likely to support Republican incumbents with anti‐immigration records. There was evidence suggesting that vote choice among non‐Hispanic whites was influenced by incumbent records on immigration, but the effect varied according to the respondent's own views on immigration. Conclusion This study found no evidence that incumbent Republicans could increase their share of the Latino vote by embracing less restrictive immigration policies. In fact, doing so may cost them votes among non‐Hispanic whites.

  December 20, 2012   doi: 10.1111/ssqu.12000   open full text
• Civic Education and Democratic Capacity: How Do Teachers Teach and What Works?
  Allison M. Martens, Jason Gainous.
  Social Science Quarterly. December 05, 2012
  Objectives In recent years, political scientists have found that civic education improves the democratic capacity of students, yet little research has been done to date on how and why civic education works when it does. In this study, we go inside the classroom to explore how teachers teach civics to find out what works best at preparing young people for responsible, democratic citizenship. Methods Using a survey of American students, principals, and teachers, we examine the varied instructional methods being employed by social studies teachers in ninth‐grade classrooms across the country to determine which methods and which combinations of methods do the best job of enhancing students’ democratic capacity defined as their political knowledge, political efficacy, and intent to vote. Results Our results suggest that there are four broad teaching approaches employed by social studies teachers: traditional teaching, active learning, video teaching, and maintenance of an open classroom climate. Teachers may employ some combination of these approaches. The analysis indicates that approaches that foster an open classroom climate (encouraging student input) in combination with the others tend to be the most fruitful across the board. While any combination including an open classroom climate maximizes benefit, traditional teaching (i.e., use of methods including textbook reading, worksheets, memorization, and so forth) combined with an open classroom climate seems to do the best. Also, the results suggest that the combinations that work best for stimulating internal efficacy vary greatly from those stimulating the other citizenship outcomes. Conclusions Taken together, our results suggest that fostering an open classroom climate when teaching civics is the surest way to improve the democratic capacity of America's youth. Further, teachers should be attentive to the instructional tradeoffs necessary to creating student capacities for both active and informed citizenship.

  December 05, 2012   doi: 10.1111/j.1540-6237.2012.00864.x   open full text
• Selecting the Select Few: The Discuss List and the U.S. Supreme Court's Agenda‐Setting Process.
  Ryan C. Black, Christina L. Boyd.
  Social Science Quarterly. December 05, 2012
  Objective We investigate whether informational cues differentially affect a petition for review at each stage of the U.S. Supreme Court's agenda‐setting process. We specifically test how the cost of identifying a cue and the degree of information provided within it affect the cue's impact. Methods We use a random sample of archival data obtained from the private papers of Justice Harry A. Blackmun to jointly analyze the Court's discuss list and final outcome decisions. Results Confirming our expectations, we find that both positive cues and negative cues play different roles across the two stages of the Court's agenda‐setting process. Conclusions These findings are noteworthy since they suggest that the impact of some commonly studied case attributes differs between when a case is selected for the initial level of review versus when it is added to the Court's plenary docket.

  December 05, 2012   doi: 10.1111/j.1540-6237.2012.00933.x   open full text
• Latino School Concentration and Academic Performance among Latino Children.
  Jennifer C. Lee, Joshua Klugman.
  Social Science Quarterly. December 05, 2012
  Objective To examine the effects of the concentration of Latino students in elementary schools on Latino first graders’ test scores, and to determine if the effects vary by children's nativity status. Methods We use generalized estimating equations (GEE) on a sample of Latino first graders from the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study‐Kindergarten Class of 1998 (ECLS‐K). Results For math and reading, Latino concentration in schools improves students’ first grade test scores for Latino children of immigrants, but it has no effect for Latino children of U.S.‐born parents. For general knowledge test scores, Latino concentration has no effect for children of immigrants and has a deleterious impact on the scores of children of U.S.‐born parents. We also show no effect of Latino concentration on the scores of white children of U.S.‐born parents. Conclusions The results suggest that Latino concentration in elementary schools promotes educational outcomes for children from Latino immigrant families, but Latino families headed by U.S.‐born parents do not benefit from coethnic concentration, which is in accordance with expectations derived from assimilation theories.

  December 05, 2012   doi: 10.1111/j.1540-6237.2012.00935.x   open full text
• What is Important? The Impact of Interpersonal Political Discussion on Public Agendas.
  Bas W. Doorn.
  Social Science Quarterly. December 05, 2012
  Objective This article investigates the role of discussion networks in agenda‐setting. More specifically, the focus is on the question whether the partisan composition of people's discussion networks affects what they judge to be the most important problems facing the country. Method Using data from the 2000 American National Election Studies (ANES), I employ logistic regression analysis. Results The findings suggest that discussion networks indeed play a significant role in setting the public agenda, even taking into consideration people's media use and several other potentially relevant variables. Conclusion While prior research has already linked political discussion to participation and vote choice, this study provides evidence that it also affects what issues people prioritize.

  December 05, 2012   doi: 10.1111/j.1540-6237.2012.00936.x   open full text
• The Nature and Bases of Environmental Concern among Chinese Citizens.
  Chenyang Xiao, Riley E. Dunlap, Dayong Hong.
  Social Science Quarterly. December 05, 2012
  Objectives Despite growing efforts to assess the views of Chinese citizens toward environmental issues, a crucial question remains unanswered: Do Chinese have a coherent system of environmental attitudes and beliefs as has been found among North Americans, making it appropriate to speak of “environmental concern” or “environmental consciousness” in China? To answer this question we use the belief system perspective and examine the degree of constraint among various environmental attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors reported by Chinese citizens, and also examine the social bases of their environmental concern. Methods We use data from a 2003 nation‐wide survey in China and confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) to test a relatively comprehensive model of environmental concern. Then we construct a structural equation model (SEM) to examine the social bases of such concern. Results The CFA results suggest that Chinese citizens have a reasonably coherent sense of generalized environmental concern, and the SEM results show that the higher educated, males, government employees, residents of large cities, and those affiliated with the Chinese Communist Party are more environmentally concerned than their counterparts. Conclusion The general public in China possesses a relatively coherent environmental belief system, similar to that found among North Americans, and education is a powerful predictor of environmental concern among the Chinese.

  December 05, 2012   doi: 10.1111/j.1540-6237.2012.00934.x   open full text
• Religiosity and Social Network Diversity: Decomposing the “Divided by Faith” Theoretical Framework.
  Jeremy R. Porter, Michael O. Emerson.
  Social Science Quarterly. October 26, 2012
  Objectives Our objective is to extend previous structural explanations of religious belonging and denominational variations concerning “closed communities” and the “divided by faith” thesis to the individual level by testing the effect of religious affiliation and church membership on levels of self‐reported social network diversity among a nationally representative sample. Methods Survey data from the Panel Study—American Religion and Ethnicity (PS‐ARE) were used to examine individual‐level variations in social network diversity. A multifaceted measure of diversity was decomposed to examine racial, gender, educational, and occupational variations in network diversity using a series of hierarchical linear models. Results Our results show that while previous structural explanations suggest that religious belonging is likely to lower the diversity of one's close social network at the individual level, the current findings indicate a positive relationship between religious membership and the diversity of one's close friendship network above and beyond the effects of denominational affiliation. Conclusions The results of the decomposition component analyses along with the hierarchical linear modeling (HLM) strategy highlight the relatively distinct role of race in understanding the differing dynamics associated with the many indicators of diversity and religious belonging.

  October 26, 2012   doi: 10.1111/j.1540-6237.2012.00926.x   open full text
• Understanding the Effects of Corruption and Political Trust on Willingness to Make Economic Sacrifices for Environmental Protection in a Cross‐National Perspective.
  Niklas Harring.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 19, 2012
  Objective This study investigates, from a cross‐national perspective, the determinants of public willingness to make economic sacrifices for environmental protection. Departing from the argument that corrupt institutions diminish the potential for social cooperation, it argues that earlier studies fail to stress the effect of corruption and political trust on people's attitudes. Methods A multilevel regression analysis is performed using data from the International Social Survey Programme. Results The study shows that the willingness to make economic sacrifices for environmental protection is affected by individual political trust while it is hard to actually disentangle any contextual effects of corruption from other contextual effects. Conclusion Acknowledging the effects of political trust and corruption improves the discussion on country differences in willingness to make economic sacrifices for environmental protection.

  September 19, 2012   doi: 10.1111/j.1540-6237.2012.00904.x   open full text
• Acquiescence and the Willingness to Pay for Environmental Protection: A Comparison of the ISSP, WVS, and EVS*.
  Axel Franzen, Dominikus Vogl.
  Social Science Quarterly. September 19, 2012
  Objectives This study examines the effect of countries’ wealth on individuals’ willingness to pay for environmental protection. Former studies using the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) report a positive effect, while studies using the World Values Survey (WVS) or the European Values Study (EVS) find the opposite. In this article, we explain and reconcile these opposing findings. Methods First, we analyze the three data sets (ISSP, WVS, and EVS) separately by applying multilevel analyses and replicate the different findings. Second, we take respondents’ acquiescence into account and demonstrate that wealth has a positive effect on the willingness to pay in the combined data set. Results Respondents in poorer nations in Asia and Eastern Europe have higher levels of acquiescence than respondents in richer Western nations. This difference conceals the wealth effect of studies analyzing the WVS or EVS. If acquiescence is properly taken into account, the wealth effect is confirmed. Conclusion Theory predicts that wealth and the willingness to protect the environment should be positively associated. This wealth effect is confirmed by our analyses of the ISSP, WVS, and EVS.

  September 19, 2012   doi: 10.1111/j.1540-6237.2012.00903.x   open full text
• Legislatures, Leaders, and Leviathans: How Constitutional Institutions Affect the Size of Government Spending.
  Beatriz Maldonado.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 27, 2012
  Objectives Research has shown that government spending can affect GDP growth rates, yet there is no comprehensive study that looks at how a country's choice of political institutions affects government spending. This article focuses on how the choice of regime type (presidential, parliamentary, or mixed), legislative chamber structure (bicameral or unicameral), legislative chamber size, and electoral rules affect the level of government spending. Methods The methodology used is pooled ordinary least squares for an unbalanced panel of 92 democracies between 1975 and 2007. Results The results show that the relationship between legislative chamber size and government spending is linear in unicameral countries but nonlinear in bicameral countries, plurality electoral rule is always associated with less spending than any other type of electoral rule, and unicameral and bicameral countries should not be modeled together. Conclusions While countries that have long‐standing political institutions are less likely to change the characteristics of those political institutions in order to change the level of government spending, the results of this article suggest that countries that are establishing new political institutions (e.g., South Sudan and Libya) stand to benefit from knowing what types of institutions are conducive for growth.

  August 27, 2012   doi: 10.1111/j.1540-6237.2012.00895.x   open full text
• Campaign Spending and Voter Participation in State Legislative Elections.
  Robert E. Hogan.
  Social Science Quarterly. August 27, 2012
  Objective Previous studies demonstrate that campaigns play an important role in mobilizing citizen participation in elections. The present analysis examines the effects of campaign spending on voter turnout in the state legislative setting where our knowledge of campaign effects is quite limited. Method In an examination of state legislative elections across 20 states over two election cycles, the analysis considers the influence of candidate spending on voter turnout. Results The findings demonstrate that campaign spending has a strong influence on voter participation; however, this effect is mitigated by contextual features. Legislative professionalism reduces the influence of spending, while the presence of a high‐stimulus statewide election enhances it. In addition, challenger spending is more effective at stimulating participation than incumbent spending. Conclusions Higher levels of campaign spending increase voter participation in state legislative elections; however, these effects vary according to context. These findings have important implications for theories of participation in American democracy as well for normative issues concerning the role of money in elections.

  August 27, 2012   doi: 10.1111/j.1540-6237.2012.00897.x   open full text
• Sidelined or Mainstreamed? Political Participation and Attitudes of People with Disabilities in the United States.
  Lisa Schur, Meera Adya.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 18, 2012
  Objective We examine whether people with disabilities are part of the political mainstream, or remain outsiders in important respects, by studying political participation and the underexplored topic of how disability relates to attitudes toward politics. Method We analyze new disability measures on the 2008 and 2010 Current Population Surveys voting supplements, and two other nationally representative surveys for 2006 and 2007. Results Citizens with disabilities remain less likely than nondisabled citizens to vote. While there are few differences in political preferences and party affiliations, people with disabilities tend to favor a greater government role in employment and healthcare, and give lower ratings on government responsiveness and trustworthiness. Conclusion People with disabilities continue to be sidelined in important ways. Fully closing the disability gap would have led to 3.0 million more voters in 2008 and 3.2 million more voters in 2010, potentially affecting many races and subsequent public policies.

  July 18, 2012   doi: 10.1111/j.1540-6237.2012.00885.x   open full text
• Disruptions in Task Groups.
  Jane Sell, J. David Knottnerus, Christina Adcock‐Azbill.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 18, 2012
  Objective This research addresses the effect of interruptions on task groups; interactions and individual group members’ feelings about the task and the group itself. The interruptions that we consider are not generated from within the group, but have their source outside the group. Emphasizing the theories of structural ritualization, relational cohesion, and productive exchange, we predict that interruptions that have positive, negative, or neutral effects on the group all cause problems with the resolution of routine. Methods We design and conduct a four‐condition experiment to test our predictions. Results There was more stability in group procedures when there was no interruption than when there was any kind of interruption. There were no differences in efficiency or activities between positive and negative interruptions. However, there were more agreements in positive interruption groups than in negative interruption groups. Additionally, group members’ perceptions varied by the type of interruption: those in positively interrupted groups reported higher levels of competence and feelings of success. Conclusions We find that interruption, in and of itself, creates problems with resumption of group processes. Whether the interruption is positive or negative, however, does create interaction differences and differences in group members’ perceptions and affect related to the group and each other.

  July 18, 2012   doi: 10.1111/j.1540-6237.2012.00879.x   open full text
• Partisanship, Christianity, and Women in the Legislature: Determinants of Parental Leave Policy in U.S. States*.
  Sarah Williamson, Matthew Carnes.
  Social Science Quarterly. July 03, 2012
  ObjectiveAlthough the United States 1993 Family and Medical Leave Act is considered meager by international standards, significant variation in family leave policies exists across U.S. states. This article develops a political theory—driven by mobilized interest groups—to explain variation in the duration and pay level of state parental leave policies.MethodsEmploying four different measures of family leave policy, we use ordinary least squares and logit models to test the effects of partisanship, women in the legislature, and evangelical populations on parental leave outcomes.ResultsWe find that states with a pattern of Democratic Party controlled legislatures and high percentages of legislative seats occupied by women see more generous parental leave protections, while states with large populations of evangelical Christians see less generous policies.ConclusionFamily leave policies are the product of a battle between competing visions of the family and the state, shaped by partisanship, gender, and religion.

  July 03, 2012   doi: 10.1111/j.1540-6237.2012.00882.x   open full text
• Minority Policies and Political Participation Among Latinos: Exploring Latinos’ Response to Substantive Representation*.
  Hoi Ok Jeong.
  Social Science Quarterly. June 28, 2012
  Objectives This study examines the impact of substantive representation—measured by pro‐minority policies enacted in the United States—on political participation among Latinos. Methods To deal with the reverse causality that might flow from political participation to substantive representation, this study employs instrument variable regression analysis. Results The results of the analysis show that Latinos in states with many pro‐minority policies are more likely to take part in politics. Conclusions The previous studies on empowerment have mainly focused on descriptive representation as the source of empowerment, ignoring another dimension of minority representation—substantive representation. This study attempts to add to this literature by considering the effect of substantive representation on empowerment. The results indicate that Latinos respond to substantive representation in a positive way.

  June 28, 2012   doi: 10.1111/j.1540-6237.2012.00883.x   open full text
• Is Environmental Justice Good for White Folks? Industrial Air Toxics Exposure in Urban America.
  Michael Ash, James K. Boyce, Grace Chang, Helen Scharber.
  Social Science Quarterly. June 22, 2012
  Objectives The study examines spatial variation in exposure to toxic air pollution from industrial facilities in urban areas of the United States in relation to the local distribution of the pollution burden. Methods We conducted between‐ and within‐city analysis of geographic microdata from the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency's Risk‐Screening Environmental Indicators project and data from the 2000 U.S. Census. Results Average exposure in an urban area is positively correlated with the extent of racial and ethnic disparity in the distribution of the exposure burden. Average exposures also tend to be higher for all population subgroups, including whites, in urban areas with higher minority pollution‐exposure discrepancies. Conclusions The correlations could arise from causal linkages in either or both directions: the ability to displace pollution onto minorities may lower the effective cost of pollution for industrial firms; and higher average pollution burdens may induce whites to invest more political capital in efforts to influence firms’ siting decisions. The analysis suggests that improvement in environmental justice could benefit not only minorities but also whites.

  June 22, 2012   doi: 10.1111/j.1540-6237.2012.00874.x   open full text
• Minority Group Size, Unemployment, and the Extreme Right Vote: The Crucial Case of Latvia.
  Stephen Bloom.
  Social Science Quarterly. June 22, 2012
  Objectives I test the importance of demographic and economic contextual variables for the success of extreme right parties. Methods I employ subnational data from the crucial case of Latvia to capture the effects of minority group size and economic change on the extreme right vote. Ethnic Latvians constitute a bare majority of the Latvian population and GDP dropped by 18 percent in 2009. Results I find that localities with high or rising unemployment were less likely to support extreme right parties. The dampening effect of unemployment on the extreme right was greater in localities with large minority populations. Conclusions These counterintuitive findings raise questions about the logic and generalizability of existing explanations of extreme right voting. The study of the extreme right is hampered not only by ill‐suited measures of group size and economic conditions, but also by overarching theories that predict group‐based outcomes.

  June 22, 2012   doi: 10.1111/j.1540-6237.2012.00877.x   open full text
• The Effect of the Top Two Primary on the Number of Primary Candidates.
  John H. Beck, Kevin E. Henrickson.
  Social Science Quarterly. June 22, 2012
  Objectives Washington State held its first “top two primary” in 2008. Under this system, the two candidates receiving the most votes move on to the general election, regardless of party affiliation. This study empirically examines the potential incentive under this top two primary system for each political party to discourage “excess” party candidates from entering primary contests. Methods We examine this possibility by looking at the Washington State Legislative Primaries in 2004, 2006, 2008, and 2010. With these data, we estimate the factors impacting the number of primary candidates in a race for each political party, including the change in the primary format in 2008. Results Our results indicate that the switch to the top two primary reduced the likelihood of having multiple Democratic candidates in a race, reduced the number of “excess” Democratic candidates, but did not have a significant impact on Republican candidates. Conclusion With many states revising their primary systems, an understanding of the incentives present under alternative systems is critical. As such, the results presented in this study provide evidence that the top two primary gives the political parties an incentive to discourage excess primary candidates.

  June 22, 2012   doi: 10.1111/j.1540-6237.2012.00876.x   open full text
• Is Measuring Interracial Contact Enough? Racial Concentration, Racial Balance, and Perceptions of Prejudice among Black Americans.
  Yasmiyn Irizarry.
  Social Science Quarterly. June 07, 2012
  Objectives Contact theory posits that interracial contact can reduce racial prejudice and perceptions of prejudice. This relationship typically has been looked at from the perspective of whites’ views regarding race and racial relations, but few studies have examined the implications of interracial contact for blacks’ perceptions regarding the extent of prejudice and discrimination. Methods With data from the National Survey of Black Workers, I examine whether opportunities for contact in settings with varying racial concentrations in youth and adulthood are associated with blacks’ perceptions of prejudice. I use racial concentration—measured here as mostly black settings, half‐black (racially balanced) settings, and mostly white settings (compared to all‐black settings)—as an indicator of opportunities for interracial contact. Results Multivariate analyses offer some evidence of the benefits of opportunities for contact in mixed‐race and mostly white settings for blacks’ perceptions of prejudice. Conclusion Although having opportunities for contact can be beneficial, this evidence is limited to noncompetitive childhood environments, namely residential neighborhoods. Findings highlight the important of accounting for the racial balance of settings where interracial contact takes place.

  June 07, 2012   doi: 10.1111/j.1540-6237.2012.00870.x   open full text